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Memorial  coition 
COMPLETE   LIFE   OF 

William  McKinley 

AND 

Story  of  His  Assassination 

AN   AUTHENTIC  AND   OFFICIAL   MEMORIAL   EDITION,  CONTAINING 

EVERY  INCIDENT  IN  THE  CAREER  OF  THE  IMMORTAL 

STATESMAN,  SOLDIER,  ORATOR  AND  PATRIOT 

BY 

MARSHALL   EVERETT 

The  Great  Descriptive  Writer  and  Friend  of  the  Martyr  President 


PROFUSELY  ILLUSTRATED  WITH  FULL-PAGE 
PHOTOGRAPHS  OF 

THE  ASSASSINATION  SCENE 

Portraits  of  President  McKinley,    His  Cabinet,    Famous    Men  of  His 

Adminstration  and  Vivid  Life-Like  Pictures  of  Eventful 

Scenes  in  His  Great  and  Grand  Career 


Copyright  1901  by  Marshall  Event* 


OUR  MARTYR    PRESIDENTS. 


PREFACE. 


No  figure  of  modern  American  history  appeals  so  strongly  to  the  patriot- 
ism and  love  of  the  American  people  as  William  McKinley,  and  no  volume 
can  have  greater  interest  and  value  at  the  present  day,  or  be  more  dearly 
prized,  than  a  history  of  his  life  in  which  every  event  of  his  great  career  as  a 
noble  youth,  a  gallant  soldier,  an  able  lawyer,  a  brilliant  orator,  a  grand 
statesman,  a  brave  patriot  and  an  heroic  martyr  is  set  forth  accurately,  and 
in  a  spirit  of  love  and  reverence. 

The  author  of  this  memorial  edition  has  produced  exactly  the  volume 
described. 

In  graphic  words  he  has  described  the  assassination  of  President  Mc- 
Kinley. It  is  a  word  picture  that  will  linger  forever  in  the  memory  of  every 
reader,  calling  forth  sympathy  and  patriotism  on  behalf  of  the  martyr  Presi- 
dent and  undying  contempt  and  horror  of  the  assassin  and  the  foul  and 
cowardly  thing  called  anarchy.  Every  detail  of  that  now  historic  scene  is 
told  so  vividly  that  the  reader  sees  it  as  if  he  were  an  eye-witness. 

McKinley's  gallant  fight  for  life,  his  cheerfulness,  his  patience,  his  tender 
solicitude  for  his  invalid  wife,  his  trust  in  God  and  all  the  beautiful  attributes 
of  his  grand  Christian  spirit  are  recorded  with  fidelity  to  truth  and  a  just 
appreciation  of  the  nobility  of  such  a  grand  character. 

Nothing  in  history  is  more  touching  and  beautiful  than  the  author's  de- 
scription of  the  death-bed  scene  of  President  McKinley — the  tender  parting 
of  devoted  husband  and  loving,  clinging  wife,  and  the  noble  resignation  of 
the  dying  man  to  the  will  of  the  Creator  as  expressed  in  the  last  words  he 
uttered,  addressed  to  his  sorrowing  wife:  "God's  will,  not  ours,  be  done!" 

Another  chapter  describes  the  efforts  of  surgical  and  medical  science  to 
save  and  prolong  the  life  so  dear  to  the  nation. 

With  the  closing  of  the  last  chapters  of  that  fearful  scene  at  Buffalo,  the 
painless  death  and  the  national  funeral  services,  the  author  takes  up  the  boy- 
hood life  of  William  McKinley  and  follows  it  step  by  step,  up,  up  and  ever 
upward  to  the  very  summit  of  his  greatness  when  he  fell  a  martyr  to  liberty 
and  lawful  government. 

His  early  Christian  training  by  his  noble  mother — "Mother  McKinley" 

a 


92SS10 


4  PREFACE. 

as  the  whole  nation  learned  to  call  her — who  lived  to  see  her  boy  in  the  White 
House,  and  all  the  events  which  went  to  shape  his  character  are  depicted 
with  interest. 

Next  in  order  is  his  career  as  a  soldier  in  the  Civil  War — in  which  the 
author  gives  every  thrilling  incident  and  exciting  experience  in  which 
William  McKinley  figured  during  that  great  struggle.  Later,  it  is  told  how 
in  after  years  he  did  so  much  to  reunite  the  sections  of  his  country  and  wipe 
out  all  bitter  memory  of  that  war  between  brothers. 

As  a  congressman,  governor  and  President,  nothing  is  omitted  in  this 
history  that  is  a  .part  of  the  life  of  this  great  American  statesman.  The  his- 
tory of  his  campaigns  and  administrations  is  given  in  full,  together  with  his 
management  of  the  Spanish  war,  the  policy  of  expansion,  the  growth  of 
national  commerce  and  all  the  other  great  achievements  and  policies  that 
were  a  part  of  his  life  work. 

In  other  words,  this  volume  is  exactly  what  it  purports  to  be,  a  COM- 
PLETE life  of  William  McKinley. 

The  beautiful  illustrations  in  this  volume  have  been  made  from  actual 
photographs,  and  reproduced  by  the  well-known  half-tone  process.  There 
are  hundreds  of  scenes  of  interest  in  the  life,  death  and  funeral  of  President 
McKinley.  The  pictures  of  the  assassination,  the  death-bed  scene  and  the 
places  and  people  of  the  great  tragedy  are  true  to  life  in  every  particular  and 
have  an  historic  interest  and  value  for  every  American  citizen. 

This  volume  is  in  every  respect  truly  a  memorial  edition  of  the  Complete 
Life  of  William  McKinley,  whose  memory  will  ever  remain  in  the  minds  of 
loyal  Americans  inseparably  associated  with  his  two  fellow  martyr-Presi- 
dents, Lincoln  and  Garfield,  and  the  record  of  whose  patriotic  and  noble  life 
is  contained  herein. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 
THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY. 

A  graphic  and  vivid  description  of  the  Shooting  of  the  President  by  Leon  Czolgosz, 
an  Anarchist,  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition,  Buffalo — Two  shots  fired  from  a 
derringer  concealed  by  the  assassin  under  a  handkerchief  which  looked  like  a 
bandage — Different  accounts  by  eye-witnesses — Assassin  seized  by  James  F.  Parker, 
a  colored  man — Saved  from  the  mob  by  the  President's  words,  "Let  no  one  hurt 
him" — Scenes  among  the  horror-stricken  crowds  in  the  Temple  of  Music — The 
President  taken  on  a  gallop  to  the  Emergency  Hospital — Description  of  his 
wounds — How  the  great  man  bore  the  ordeal 33 

CHAPTER  II. 
PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S   FIGHT   FOR   LIFE. 

The  fateful  week  at  the  house  of  President  Milburn  of  the  Exposition  where  President 
McKinley  lay  wounded — His  coolness,  bravery  and  cheerfulness — Physicians  and 
country  hopeful — President  shows  signs  of  recovery — How  he  was  nourished — 
Scenes  in  the  President's  apartment — His  sudden  relapse — Hopes  of  the  nation 
dashed  by  the  news 41 

CHAPTER  III. 
DEATHBED   SCENE   OF  PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

Friends  and  officials  called  back — President  regains  consciousness  after  first  relapse — 
Pathetic  parting  between  the  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley — The  farewell  Kiss — 
"God's  will,  not  ours,  be  done,"  his  last  words  to  her— "Nearer  My  God  to  Thee" 
Dr.  Rixey  remains  to  the  end — Unconscious  for  hours  before  dissolution — A 
Christian  deathbed  scene  that  will  remain  forever,  a  beautiful  and  inspiring 
memory 57 

CHAPTER  IV. 
THE   STORY   OF   THE  ASSASSIN. 

Description  of  Czolgosz  the  assassin — A  Pole  by  birth — Boasted  that  he  was  an 
Anarchist  and  believed  in  killing  the  rulers  of  all  nations — Became  an  Anarchist 
under  the  teachings  of  Emma  Goldman — How  and  why  he  went  to  Buffalo— 
Followed  the  President  for  three  days  seeking  an  opportunity  to  kill  him — A 
monstrous  confession — His  father  and  mother  found  in  Cleveland — Poor  and 
ignorant,  but  nothing  known  against  them — People  who  knew  the  assassin  tell  of 

his  belonging  to  Anarchist  clubs  and  always  preaching  Anarchy 65 

5 


6  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  V. 
EMMA  GOLDMAN,  WOMAN  LEADER  OF  ANARCHISTS. 

Description  of  the  woman  from  whom  the  assassin  learned  the  teachings  of  Anarchy 
— Text  of  Emma  Goldman's  speech  which  Czolgosz  says  inflamed  him  to  commit 
assassination — Emma  Goldman's  career  as  an  Anarchist  in  New  York  and  Europe 
— Her  arrest  in  Chicago — Arrest  of  the  "Free  Society"  branch  of  Anarchists  in 
Chicago 76 

CHAPTER  VI. 
ANARCHISM   AND    ITS    OBJECTS. 

Definition  of  anarchy — No  two  Anarchists  agree — Some  of  the  leaders  who  have  talked, 
written  and  acted  anarchy  in  this  country  and  in  Europe — A  hellish  doctrine  that 
has  caused  many  of  the  world's  greatest  men  to  fall  by  the  hands  of  assassins — 
Complete  history  of  anarchy  from  Proudhon  to  the  present  day — Review  of  anar- 
chistic agitation  and  murder — Story  of  the  Haymarket  assassinations  in  Chicago..  89 

CHAPTER  VII. 
SCENES   AT   BUFFALO    FOLLOWING   THE  ASSASSINATION. 

Wild  anger  of  the  people  at  the  appalling  crime — How  the  assassin  was  guarded  against 
the  popular  wrath — Grief  and  anger  mingled — The  location  of  the  Milburn  house — 
The  President's  clothes — What  he  had  in  his  pockets — Senator  Hanna's  remarkable 
dream  of  warning— The  devotion  of  Private  Secretary  Cortelyou 99 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
DAYS  OF  ANXIETY  AND   SORROW. 

How  the  American  people  watched  and  waited,  hoped  and  prayed  while  the  President 
lay  ill — All  the  civilized  world  shared  in  the  sorrow  and  anxiety — World-wide  grief 
at  the  President's  death — Rulers  of  the  world  eulogize  the  dead  President — Their 
messages  of  sympathy 107 

CHAPTER   IX. 
PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S   LAST  SPEECH. 

Greatest  speech  ever  made  by  the  President  delivered  on  the  day  before  the  assassina- 
tion— World-wide  in  its  influence  and  uniting  the  American  people  in  praise  of  his 
wise  statesmanship — Great  honors  shown  the  nation's  chief  on  the  day  before  his 
assassination — Events  of  a  day  to  be  memorable  in  American  history 115 

CHAPTER   X. 
WILLIAM    McKINLEY'S   BOYHOOD. 

His  Scotch-Irish  ancestry — His  sturdy  sire,  William  McKinley,  Sr. — The  Christian  in- 
fluence of  Mother  McKinley,  who  lived  to  see  her  boy  in  the  White  House — Early 
occupations  of  the  future  President — Supporter  of  Fremont  and  Lincoln — Early 
days  at  Niles  and  Poland,  Ohio..., 123 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  7 

CHAPTER  XI. 
McKINLEY  AS   A   SOLDIER  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

Enlisted  as  a  private  and  won  a  commission  by  gallant  and  heroic  conduct — Under  fire 
at  Antietam  and  other  historic  battles — Promoted  by  General,  afterwards  President, 
Hayes — Brave  and  modest — Stories  of  his  experiences  in  battle 129 

CHAPTER   XII. 
McKINLEY    IN    CONGRESS. 

Elected  in  the  Centennial  year — Soon  gave  evidence  of  legislative  ability — Chairman  of 
the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  and  leader  of  his  party  in  the  Lower  House  of 
Congress — Fourteen  years  of  memorable  work — Some  of  his  memorable  speeches 
and  debates — How  his  district  was  "gerrymandered"  in  order  to  defeat  him — A 
marvelous  legislative  record 141 

CHAPTER   XIII. 
McKINLEY'S    LIFE   WAS    PROTECTION'S    ERA. 

First  champion  of  Protection  for  Protection's  sake — Made  his  policy  the  policy  of  his 
party  and  the  nation — Growth  of  the  country's  industry — His  last  speech  substituted 
Reciprocity  for  Protection 161 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
McKINLEY   AS   GOVERNOR  OF    OHIO. 

Twice  chosen  as  chief  executive  of  his  state — First  nomination  by  acclamation — A 
campaign  that  carried  the  people  with  him — Governor  McKinley  and  the  labor 
troubles — Always  stood  for  law  and^  order  and  sympathized  with  honest  labor 169 

CHAPTER   XV. 
McKINLEY   AS   A    CAMPAIGNER. 

His  winning  personality  in  politics — Believed  in  the  people  and  knew  how  to  convert 
men  to  his  way  of  thinking — His  methods  of  campaigning — His  wonderful  knowl- 
edge of  politics — Campaigns  of  education — McKinley  a  wonderful  speechmaker — 
Talks  to  workingmen  and  business  men  on  the  lawn  at  Canton 177 

CHAPTER   XVI. 
GOVERNOR  McKINLEY'S  FINANCIAL  TROUBLES. 

In  trying  to  assist  a  friend  his  small  fortune  is  swept  away — Governor  McKinley  and  his 
wife  turn  over  all  of  their  property  to  meet  his  obligation — Friends  come  to  the 
rescue  and  he  is  relieved  from  owing  any  man  a  cent — The  story  of  how  W.  R.  Day, 
H.  H.  Kohlsaat,  Myron  T.  Herrick  and  Marcus  A.  Hanna  stood  by  Governor 
McKinley  in  his  hour  of  need — Governor  McKinley's  attitude  above  criticism....  185 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
McKINLEY'S  LOYALTY  TO   SHERMAN,  ELAINE  AND   HARRISON. 

Fr'jndship  between  three  great  statesmen — McKinley  always  an  enthusiastic  Blaine 
man — His  honorable  attitude  toward  the  Ohio  statesman — Thrilling  scene  in  a 


8  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 

National  convention  when  delegates  attempt  to  stampede  to  McKinley — How  he 
stopped  his  own  nomination  for  President  and  brought  about  the  nomination  of 
General  Harrison  by  acclamation 189 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 
FIRST  NOMINATION  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

The  sentiment  of  the  people  strong  for  McKinley's  nomination  in  1896 — The  other 
candidates — History  of  the  great  National  Republican  Convention  at  St.  Louis  in 
1896— Foraker  set  the  delegates  wild  with  his  speech  nominating  McKinley — First 
ballot  secures  his  nomination — Historic  political  scenes  and  characters — Hobart 
named  for  the  second  place 195 

CHAPTER   XIX. 
THE   GREAT   CAMPAIGN   OF  1896. 

Men  and  issues  of  a  memorable  national  campaign — William  Jennings  Bryan  as  Mc- 
Kinley's opponent — Gold  vs.  Silver — How  the  issues  were  stated  by  leading  de- 
baters— Bryan's  speech-making  tour — Pilgrimages  of  the  people  to  Canton — 
McKinley  receives  thousands  of  voters  at  his  home 213 

CHAPTER   XX. 
THE  SPANISH  WAR  CLOUD. 

How  President  McKinley  exhausted  every  means  in  his  power  to  honorably  settle  the 
Cuban  trouble  and  avert  war  with  Spain — Brief  history  of  the  causes  leading  to  the 
war  with  Spain — Wisdom  and  patriotism  of  President  McKinley — A  war  for 
humanity  221 

CHAPTER   XXL 
McKINLEY'S  OWN  STORY  OF  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR. 

In  a  celebrated  state  paper  the  President  reviews  the  entire  history  of  the  Spanish  war 
— His  able  conduct  of  the  war — Every  great  historical  detail  of  the  struggle  for 
humanity  set  forth  by  President  McKinley — An  historical  document  that  will 
remain  forever  as  a  true  record  of  President  McKinley's  humane  and  wise  states- 
manship  227 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
McKINLEY  AND  EXPANSION. 

Great  amount  of  territory  acquired  by  the  United  States  under  President  McKinley — 
The  story  of  American  expansion — President's  policy  toward  the  people  of  our  new 
possessions — The  greatness  of  President  McKinley's  Expansion  policy — What  it 
meant  to  the  nation 251 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 
SECOND   PRESIDENTIAL  NOMINATION  AND  ELECTION  OF  McKINLEY. 

Complete  history  of  the  Philadelphia  convention  of  1900 — McKinley's  renomination  a 
foregone  conclusion— Senator  Wolcott's  great  eulogy  of  President  McKinley— 
Theodore  Roosevelt  named  for  Vice- President , 263 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 
PRESIDENT    McKINLEY    AND    THE    CHINESE    CRISIS. 

Prompt  action  by  the  President  following  the  boxer  uprising — Cause  of  the  trouble — 
The  siege  of  Peking — The  United  States  joins  the  powers  to  rescue  the  besieged 
legations — China  appeals  to  the  United  States  to  prevent  the  powers  from  dividing 
the  Empire — President  McKinley's  attitude  results  in  a  just  settlement  of  the 
trouble — A  remarkable  chapter  on  President  McKinley's  wise  diplomacy 271 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD   POWER. 

A  complete  history  of  the  foreign  policy  of  President  McKinley  during  his  two  admin- 
istrations— How  he  built  up  the  nation  to  be  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world 
— The  master  work  of  his  life  was  in  giving  the  United  States  its  proper  place  in 
the  family  of  nations — Results  that  will  rank  with  those  of  Washington  and  Lincoln 
in  adding  to  the  greatness  of  the  American  nation « 281 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
PRIVATE   LIFE   OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

A  model  son  and  husband — His  courtship  of  Ida  Saxton — Their  marriage — Two  chil- 
dren bless  the  union,  only  to  die  in  infancy — Mrs.  McKinley's  health  shattered — 
The  "Major's"  devotion  to  his  invalid  wife — William  McKinley,  the  highest  type 
of  American  manhood,  and  a  model  for  every  American  boy  and  man 293 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
McKINLEY'S    EULOGY    OF    LINCOLN. 

Full  text  of  an  address  delivered  by  President  McKinley  on  President  Lincoln's  Birth- 
day anniversary 298 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT   TAKES  THE    OATH    OF    OFFICE. 

The  new  President  sworn  in  at  Buffalo — A  simple  ceremony  tinged  with  the  gloom  of 
tragedy — Biography  of  President  Roosevelt,  soldier,  author,  statesman — A  review 
of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  careers  in  history 304 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

GREAT    EVENTS    OF    THE    WORLD    DURING    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY'S 
ADMINISTRATION. 

A  chapter  of  happenings  of  world-wide  importance,  many  of  which  were  influenced  by 
the  late  President 32! 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
THE  FUNERAL   SERVICE   AT  BUFFALO. 

Private  funeral  of  William  McKinley,  the  man  and  citizen,  held  at  the  Milburn  house 
—Touching  scenes  of  last  farewell— Simple  but  beautiful  services 330 


10  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 
LYING  IN  STATE  AT  BUFFALO. 

Body  of  the  President  viewed  by  thousands  in  the  city  hall — All  classes  of  people 
present — Italian  women  remove  the  shawls  from  their  heads — Indians  drop  flowers 
on  the  casket— Eloquent  tributes  of  Indian  chiefs — Thousands  brave  a  storm  and 
drenching  rain  to  gaze  on  the  features  of  the  nation's  beloved  dead 339 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 
THE  FUNERAL  TRAIN   TO   WASHINGTON. 

Thousands  line  the  route — Bells  toll,  choral  societies  sing,  people  stand  uncovered  and 
reverently  bow  their  heads  as  the  train  passes — Outward  signs  and  emblems  of  a 
nation's  grief  such  as  were  never  before  witnessed  in  the  world — Complete  story  of 
the  journey  to  the  National  Capital 345 

CHAPTER   XXXIII. 
THE  LAST  NIGHT  IN  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

President's  body  taken  to  the  White  House  from  the  funeral  train — Awe-inspiring 
scenes  at  the  station — President  McKinley's  happy  departure  for  Buffalo  recalled — 
Body  placed  in  the  great  East  Room 349 

CHAPTER    XXXIV. 
FUNERAL  SERVICES  AND  PROCESSION  AT  WASHINGTON. 

National  funeral  services  held  in  the  rotunda  of  the  Capitol,  directly  under  the  dome — 
Body  brought  from  the  White  House — Description  of  the  procession — Rev.  Dr. 
Naylor's  eloquent  prayer — Bishop  Andrews'  funeral  sermon 357 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 
LYING  IN  STATE  AT  THE  CAPITOL, 

Crowds  throng  the  Capitol  building  at  Washington  for  a  last  look  at  the  martyr- 
President — Complete  description  of  the  scene — A  panic  caused  by  immense  crush- 
Beautiful  floral  designs — The  last  day  at  the  seat  of  national  government 367 

CHAPTER   XXXVI. 
THE  ASSASSIN  ARRAIGNED. 

While  the  President's  body  was  lying  in  state  in  the  National  Capitol,  the  assassin  was 
arraigned  in  court  and  attorneys  enter  plea  of  "not  guilty" — Text  of  the  indict- 
ment   375 

CHAPTER    XXXVII. 
THE  SAD  JOURNEY  TO  CANTON. 

Route  of  the  funeral  train  from  the  National  Capital  to  the  Ohio  home  lined  with 
mourners — Journey  through  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania — Touching  incidents  on 
*Jie  way — Through  Ohio — Arrival  at  Canton,  a  city  of  sorrow 381 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 
CANTON  BATHED  IN  TEARS. 

How  the  people  of  Canton  received  the  body  of  their  fellow  townsman — Grief  in  every 
heart  38^ 

CHAPTER   XXXIX. 
FUNERAL  SERVICES  IN  ALL  CHURCHES. 

First  Sunday  after  the  death  of  President  McKinley — All  sects  and  creeds  unite  in 
eulogy — Sad  and  impressive  scenes 395 

CHAPTER    XL. 
CANTON'S  FAREWELL  TO   McKINLEY. 

Friends  and  neighbors  take  their  last  view  of  the.  dead  President — Many  pathetic  and 
beautiful  incidents  mark  the  final  leave-taking 404 

CHAPTER   XLI. 
McKINLEY  LAID  AT  REST. 

Complete  account  of  the  funeral  and  burial  of  President  McKinley — Beautiful  and  im- 
pressive ceremonies — Soldiers  guard  the  tomb 415 

CHAPTER  XLII. 
NATION  OBSERVES  BURIAL  DAY. 

Services  held  in  every  part  of  the  United  States — The  old  world  joins  in  observing 
McKinley's  burial  day — Five  minutes  of  silence 425 

CHAPTER  XLIII. 
ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

Complete  story  of  the  manner  in  which  our  other  two  martyr-presidents  were  shot 
down  by  assassins   43: 


NOTABLE  ASSASSINATIONS    AND    ATTEMPTS    OF    RECENT 

TIMES. 

George  III.  of  England,  attempt  by  Margaret  Nicholson  on  August  2, 

1786,  and  by  James  Hatfield  on  May  15,  1800. 
Napoleon  I.  of  France,  attempt  by  use  of  an  infernal  machine  on  December 

24,  1800. 

Czar  Paul  of  Russia,  killed  by  nobles  of  his  court  on  March  24,  1801. 
Spencer  Percival,  Premier  of  England,  killed  by  Bellingham  on  May  1 1, 1812. 
George  IV.  of  England,  attempt  on  January  28,  1817. 
August  Kotzebue  of  Germany,  killed  by  Earl  Sand  for  political  motives  on 

March  23,  1819. 

Charles  due  de  Berri,  killed  on  February  13,  1820. 
Andrew  Jackson,  President  of  the  United  States,  attempt  on  January  30, 

1835. 

Louis  Philippe  of  France,  six  attempts:  By  Fieschi,  on  July  28,  1835;  by 
Alibaud,  on  June  25,  1836;  by  Miunier,  on  December  27,  1836;  by 
Darmos,  on  October  16,  1840;  by  Lecompte,  on  April  14,  1846;  by 
Henry,  on  July  19,  1846. 

Denis  Affre,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  on  June  27,  1848. 

Rossi,  Comte  Pellegrino,  Roman  statesman,  on  November  15,  1848. 

Frederick  William  IV.  of  Prussia,  attempt  by  Sofelage  on  May  22,  1850. 

Francis  Joseph  of  Austria,  attempt  by  Libenyi  on  February  18,  1853. 

Ferdinand,  Charles  III.,  Duke  of  Parma,  on  March  27,  1854. 

Isabella  II.  of  Spain,  attempts  by  La  Riva  on  May  4,  1847;  by  Merino  on 
February  2,  1852;  by  Raymond  Fuentes  on  May  28,  1856. 

Napoleon  III.,  attempts  by  Pianori  on  April  28,  1855;  by  Bellemarre  on 
September  8,  1855;  by  Orsini  and  others  (France)  on  January  14,  1858. 

Daniel,  Prince  of  Montenegro,  on  August  13,  1860. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  at  Ford's  Theater,  Wash- 
ington, by  John  Wilkes  Booth,  on  the  evening  of  April  14;  died  on 
April  15,  1865. 

Michael,  Prince  of  Servia,  on  June  10,  1868. 

Prim,  Marshal  of  Spain,  on  December  28;  die'd  on  December  30,  1870. 

U 


14  NOTABLE  ASSASSINATIONS. 

George  Darboy,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  by  communists,  on  May  24,  1871. 
Richard,  Earl  of  Mayo,  Governor  General  of  India,  by  Shere  AH,  a  convict, 

in  Andaman  Islands,  on  February  8,  1872. 

Amadeus,  Duke  of  Aosta,  when  King  of  Spain,  attempt  on  July  19,  1872. 
Prince  Bismarck,  attempt  by  Blind  on  May  7,  1866;   by  Kullman  on  July 

13.  1874. 

Abdul  Aziz,  Sultan  of  Turkey,  on  June  4,  1876. 
Hussein  Avni  and  other  Turkish  Ministers,  by  Hassan,  a  Circassian  officer, 

on  June  15,  1876. 
William  I.  of  Prussia  and  Germany,  attempts  by  Oscar  Becker  on  July  14, 

1861;  by  Hodel  on  May  n,  1878;   by  Dr.  Nobiling  on  June  2,  1878. 
Mehemet  Ali,  Pasha,  by  Albanians  on  September  7,  1878. 
Lord  Lytton,  Viceroy  of  India,  attempt  by  Busaon  December  12,  1878. 
Alfonso  XII.  of  Spain,  attempts  by  J.  O.  Moncasi  on  October  25,  1878;  by 

Francisco  Otero  Gonzalez  on  December  30,  1879. 
Loris  Melikoff,  Russian  General,  attempt  on  March  4,  1880. 
Bratiano,  Premier  of  Roumania,  attempt  by  J.  Pietraro  on  December  14, 

1880. 
Alexander  II.  of  Russia,  attempts  by  Karakozow  at  St.  Petersburg  on  April 

1 6,  1866;  by  Berezowski  at  Paris  on  June  6,  1867;  by  Alexander  Solo- 
vieff  on  April  14,  1879;   by  undermining  a  railway  train  on  December 
i,  1879;   by  explosion  of  Winter  Palace,  St.  Petersburg,  on  February 

17,  1880;    killed  by  explosion  of  a  bomb  thrown  by  a  man  who  was 
himself  killed,  St.  Petersburg,  on  March  13,  1881. 

James  A.  Garfield,  President  of  the  United  States,  shot  by  Charles  J.  Guiteau 
on  July  2,  1 88 1. 

Mayor  Carter  H.  Harrison  of  Chicago,  shot  by  Prendergast  on  October  28, 
1893. 

Marie  Francois  Carnot,  President  of  France,  stabbed  mortally  at  Lyons  by 
Cesare  Santo,  an  Anarchist,  on  Sunday,  June  24,  1894. 

Stanislaus  Stambuloff,  ex-Premier  of  Bulgaria,  killed  by  four  persons,  armed 
with  revolvers  and  knives,  on  July  25,  1895. 

Nasr-ed-din,  Shah  of  Persia,  was  assassinated  on  May  i,  1896,  as  he  was 
entering  a  shrine  near  his  palace.  The  man  who  shot  him  was  disguised 
as  a  woman  and  is  believed  to  have  been  the  tool  of  a  band  of  con- 
spirators. He  was  caught  and  suffered  the  most  horrible  death  tb*4- 
Persian  ingenuity  could  invent. 


NOTABLE  ASSASSINATIONS.  16 

Antonio  Canovas  del  Castillo,  Prime  Minister  of  Spain,  shot  to  death  by 
Michel  Angolillo,  alias  Golli,  an  Italian  Anarchist,  at  Santa  Agueda, 
Spain,  while  going  to  the  baths,  on  August  8,  1897. 

Juan  Idiarte  Borda,  President  of  Uruguay,  killed  on  August  25,  1897,  at 
Montevideo  by  Avelino  Arredondo,  officer  in  Uruguayan  army. 

President  Diaz,  attempt  in  the  City  of  Mexico  by  M.  Arnulfo  on  September 
20,  1897. 

Jose  Maria  Reyna  Barrios,  President  of  Guatemala,  killed  at  Guatemala  City 
on  February  8,  1898,  by  Oscar  Solinger. 

Emp'ress  Elizabeth  of  Austria,  stabbed  by  Luchini,  a  French-Italian  Anar- 
chist, at  Geneva,  Switzerland,  on  September  10,  1898. 

William  Goebel,  Democratic  claimant  to  the  Governorship  of  Kentucky, 
shot  by  a  person  unknown  on  Tuesday,  January  30,  1900,  while  on  his 
way  to  the  State  Capitol  in  Frankfort,  Ky. 

Humbert,  King  of  Italy,  shot  to  death  on  July  29,  1900,  at  Monza,  Italy, 
by  Angelo  Bresci. 

Albert  Edward,  then  Prince  of  Wales,  now  King  of  England,  attempt  by 
Brussels  Anarchist  on  April  4,  1900. 

William  McKinley,  President  of  the  United  States,  shot  at  Buffalo  on  Sep- 
tember 6,  1901.  Died  September  14,  1901. 


OF 


presfoent  WUtfam 


Born  Miles,  Ohio,  January  29,  1843. 
School-teacher,  Poland,  Ohio,  1860. 
Enlisted  Union  Army  June,  1861. 
Second  Lieutenant  September  24,  1862. 
First  Lieutenant  February  7,  1863. 
Captain  July  25,  1864. 
Brevet  Major  for  gallantry,  1865. 
Admitted  to  the  Ohio  bar  1867. 
Elected  state's  attorney  1869. 
Elected  first  to  Congress  1876. 
Re-elected  1878,  1880,  1882,  1884  to  1890. 
Elected  Governor  of  Ohio  1891. 
Re-elected  Governor  of  Ohio  1893. 
Elected  President  United  States  1896. 
Re-elected  President  United  States  1900. 
Shot  by  an  assassin  September  6,  1901. 
Died  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  September  14,  1901. 


CHARACTERISTIC  POSE  OF  PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 


PRESIDENT,   WM.   McKINLEY. 


MRS.    WILLIAM    McKINLEY. 


MR.  AND    MRS.    McKINLEY   AND    THEIR   HOME   AT 
CANTON,   OHIO. 


MRS.    McKINLEY,   MOTHER   OF   THE    PRESIDENT. 


WILLIAM    McKINLEY    IN    HIS    CANTON    HOME. 


MISS    HELEN    McKINLEY. 


Copyright,    1901,   by   Clinediust,    Washington,  Photographer  to  the  President. 

PRESIDENT .  McKINLEY    IN    HIS    LIBRARY. 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AND  MARSHALL  EVERETT   IN  CONSUL- 
TATION DURING  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR. 


PRESIDENT  THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 


LEON    CZOLGOSZ,  THE  ASSASSIN  OF  PRESIDENT  McKlNLEY. 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 


. . .  The  Life  . . . 


OF 


President  William  McKinley 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY. 

On  Friday,  September  6,  1901,  the  blackest  Friday  in  American  history, 
the  American  people  were  shocked  and  stunned  by  the  news  that  their 
beloved  President,  William  McKinley,  had  been  shot  down  by  a  cowardly 
assassin,  while  attending  the  Pan-American  Exposition  at  Buffalo. 

It  was  like  a  flash  of  lightning  from  a  clear  sky.  The  people  were  stunned 
into  momentary  silence.  The  sign  of  grief  was  on  the  face  of  every  loyal 
American,  and  the  hearts  of  the  people  beat  as  one  in  sympathy  for  the 
stricken  chief. 

The  horror  of  the  tragic  event  grew  when  it  was  learned  that  the  assassin 
was  an  anarchist,  and  not  an  insane  man  as  was  first  supposed. 

Then  came  the  full  realization  that  the  murderous  bullet  of  the  assassin 
was  aimed  not  only  at  the  foremost  citizen  of  the  Republic,  but  that  the 
Red  Thing  called  Anarchy  had  raised  its  blood-stained  hand  against  govern- 
ment, against  all  peaceable  authority  and  law.  It  was  a  blow  struck  at  all 
the  institutions  of  society  that  men  hold  dear  and  sacred. 

With  that  wonderful  self-control  that  distinguishes  the  American  people, 
loyal  citizens  restrained  the  rising  passion  in  their  breasts,  and  their  sup- 
pressed rage  was  further  held  in  check  by  the  word  of  hope  which  followed 
that  the  President  was  yet  alive. 

Alas!  it  was  but  a  hope,  destined  to  linger  but  a  few  days. 

The  scene  of  the  assassination  was  the  Temple  of  Music,  at  the  Exposi- 
tion grounds.  The  day  previous  was  President's  day  at  the  Exposition,  and 
President  McKinley  had  delivered  what  many  believed  to  be  the  greatest 

33 


34  THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT     McKINLEY. 

speech  of  his  life.  Praises  for  his  wisdom  and  statesmanship  were  ringing 
around  the  world. 

On  the  fateful  day  the  President  attended  the  Exposition  as  a  visitor, 
and  in  the  afternoon  held  a  reception  in  the  Temple  of  Music. 

The  reception  to  the  President  was  one  to  which  the  general  public 
had  been  invited.  President  John  G.  Milburn  of  the  Exposition  had  intro- 
duced the  President  to  the  great  crowd  in  the  Temple,  and  men,  women 
and  children  came  forward  for  a  personal  greeting. 

Among  those  in  line  was  Leon  Czolgosz,  whose  right  hand  was  wrapped 
in  a  handkerchief.  Folded  in  the  handkerchief  was  a  32-caliber  self-acting 
revolver  holding  five  bullets. 

A  little  girl  was  led  up  by  her  father  and  the  President  shook  hands 
with  her.  As  she  passed  along  to  the  right  the  President  looked  after  her 
smilingly  and  waved  his  hand  in  a  pleasant  adieu. 

Next  in  line  came  a  boyish-featured  man  about  26  years  old,  preceded 
by  a  short  Italian  who  leaned  backward  against  the  bandaged  hand  of  his 
follower.  The  officers,  who  attended  the  President,  noted  this  man,  their 
attention  being  first  attracted  by  the  Italian,  whose  dark,  shaggy  brows  and 
black  mustache  caused  the  professional  protectors  to  regard  him  with  sus- 
picion. 

The  man  with  the  bandaged  hand  and  innocent  face  received  no  atten- 
tion from  the  detectives  beyond  the  mental  observation  that  his  right  hand 
was  apparently  injured,  and  that  he  would  present  his  left  hand  to  the 
President. 

The  Italian  stood  before  the  palm  bower.  He  held  the  President's  right 
hand  so  long  that  the  officers  stepped  forward  to  break  the  clasp,  and 
make  room  for  the  man  with  the  bandaged  hand,  who  extended  the  left 
hand  towards  the  President's  right. 

THE    FATAL    SHOTS. 

The  President  smiled  and  presented  his  right  hand  in  a  position  to  meet 
the  left  of  the  approaching  man.  Hardly  a  foot  of  space  intervened  between 
the  bodies  of  the  two  men.  Before  their  hands  met  two  pistol  shots  rang 
out,  and  the  President  turned  slightly  to  the  left  and  reeled. 

The  bandage  on  the  hand  of  the  tall,  innocent  looking  young  man  had 
concealed  a  revolver.  He  had  fired  through  the  bandage  without  removing 
any  portion  of  the  handkerchief. 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY.  35 

The  first  bullet  entered  too  high  for  the  purpose  of  the  assassin,  who 
had  fired  again  as  soon  as  his  finger  could  move  the  trigger. 

On  receiving  the  first  shot  President  McKinley  lifted  himself  on  his  toes 
with  something  of  a  gasp.  His  movement  caused  the  second  shot  to  enter 
just  below  the  navel.  With  the  second  shot  the  President  doubled  slightly 
forward  and  then  sank  back.  Secret  Service  Detective  Geary  caught  the 
President  in  his  arms  and  President  Milburn  helped  to  support  him. 

ASKS  IF  HE  IS  SHOT. 

When  the  President  fell  into  the  arms  of  Detective  Geary  he  coolly 
asked:  "Am  I  shot?" 

Geary  unbuttoned  the  President's  vest,  and,  seeing  blood,  replied:  "I 
fear  you  are,  Mr.  President." 

It  had  all  happened  in  an  instant.  Almost  before  the  noise  of  the  second 
shot  sounded  a  negro  waiter,  James  F.  Parker,  leaped  upon  the  assassin, 
striking  him  a  terrific  blow  and  crushing  him  to  the  floor.  Soldiers  of  the 
United  States  artillery  detailed  at  the  reception  sprang  upon  them,  and  he 
was  surrounded  by  a  squad  of  exposition  police  and  secret  service  detectives. 
Detective  Gallagher  seized  Czolgosz's  hand,  tore  away  the  handkerchief  and 
took  the  revolver. 

The  artillerymen,  seeing  the  revolver  in  Gallagher's  hand,  rushed  at  the 
assassin  and  handled  him  rather  roughly.  Meanwhile  Detective  Ireland  and 
the  negro  held  the  assassin,  endeavoring  to  shield  him  from  the  attacks  of  the 
infuriated  artillerymen  and  the  blows  of  the  policemen's  clubs. 

Supported  by  Detective  Geary  and  President  of  the  Exposition  Milburn, 
and  surrounded  by  Secretary  George  B.  Cortelyou  and  half  a  dozen  exposi- 
tion officials,  the  President  was  assisted  to  a  chair.  His  face  was  white,  but 
he  made  no  outcry. 

When  the  second  shot  struck  the  President  he  sank  back  with  one  hand 
holding  his  abdomen,  the  other  fumbling  at  his  breast.  His  eyes  were  open 
and  he  was  clearly  conscious  of  all  that  had  transpired.  He  looked  up  into 
President  Milburn's  face  and  gasped:  "Cortelyou,"  the  name  of  his  private 
secretary.  The  President's  secretary  bent  over  him.  "Cortelyou,"  said  the 
President,  "my  wife,  be  careful  about  her;  don't  let  her  know." 

Moved  by  a  paroxysm  he  writhed  to  the  left  and  then  his  eyes  fell  on  the 
prostrate  form  of  the  assassin,  Czolgosz,  lying  on  the  floor  bloody  and  help- 
less beneath  the  blows  of  the  guard. 


36  THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

The  President  raised  his  right  hand,  red  with  his  own  blood,  and  placed 
it  on  the  shoulder  of  his  secretary.  "Let  no  one  hurt  him,"  he  gasped,  and 
sank  back  in  the  chair,  while  the  guards  carried  Czolgosz  out  of  his  sight. 

The  ambulance  from  the  exposition  hospital  was  summoned  immediately 
and  the  President,  still  conscious,  sank  upon  the  stretcher.  Secretary  Cortel- 
you  and  Mr.  Milburn  rode  with  him  in  the  ambulance,  and  in  nine  minutes 
after  the  shooting  the  President  was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  surgeons,  who 
had  been  summoned  from  all  sections  of  the  city,  and  by  special  train  from 
Niagara  Falls. 

The  President  continued  conscious  and  conversed  with  Mr.  Cortelyou 
and  Mr.  Milburn  on  his  way  to  the  hospital.  "I  am  sorry,"  >he  said,  "to  have 
been  the  cause  of  trouble  to  the  exposition." 

Three  thoughts  had  found  expression  with  the  President — first,  that  the 
news  should  be  kept  from  his  wife;  second,  that  the  would-be  assassin  should 
not  be  harmed;  and,  third,  regret  that  the  tragedy  might  hurt  the  exposition. 

The  news  that  the  President  had  been  shot  passed  across  the  exposition 
grounds  with  almost  incredible  speed,  and  the  crowd  around  the  Temple 
grew  until  it  counted  50,000  persons.  This  big  crowd  followed  the  ambu- 
lance respectfully  to  the  hospital,  then  divided  itself  into  two  parts,  one 
anxious  to  learn  the  condition  of  the  President  and  to  catch  every  rumor 
that  came  from  the  hospital;  the  other  eager  to  find  the  assassin  and  to  pun- 
ish him. 

Certain  it  is  that  if  the  officials  had  not  used  remarkable  diligence  in  tak- 
ing Czolgosz  out  of  the  way  of  the  crowd  he  would  have  been  mobbed  and 
beaten  to  death. 

Czolgosz  had  been  carried  into  a  side  room  at  the  northwest  corner  of  the 
Temple.  There  he  was  searched,  but  nothing  was  found  upon  him  except  a 
letter  relating  to  lodging.  The  officers  washed  the  blood  from  his  face  and 
asked  him  who  he  was  and  why  he  had  tried  to  kill  the  President.  He  made 
no  answer  at  first,  but  finally  gave  the  name  of  Nieman.  He  offered  no  ex- 
planation of  the  deed  except  that  he  was  an  Anarchist  and  had  done  his  duty. 

A  detail  of  exposition  guards  was  sent  for  a  company  of  soldiers,  A  car- 
riage was  summoned.  South  of  the  Temple  a  space  had  been  roped  off.  The 
crowd  tore  out  the  iron  stanchion  holding  the  ropes  and  carried  the  ropes 
to  the  flagpole  standing  near  by  on  the  esplanade. 

"Lynch  him,"  cried  a  hundred  voices,  and  a  start  was  made  for  one  of  the 
entrances  of  the  Temple.  Soldiers  and  police  beat  back  the  crowd.  Guards 
and  people  were  wrangling,  shouting  and  fighting. 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY.  37 

In  this  confusion,  Czolgosz,  still  bleeding,  his  clothes  torn,  and  scarcely 
able  to  walk,  was  led  out  by  Captain  James  F.  Vallaly,  chief  of  the  exposition 
detectives;  Commandant  Robinson,  and  a  squad  of  secret  service  men. 

Czolgosz  was  thrown  into  a  carriage  and  three  detectives  jumped  in  with 
him.  Captain  Vallaly  jumped  on  the  driver's  seat  and  lashed  the  horses  into 
a  gallop. 

Six  doctors  were  at  the  President's  side  within  thirty  seconds  after  his 
arrival  at  the  hospital,  among  them  the  President's  family  physician,  Dr. 
P.  M.  Rixey.  Dr.  Roswell  Park,  a  surgeon  of  national  reputation,  was  sum- 
moned from  Niagara  Falls,  where  he  was  performing1  an  operation,  and 
Dr.  Herman  Mynter  arrived  soon  after. 

The  surgeons  consulted  and  hesitated  about  performing  an  operation. 
The  President  reassured  them  by  expressing  his  confidence,  but  no  decision 
was  reached  when  Dr.  Mann  of  the  exposition  hospital  staff  arrived.  After 
another  consultation  Dr.  Mann  informed  the  President  that  an  operation 
was  necessary. 

"All  right,"  replied  the  President.     "Go  ahead.     Do  whatever  is  proper." 

The  anesthetic  administered  was  ether,  and  fdr  two  and  a  half  hours 
the  President  was  under  the  influence  of  this. 

The  wound  in  the  breast  proved  to  be  only  a  flesh  wound.  The  bullet 
struck  a  button  and  was  somewhat  deflected.  It  entered  the  middle  of  the 
breast  above  the  breast  bone,  but  did  not  penetrate  far.  When  the  President 
was  undressed  for  the  operation  the  bullet  fell  from  his  clothing  upon  the 
table. 

The  second  and  serious  wound  was  a  bullet  hole  in  the  abdomen,  about 
five  inches  below  the  left  nipple  and  an  inch  and  a  half  to  the  left  of  the 
median  line.  The  bullet  which  caused  that  wound  penetrated  both  the  inte- 
rior and  posterior  walls  of  the  stomach,  going  completely  through  that 
organ. 

It  was  found  also  that  as  a  consequence  of  the  perforation  the  stomach 
fluid  had  circulated  about  the  abdominal  cavity. 

Further  examination  disclosed  that  the  hole  made  by  the  entrance  of 
the  bullet  was  small  and  clean  cut,  while  that  on  the  other  side  of  the  stomach 
was  large  and  ragged. 

A  five-inch  incision  was  made  and  through  that  aperture  the  physicians 
were  enabled  to  turn  the  organ  about  so  as  to  suture  the  largelr  bullet  hole. 
After  that  had  been  sewed  the  abdominal  cavity  was  washed  with  a  salt 
solution. 


38  THE  ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

The  operation  performed  on  President  McKinley  at  the  emergency 
hospital  left  no  need  for  a  second  operation  to  follow  it  almost  immediately. 
Dr.  Mann,  who  performed  the  operation,  had  for  his  first  assistant  Dr. 
Herman  Mynter.  His  second  assistant  was  Dr.  John  Parmenter.  His  third 
assistant  was  Dr.  Lee  of  St.  Louis,  who  happened  to  be  on  the  exposition 
grounds  at  the  time  of  the  tragedy,  and  placed  his  services  at  the  disposal 
of  the  President.  Dr.  Nelson  W.  Wilson  noted  the  time  of  the  operation, 
and  took  notes.  Dr.  Eugene  Wasdin  of  the  marine  hospital  ^ave  the 
anesthetic.  Dr.  Rixey  arrived  at  the  latter  part  of  the  operation,  and  held 
the  light.  Dr.  Park  arrived  at  the  close  of  the  operation.  It  was  Dr.  Mann 
who  wielded  the  knife. 

The  operation  lasted  almost  an  hour.  A  cut  about  five  inches  long  was 
made.  It  was  found  necessary  to  turn  up  the  stomach  of  the  President  in 
order  to  trace  the  course  of  the  bullet.  The  bullet's  opening  in  the  front 
wall  of  the  stomach  was  small  and  it  was  carefully  closed  with  sutures,  after 
which  a  search  was  made  for  the  hole  in  the  back  wall  of  the  stomach. 

This  hole,  where  the  bullet  went  out  of  the  stomach,  was  larger  than  the 
hole  in  the  front  wall  of  the  stomach ;  in  fact,  it  was  a  wound  over  an  inch  in 
diameter,  jagged  and  ragged.  It  was  sewed  up  in  three  layers.  This  wound 
was  larger  than  the  wound  where  the  bullet  entered  the  stomach,  because 
the  bullet,  in  its  course,  forced  tissues  through  ahead  of  it. 

In  turning  up  the  stomach,  an  act  that  was  absolutely  necessary,  and 
was  performed  by  Dr.  Mann  with  rare  skill,  the  danger  was  that  some  of  the 
contents  of  the  stomach  might  go>  into  the  abdominal  cavity,  and  as  a  result 
cause  peritonitis.  It  so  happened  that  there  was  little  in  the  President's 
stomach  at  the  time  of  the  operation.  Moreover,  subsequent  developments 
tended  to  show  that  this  feature  of  the  operation  was  successful  and  that 
none  of  the  contents  of  the  stomach  entered  the  abdominal  cavity.  If  any 
of  the  contents  had  entered  the  cavity  the  probability  is  that  peritonitis  would 
have  set  in. 

'     The  weapon  used  by  the  assassin  proved  to  be  a  five-barreled  double-action 
•   revolver  of  32  caliber.    Every  chamber  contained  a  bullet,  and  three  remained 
in  the  weapon  after  the  shooting. 

It  was  at  first  reported  that  the  weapon  was  a  derringer,  but  this  proved  to 
,   be  incorrect. 

Many  of  the  accounts  of  the  assassination  vary  in  detail,  which  is  quite 
natural  under  the  excitement  of  the  moment,  and  the  fact  that  no  two  persons 
see  and  hear  alike.  One  account,  given  by  an  eye-witness,  which  differs  in 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

some  respects  from  the  one  with  which  this  chapter  begins,  is  as  follows: 

"It  was  about  four  o'clock,  near  the  close  of  the  reception  in  the  Temple 
of  Music,  and  the  President,  in  his  customary  cordial  manner,  was  reaching 
forward,  with  a  pleasant  smile,  to  take  the  hands  of  the  good-natured  crowd 
that  was  pushing  forward.  A  six-foot  colored  man,  who  proved  to  be  a 
waiter  in  the  Plaza,  named  James  F.  Parker,  had  just  shaken  hands  with 
the  President  and  was  smiling  all  oveSr  with  enjoyment,  when  suddenly,  behind 
him,  pressed  forward  the  slight  figure  of  a  smooth-faced  but  muscular  young 
man,  whose  eyes  were  wild  and  glaring,  whose  head  was  drooping,  and  who 
seemed  to  me  to  have  sprung  up  from  the  floor,  as  I  had  not  observed  him 
before.  The  President  took  no  special  notice  of  him,  but  simply  stooped 
over  to  shake  his  hand,  without  looking,  apparently,  at  the  individual. 

"Their  palms  had  hardly  touched  before  I  heard  two  shots  in  quick  succes- 
sion. A  hush  and  quiet  instantly  followed.  The  President  straightened 
up  for  a  moment  and  stepped  back  five  or  six  feet.  Secretary  Cortelyou,  who 
had  been  standing  at  his  side,  burst  into  tears,  and  exclaimed,  'You're  shot !' 
The  President  murmured,  'Oh,  no,  it  cannot  be!'  But  Secretary  Cortelyou 
and  Mr.  Milburn  had  torn  open  the  President's  vest,  and  the  telltale  blood, 
flowing  from  the  wound  in  the  abdomen,  revealed  the  fearful  truth.  The 
President  had  dropped  into  a  chair  and  now  turned  deathly  pale.  Meanwhile, 
the  other  wound  in  the  breast  had  been  uncovered  and  both  Mr.  Milburn  and 
Secretary  Cdrtelyou  were  in  tears.  The  President,  seeing  their  emotion,  put 
up  his  hand  and  gently  murmured  that  he  was  all  right,  or  some  reassuring 
words,  and  appeared  to  faint  away. 

"The  Secret  Service  men,  Foster  and  Ireland,  at  one  bound  seized  the 
assassin,  before  the  smoke  had  cleared  away,  and,  in  fact,  before  the  sound  of 
the  second  shot  was  heard.  The  negro,  Parker,  also  turned  instantly  and 
confronted  Czolgosz,  whose  right  hand  was  being  tightly  held  behind  him,  by 
the  detectives  and  whose  face  was  thrust  forward.  Parker,  with  his  clenched 
fist,  smashed  the  assassin  three  times  squarely  in  the  face,  and  was  apparently 
wild  to  kill  the  creature,  while  all  the  crowd  of  artillerymen,  policemen,  and 
others,  also  set  upon  the  object  of  their  wrath. 

"The  women  in  the  vast  audience  were  hysterical,  and  the  men  were  little 
less  than  crazy.  The  transformation  from  the  scene  of  smiles  and  gladness 
of  a  moment  before,  to  the  wild,  rushing,  mighty  roar  of  an  infuriated  crowd, 
was  simply  awful.  The  police  and  military  at  once  set  about  the  task  of 
clearing  the  building,  which  they  accomplished  with  amazing  celerity  and 


40  THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

.good  judgment,  considering  the  fact  that  a  crowd  of  50,000  at  the  outside 
was  pressing  into  the  entrance." 

A  third  narrative  is  still  somewhat  different.  The  narrator  recites  that 
the  President,  after  he  had  been  shot,  was  calm,  seemed  to  grow  taller,  and 
had  a  look  of  half  reproach  and  half  indignation  in  his  eyes  as  he  turned 
and  started  toward  a  chair  unassisted.  Then  Secretary  Cortelyou  and  Mr. 
Milbuirn  went  to  his  help.  Secret  Service  Agent  S.  R.  Ireland  and  George 
F.  Foster  had  grappled  with  the  assassin,  but,  quicker  than  both,  was  a 
gigantic  negro,  James  F.  Parker,  a  waiter  in  a  restaurant  in  the  Plaza,  who 
had  been  standing  behind  Czolgosz,  awaiting  an  opportunity,  in  joyous 
expectation,  to  shake  the  President's  hand.  He  stood  there,  six  feet  four 
inches  tall,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of  muscular  enthusiasm, 
grinning  happily,  until  he  heard  the  pistol  shots.  With  one  quick  shift  of  his 
clenched  fist  he  knocked  the  pistol  from  the  assassin's  hand.  With  another 
he  spun  the  man  around  like  a  top,  and,  with  a  third,  he  broke  Czolgosz's  nose. 
A  fourth  split  the  assassin's  lip  and  knocked  out  several  teeth,  and  when  the 
officers  tore  him  away  from  Parker  the  latter,  crying  like  a  baby,  exclaimed, 
"Oh,  for  only  ten  seconds  more !" 


CHAPTER   II. 
McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR   LIFE. 

The  courage  exhibited  on  the  battlefield,  when  the  whole  being  is  aroused 
and  the  nerves  are  tingling  with  a  thrill  of  excitement,  is  worthy  of  the  high- 
est praise,  but  to  show  fortitude  and  resigned  courage  in  a  battle  for  life, 
when  the  approach  of  death  is  heralded  by  unfailing  signs,  requires  a  hero. 
Such  was  the  lamented  Chief  Executive  in  the  trying  hours  following  the  at- 
tack of  the  assassin.  Few  of  those  about  President  McKinley  on  that  mem- 
orable day  expected  to  see  him  survive  the  night. 

Prompt  work  on  the  part  of  the  surgeons  and  a  rugged  constitution  pre- 
vailed over  wounds  considered  mortal.  The  President  was  under  the  care 
of  the  most  skillful  practitioners,  who  were  encouraged  by  the  favorable  turn, 
and  they,  by  their  bulletins,  which  were  full  of  hopefulness  and  buoyancy,  led 
the  nation  and  the  entire  world  to  believe  that  their  distinguished  patient 
would  soon  be  back  at  his  desk.  All  realized  the  gravity  of  the  situation; 
nevertheless  few  anticipated  any  but  a  favorable  outcome. 

Beginning  on  the  eventful  Friday  night,  the  official  statements  sent  out 
were  encouraging.  While  the  normal  pulse  is  about  80,  the  fact  that  Mc- 
Kinley's  was  from  120  to  128  was  not  considered  cause  for  alarm.  In  all 
cases  where  an  operation  is  undergone,  a  high  pulse  follows  for  some  days. 
During  the  week  the  President  lay  wounded  his  averaged  120,  high 
under  normal  conditions,  but  not  alarming  in  the  case  of  a  wounded  man. 

Dr.  P.  M.  Rixey,  the  family  physician,  was  the  most  constant  watcher  at 
the  bedside  of  the  wounded  man.  After  McKinley  had  recovered  sufficiently 
to  talk,  which  was  on  the  third  day,  he  would  ask  regarding  the  condition  of 
Mrs.  McKinley.  The  assurance  that  she  was  bearing  up  bravely  seemed  to 
act  beneficially  on  the  President. 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  permitted  to  see  her  husband  daily,  but  only  for  a 
few  minutes  at  a  time.  As  was  his  wont  in  former  days  to  cheer  his  invalid 
wife,  so  it  was  a  pleasure  for  her  to  show  a  reciprocal  spirit,  which  she  did. 
The  daily  meetings  were  those  of  true  lovers,  and  every  eye  in  the  sick  room 
would  be  wet  ere  the  parting  kiss  of  the  day  would  be  given. 

These  visits,  at  all  times  brief,  were  still  a  source  of  deep  satisfaction  to 
the  stricken  President.  The  outcome  of  the  struggle  vitally  interested  Mc- 

41 


•12  McKINLEY'S    FIGHT   FOR   LIFE. 

Kinley,  more  because  of  the  effect  his  death  would  have  on  his  wife  and  on 
the  nation  than  for  personal  reasons. 

A  man  of  sterling  Christian  character,  pious  and  devout,  he  did  not  fear 
death.  The  end  had  no  terrors  for  him,  but  he  felt  it  would  leave  a  void,  a 
vacancy,  which  none  other  could  fill.  The  invalid  who  for  30  years  had  relied 
on  him  alone  as  her  support  and  protector,  her  aid  and  comfort,  still  needed 
him.  It  was  parting  from  her  that  made  him  feel  reluctant  to  lay  down  his 
life's  work. 

Cares  of  state  engrossed  little  of  his  attention  during  that  week  spent  in 
the  Milburn  residence.  He  had  builded  well,  and  the  dedication,  as  it  were, 
of  his  noble  edifice  of  national  policy,  in  which  all  culminated,  was  in  the 
memorable  speech  of  the  day  preceding  the  fateful  Friday.  Several  times 
during  his  last  days  he  smiled  upon  being  complimented  for  that  truly  great 
oration,  but  he  did  not  live  to  learn  how  thoroughly  it  was  appreciated 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land. 

Dr.  Charles  McBurney,  the  eminent  New  York  specialist,  was  summoned 
to  Buffalo  the  evening  of  the  shooting.  He  did  not  arrive  until  Sunday 
morning,  however. 

The  President  passed  the  first  night  after  the  shooting  fairly  comfortably. 
His  temperature  increased  from  100°  to  100.6°  between  i  and  3  a.  m.,  and 
fears  were  entertained  that  peritonitis  might  set  in.  The  doctors  chosen  to 
care  for  the  case — P.  M.  Rixey,  M.  B.  Mann,  Roswell  Park,  H.,Mynter  and 
Eugene  Wasdin — were  in  attendance  at  the  President's  bedside  all  night, 
watching  carefully  each  symptom. 

At  10:40  p.  m.  the  doctors  issued  this  bulletin:  "The  President  is  rallying 
satisfactorily  and  is  resting  comfortably.  Temperature,  100.4°;  pulse,  124; 
respiration,  24." 

At  1 130  a  .m.  the  bulletin  read:  "The  President  is  free  from  pain  and  rest- 
ing well.  Temperature,  100.2°;  pulse,  120;  respiration,  24." 

Saturday,  the  day  following  the  shooting,  was  one  of  grave  anxiety.  The 
President,  while  holding  his  own,  was  approaching,  so  the  doctors  said,  a 
crisis.  It  was  thought  that  Sunday  would  decide  what  effect  the  shots  fired 
by  Czolgosz  would  be.  Dr.  Rixey  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  President 
would  recover.  The  other  physicians  refused  to  commit  themselves,  saying 
that  they  could  not  make  promises  until  further  developments. 

An  X-ray  apparatus  was  brought  from  Thomas  A.  Edison's  laboratory 
with  which  it  was  intended  to  locate  the  bullet  which  lodged  in  the  back. 
It  was  not  used,  On  Sunday  morning  at  5  o'clock  the  physicians  issued  this 


McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE.  43 

bulletin:  "The  President  has  passed  a  fairly  good  night.  Pulse,  122;  tem- 
perature, 102.4°;  respiration,  24." 

Sunday  proved  a  rather  uneventful  day  after  all.  The  anticipated  crisis 
did  not  materialize.  The  news  was  good  throughout  the  day.  It  was  not 
merely  negative  good  news,  but  news  of  a  distinct  improvement.  The  Presi- 
dent's temperature  on  Sunday  evening  was  a  degree  lower  than  it  was  during 
the  morning,  the  pulse  was  slower  and  the  respiration  easier. 

Dr.  McBurney  arrived  during  the  day  and  held  a  consultation  with  the 
other  doctors  at  3  o'clock  Sunday  afternoon. 

Immediately  following  the  consultation  this  bulletin  was  issued:  "The 
President  since  the  last  bulletin  (3  p.  m.)  has  slept  quietly,  four  hours  alto- 
gether, since  9  o'clock.  His  condition  is  satisfactory  to  all  the  physicians 
present.  Pulse,  128;  temperature,  101°;  respiration,  28."  This  bulletin  was 
signed  by  Drs.  Rixey,  Mann,  Park,  Mynter,  Wasdin  and  McBurney. 

DR.  McBURNEY'S  STATEMENT. 

Later  Dr.  McBurney  said  in  an  interview: 

"The  fact  that  there  is  no  unfavorable  symptom  is  a  most  favorable  sign. 
What  we  are  all  waiting  for  is  the  lapse  of  time  without  the  occurrence  of  in- 
flammation or  septic  conditions. 

"I  want  to  say  right  here  that  in  my  opinion  everything  has  been  done 
for  him  that  could  and  should  have  been  done.  The  case  has  been  most 
handsomely  handled.  If  he  lives  he  will  owe  his  life  to  the  promptness  and 
skill  of  the  physicians  here. 

'The  question  of  time  is  of  the  greatest  importance  in  a  case  of  this  kind. 
An  operation  could  not  have  been  performed  too  soon.  It  was  performed 
in  one  of  the  quickest  times  on  record.  It  will  be  famous  in  the  history  of 
surgery." 

This  report  from  so  eminent  a  surgeon  served  to  allay  all  doubts,  and  the 
reports  sent  out  from  Buffalo  cheered  millions  of  Americans,  who  had  spent 
a  sorrowing  Sunday.  Prayers  had  gone  up  for  the  President  from  thousands 
of  hearts  and  their  invocations  seemed  to  be  answered  by  a  divine  Provi- 
dence. 

Telegrams  of  sympathy  and  condolence  were  changed  to  congratulations 
over  the  good  tidings.  Hopes  rose  high,  and  the  somber  spirits  which  had 
pervaded  the  land  for  three  days  changed  to  those  of  a  brighter  hue.  Inti- 
mate friends  were  permitted  to  see  the  President  for  a  few  moments  at  a 


44  McKINLEY'S    FIGHT   FOR    LIFE. 

time,  and  each  one  on  leaving  the  Milburn  home  brought  cheering  news. 
The  bulletins  were  optimistic,  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  who  had  been 
hastily  summoned  began  to  discuss  returning. 

Vice-President  Roosevelt  had  hurried  to  Buffalo  from  Vermont  Senator 
Hanna  had  come  from  Cleveland,  his  home,  and  Abner  McKinley  sped  from 
Denver,  with  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Herman  Baer,  the  latter  being  the  favorite  niece 
of  the  stricken  President.  Roosevelt  soon  departed  for  the  Adirondack  re- 
gions on  a  hunting  trip.  Hanna  returned  to  Cleveland  and  hopes  ran  high, 
for  the  departure  of  these  men  was  taken  as  proof  positive  that  no  serious 
results  were  apprehended  by  the  corps  of  physicians. 

The  President  improved  so  rapidly  on  Monday  that  his  friends  declared 
he  would  be  able  to  attend  the  duties  of  his  office,  at  least  to  a  moderate 
extent,  within  a  month.  The  worst  danger  was  regarded  as  past,  peritonitis 
seemed  no  longer  probable,  and  the  only  cause  for  fear  was  the  possibility 
of  a  sinking  spell.  The  X-ray  instrument  was  still  in  the  house,  but  had  not 
been  used.  It  was  decided  by  the  doctors  that  so  long  as  the  bullet  did  not 
prove  immediately  dangerous,  no  serious  attempt  should  be  made  to  locate  it, 
much  less  to  remove  it.  If  it  were  imbedded  in  a  muscle,  or  was  even  loose 
in  the  abdominal  cavity,  it  was  not  regarded  as  likely  to  cause  much  trouble 
for  the  time  being. 

There  seemed  only  one  contingency  which  would  necessitate  its  immediate 
removal ;  if  it  should  press  against  the  spinal  column  it  might  cause  paralysis 
sooner  or  later,  and  would  have  to  be  removed  to  save  life.  This  contingency, 
however,  was  remote. 

The  bulletins  throughout  Monday  were  hopeful.  One  said  the  President 
has  passed  a  somewhat  restless  night,  sleeping  fairly  well;  and  another 
declared  the  President's  condition  was  "becoming  more  and  more  satisfactory," 
and  adding  that  "untoward  incidents  are  less  likely  to  occur."  One  issued 
at  3  p.  m.  stated :  "The  President's  condition  steadily  improves  and  he 
is  comfortable,  without  pain  or  unfavorable  symptoms.  Bowel  and  kidney 
functions  normally  performed." 

The  last  bulletin  for  the  day,  issued  at  9 130  p.  m.,  said :  "The  President's 
condition  continues  favorable.  Pulse,  112;  temperature,  101 ;  respiration,  27." 

Mrs.  McKinley  felt  so  encouraged  that  she  took  a  drive  during  the  after- 
noon. She  had  just  left  the  President,  after  an  interview  in  which  she  dis- 
played quite  as  much  fortitude  as  the  President.  She  seated  herself  beside 
his  bed  and  took  his  hand.  They  said  little.  In  each  other's  eyes  they 


McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE.  45 

seemed  to  read  what  each  would  say.  Then  the  President  remarked  quietly : 
"We  must  bear  up.  It  will  be  better  for  both." 

There  were  tears  in  her  eyes  as  Mrs.  McKinley  bowed  her  head  in  assent. 
Soon  afterward  Dr.  Rixey  lead  her  gently  from  the  room. 

Mrs.  McKinley  paid  another  brief  visit  to  the  President  that  evening. 
They  were  alone  for  a  moment  only,  barely  sufficient  for  her  to  kiss  him 
good  night  and  murmur  a  few  words  of  cheer. 

The  way  Mrs.  McKinley  is  regarded  in  the  Presidential  circle  is  well 
expressed  by  Secretary  Wilson. 

"It  is  a  little  less  than  wonderful,"  he  said,  "how  remarkably  well  the 
noble  woman  bore  her  trial.  She  was  shocked  and  frightened,  but  never 
for  a  moment  did  she  show  the  slightest  sign  of  collapse.  Tears  came  to 
her  relief,  and  perhaps  it  is  fortunate  for  her  that  they  did,  as  such  an 
expression  of  grief  undoubtedly  lessened  the  strain." 

News  from  the  bedside  on  Tuesday  was  more  favorable  than  on  the 
preceding  day.  The  danger  point  was  regarded  as  past,  and  fast  recovery 
was  the  general  prediction.  The  docto'rs  had  only  two  services — aside,  of 
course,  from  careful  watching — to  perform.  One  was  to  open  in  part  the 
President's  outside  wound  to  remove  some  foreign  substances,  and  the  other 
was  to  give  him  food  for  the  first  time.  It  developed  that  a  portion  of  the 
President's  clothing  had  been  carried  into  the  wound  by  the  bullet,  and  this 
had  not  all  been  removed  at  the  first  operation.  As  slight  irritation  was 
caused  by  the  cloth,  the  surgeons  removed  it.  The  operation  caused  no 
harm,  and  little  annoyance  to  the  patient. 

The  President  felt  so  well  that  he  asked  for  some  newspapers  to  read.  The 
request  was  denied.  The  President  enjoyed  the  food  given  him — beef  extract. 
At  10:30  o'clock  on  Tuesday  night  the  physicians  issued  this  bulletin:  "The 
condition  of  the  President  unchanged  in  all  important  particulars.  His  tem- 
perature is  100.6;  pulse,  114;  respiration,  28." 

Whenever  the  physicians  would  permit  the  wounded  man  to  talk,  he 
would  show  his  hopefulness.  Jokingly  he  assured  the  constant  watchers 
that  his  wants  were  all  filled  except  one — his  desire  to  smoke.  McKinley  loved 
a  good  cigar  and  smoked  from  ten  to  twenty  each  day.  The  craving  for  a 
cigar  was  constant  and  only  by  great  self-denial  did  he  keep  from  demanding 
one.  The  weakness  of  his  heart,  which  later  was  one  of  the  contributing 
causes  of  his  death,  was  in  part  due  to  the  sudden  change  from  free  use  of 
cigars  to  the  absolute  prohibition  which  the  doctors  imposed. 

The  consultation  held  by  the  physicians  in  attendance  upon  President 


46  McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR   LIFE. 

McKinley  lasted  from  9 :2O  until   1 1 120  o'clock  Tuesday  night.     Half  an 
hour  after  they  left  the  Milburn  residence  the  following  bulletin  was  issued : 

"The  condition  of  the  President  is  unchanged  in  all  important  par- 
ticulars. His  temperature  is  100.6,  pulse  114,  respiration  28.  When  the 
operation  was  done  on  Friday  last  it  was  noted  that  the  bullet  had  carried 
with  it  a  short  distance  beneath  the  skin  a  fragment  of  the  President's  coat. 
This  foreign  material  was,  of  course,  removed,  but  a  slight  irritation  of  the 
tissues  was  produced,  the  evidence  of  which  has  appeared  only  tor-night.  It 
has  been  necessary  on  account  of  this  slight  disturbance  to  remove  a  few 
stitches  and  partially  open  the  skin  wound.  This  incident  cannot  give  rise 
to  other  complications,  but  it  is  communicated  to  the  public,  as  the  sur- 
geons in  attendance  wish  to  make  their  bulletins  entirely  frank.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  separation  of  the  edges  of  the  surface  wound  the  healing  of 
the  same  will  be  somewhat  delayed.  The  President  is  now  well  enough  to 
begin  to  take  nourishment  by  the  mouth  in  the  form  of  pure  beef  juice. 

"P.  M.  Rixey. 

"M.  D.  Mann. 

"Roswell  Park. 

"Herman  Mynter. 

"Charles  McBurney. 

"George  B.  Cortelyou, 
"Secretary  to  the  President." 

Before  the  doctors  appeared,  Secretaries  Smith,  Wilson,  and  Hitchcock 
came  out  of  the  house,  followed  by  Secretaries  Hay  and  Root.  They  said 
the  doctors  were  still  engaged  in  their  consultation,  and  had  not  come  down 
stairs.  They  had  been  informed,  though,  they  said,  that  the  satisfactory 
conditions  still  continued. 

Very  soon  after  the  doctors  had  left  the  morning  visitors  began  coming. 
First  came  Comptroller  Charles  G.  Dawes,  Senator  Fairbanks,  and  Judge 
Day.  They  went  into  the  house  about  10:50  o'clock.  They  were  only  there 
a  few  minutes  when  Senator  Hanna  and  Secretary  Hitchcock,  Postmaster- 
General  Smith  and  Congressman  Grosvenor  of  Ohio  appeared.  They  all 
expressed  themselves  as  confident  of  the  outcome.  The  bulletin  of  the 
physicians  was  not  taken  to  indicate  anything  serious,  and  the  visitors  con- 
firmed the  hopefulness  of  the  situation.  The  President  showed  so  much 
improvement  in  his  condition  the  people  began  to  send  flowers  to  him.  Shortly 
before  noon  Tuesday  a  wagon  load  of  flowers  arrived  at  the  Milburn  house, 
the  gift  of  Governor  Gregory  of  Rhode  Island  to  the  President.  Thev  were 


McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE.  47 

accompanied  by  a  message  of  the  tenderest  sympathy  and  encouragement. 
The  flowers,  which  were  in  baskets,  were  placed  on  the  lawn  and  were 
photographed  before  being  taken  into  the  house.  Two  large  bouquets  came 
from  the  First  Signal  corps,  and  some  of  the  friends  of  the  Milburns  sent 
other  baskets. 

While  interest  at  Buffalo  materially  centered  at  the  Milburn  house,  the 
prison  in  which  Czolgosz  was  confined  received  attention  from  many.  The 
President  was  interested  in  the  assassin,  and  asked  for  information  a  number 
of  times.  The  physicians  would  not  enter  into  details,  but  stated  that  the 
man  was  undoubtedly  insane,  and  that  the  general  public  attached  no  meaning 
to  the  attack  further  than  to  attribute  it  to  a  diseased  mind. 

Roosevelt  left  Buffalo  for  the  Adirondack  woods  Tuesday  night.  He 
planned  to  hunt  for  a  few  days  and  then  proceed  to  his  home  at  Oyster  Bay. 
Senator  Hanna  and  most  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  left  Tuesday  or 
Wednesday. 

Wednesday  was  another  day  full  of  hopeful  signs.  The  President  con- 
tinued to  show  remarkable  recuperative  powers  and  passed  the  day  without 
the  slightest  unfavorable  symptom.  He  was  able  to  retain  food  on  his 
stomach,  and  surprised  and  amused  his  doctors  by  again  asking  for  a  cigar. 
He  was  not  allowed  to-  smoke,  but  he  was  placed  in  a  new  bed.  He  was  also 
given  a  bath.  His  highest  temperature  on  Wednesday  was  100.4.  That 
was  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The  highest  point  reached  by  his  pulse 
was  1 20 — at  six  o'clock  a.  m. — and  his  respiration  remained  normal  at  26. 

Mrs.  McKinley  saw  the  President  on  Wednesday  morning.  When  the 
doctors  arrived  at  the  house  for  the  consultation  they  passed  her  sitting  in 
the  upper  corridor  of  the  residence  at  work  on  her  knitting.  She  was  in 
good  spirits,  and  after  the  visit  of  the  doctors  they  gave  their  assent  to  her 
entering  the  sick  room  again.  She  remained  only  a  minute,  as  the  physicians 
were  avoiding  any  sapping  of  the  President's  strength  by  prolonged  visits, 
even  by  those  nearest  to  him. 

Governor  Yates  of  Illinois  and  State  Senator  Templeton,  chairman  of 
the  Exposition  Commission  of  Illinois,  called  to  pay  their  respects  and  advise 
with  Secretary  Cortelyou  as  to  the  propriety  of  proceeding  with  the  arrange- 
ments for  Illinois  Day  at  the  Exposition,  which  was  set  for  the  following 
Monday. 

Secretary  Cortelyou  told  them  that  it  was  the  President's  own  desire 
that  none  of  the  features  of  the  Exposition  should  be  disturbed  by  his  illness, 
and  assured  them  that  there  would  not  be  the  slightest  impropriety  in  going 


48  McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE. 

ahead  with  the  arrangements.  Such  was  the  confidence  displayed  forty-eight 
hours  before  McKinley's  death. 

The  physicians  announced  that  there  was  no  intention  of  hurrying  Mr. 
McKinley  away  from  Buffalo,  which  city  is  much  cooler  than  either  Canton 
or  Washington,  and  the  home  of  the  President  of  the  Buffalo  Exposition 
is  a  first-class  modern  residence,  admirably  equipped  for  taking  care  of  the 
patient.  It  is  in  a  residence  part  of  town,  and  by  utilizing  the  police  and  the 
infantry  had  been  completely  isolated. 

It  was  Mrs.  McKinley's  wish  that  they  remain  at  Buffalo  until  the  Presi- 
dent had  recovered  and  then  spend  a  month  at  the  home  at  Canton  in  final 
recuperation,  after  which  they  were  to  proceed  to  Washington.  The  Presi- 
dent favored  going  to  Washington  and  the  Cabinet  officers  favored  this  plan. 
There  was  no  pressing  public  business,  but  the  routine  duties  are  numerous. 
Plans  were  under  preparation  for  the  journey  to  Washington  when  the  dis- 
tinguished patient  began  to  show  signs  of  a  relapse. 

It  was  on  Thursday,  just  six  days  after  the  shooting,  that  the  President 
suffered  a  relapse.  Everybody  was  still  full  of  hopes  until  8 130  oclock  in  the 
evening,  when  the  physicians  announced  officially  that  the  President's  condi- 
tion was  not  so  good.  The  problem  of  disposing  of  the  food  in  the 
stomach  was  becoming  a  serious  one,  and  the  danger  of  heart  failure  increased. 
At  midnight  the  situation  was  critical.  Calomel  and  oil  were  given  to  flush 
the  bowels  and  digitalis  to  quiet  the  heart.  The  bowels  moved  soon  after- 
wards, and  the  patient  improved.  The  pulse  dropped  to  120,  and  the  prospect 
was  regarded  as  brighter. 

Secretary  Cortelyou  announced  that  there  would  be  no  more  bulletins 
during  the  night,  and  the  physicians  departed. 

Shortly  after  two  o'clock,  after  a  heavy  thunderstorm,  the  physicians  and 
nurses  who  were  left  on  watch  detected  a  weakening  of  the  heart  action.  The 
pulse  fluttered  and  weakened  and  the  President  sank  toward  a  collapse.  The 
end  appeared  at  hand.  Restoratives  were  applied  speedily,  but  they  did  not 
at  once  prove  effective.  It  was  then  decided  to  send  for  the  other  physicians, 
relatives,  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  close  personal  friends  of  the  President. 

Trouble  began  on  Thursday  afternoon  through  the  failure  of  the  digestive 
organs  to  perform  their  functions.  The  necessity  for  nourishment  had  been 
pressing  for  several  days,  and  the  partial  failure  of  artificial  means  had  led 
to  the  adoption  of  natural  means.  The  rectum,  through  which  nourishment 
had  been  injected  previously  to  Wednesday,  became  irritated  and  rejected  the 
enemas. 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY   FALLING  INTO  ARMS   OF  CORTELYOU, 
SAYING:     "AM    I    SHOT?" 


PRESIDENT    McKINLEY    BEING    PUT    IN    THE    AMBULANCE 
AFTER  BEING  SHOT. 


McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE.  51 

The  physicians  tried  to  feed  him  through  the  mouth,  probably  before  the 
stomach  was  prepared.  The  first  administration  of  beef  juice  through  the 
mouth,  however,  seemed  to  agree  with  the  patient,  and  the  physicians  were 
highly  gratified  at  the  way  the  stomach  seemed  to  receive  the  food. 

Dr.  McBurney  was  especially  jubilant  over  the  action  of  the  stomach  and 
before  his  departure  for  New  York  dwelt  upon  the  fact  that  the  stomach 
seemed  to  have  resumed  its  normal  functions.  The  breakfast  of  chicken 
broth  and  toast  given  Thursday  morning  was  spoken  of  by  all  the  physicians 
as  strong  evidence  of  the  President's  marked  improvement.  It  was  only 
when  it  became  apparent  late  in  the  morning  that  this  food  had  not  agreed 
with  the  President  that  the  first  genuine  anxiety  appeared.  The  first  note  of 
alarm  was  sounded  in  the  official  bulletin  Thursday  afternoon,  which  spoke  of 
the  President's  fatigue. 

President  McKinley.  already  weak  from  the  ordeal  of  the  tragedy  and 
suffering,  complained  of  an  increasing  feeling  of  fatigue.  He  had  heretofore 
been  so  buoyant  and  cheerful  that  his  complaints  were  regarded  seriously. 
The  pulse  was  then  also  abnormally  high,  126  beats  to  the  minute.  With  a 
temperature  of  100.2  it  should  have  been  thirty  beats  lower. 

The  weakness  of  the  heart  began  to  arouse  serious  concern.  Instead  of 
growing  better,  the  President's  condition  after  that  grew  steadily  worse. 

The  staff  of  physicians,  augmented  by  Dr.  Stockton,  who  had  temporarily 
taken  the  place  of  Dr.  McBurney,  was  summoned  early  in  the  evening,  and 
there  was  a  conference. 

At  8 130  the  physicians  announced  officially  that  the  President's  condition 
was  not  so  good.  The  problem  of  disposing  of  the  food  in  the  stomach  was 
becoming  a  serious  one  and  the  danger  of  heart  failure  increased. 

It  was  believed  then  that  the  opening  of  the  bowels,  which  was  effected, 
would  have  the  effect  of  allaying  the  wild  pulsations  of  the  heart.  His  pulse 
did  drop  to  120  and  the  prospect  was  slightly  brighter.  But  owing  to  the 
President's  extreme  weakness  and  his  fatigue  no  attempt  was  made  to  conceal 
the  serious  apprehension  which  was  felt.  The  feeling  of  depression  increased 
in  volume  and  intensity. 

Secretary  Cortelyou  insisted  that  the  truth  should  be  made  public  by  the 
doctors  and  the  bulletins  themselves  were  telling  their  unfortunate  story 
all  too  plainly.  There  was  still  hope  that  the  worn  and  weary  patient  would 
1>e  better  in  the  morning,  and  at  midnight  Secretary  Cortelyou  said  it  was 
not  probable  that  another  bulletin  would  be  issued  until  morning. 

Hope  came  once  more  to  the  breasts  of  those  who  had  waited  for  hours 


52  McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE. 

in  anxiety.  The  physicians  parted  for  the  night  and  every  sign  was  a  cheering 
one.  There  had  been  disquieting  pulse  action  for  several  hours,  but  prac- 
tically all  of  the  unfavorable  symptoms  had  been  linked  with  the  stomach 
trouble,  and  it  was  thought  they  would  probably  disappear  with  the  removal 
of  the  cause  which  was  supposed  to  have  created  them. 

The  unofficial  reports  at  one  o'clock  and  1 130  o'clock  were  both  of  a  satis- 
factory nature  and  the  watchers  gathered  about  the  house  prepared  for  an 
uninterrupted  night. 

Another  thunderstorm  came  out  of  the  north  and  a  few  minutes'  play  of 
the  lightning  brought  rain  in  a  heavy  downpour.  A  bluster  wind  blew  up  from 
the  west  to  complete  the  cheerlessness  of  the  night. 

Shortly  after  two  o'clock  the  physicians  and  nurses  detected  a  weakening 
of  the  heart  action.  The  pulse  fluttered  and  weakened  and  the  President 
sank  toward  collapse.  The  end  appeared  to  be  at  hand. 

Restoratives  were  speedily/  applied  and  the  physicians  fought  the  battle 
with  all  the  reserve  forces  of  science.  Action  was  immediate  and  decisive. 
Digitalis  and  strychnia  were  administered,  and  as  a  last  resort  saline  solution 
was  injected  into  the  veins. 

A  general  alarm  went  speeding  to  the  consulting  physicians  and  trained 
nurses  as  fast  as  messengers,  the  telegraph  and  telephone  could  carry  it. 

The  restoratives  did  not  at  once  prove  effective  and  it  was  realized  that  the 
President  was  in  an  extremely  critical  condition. 

That  realization,  with  the  shadow  of  death  behind  it,  led  to  another  call, 
and  that  a  summons  to  the  Cabinet,  relatives  and  close  personal  friends  of  the 
President. 

The  messengers  who  returned  with  the  doctors  and  nurses  were  hurried 
off  after  those  within  reach,  and  to  those  who  were  absent  from  the  city  tele- 
grams conveying  the  painful  tidings  were  quickly  transmitted. 

The  scene  about  the  house  and  in  the  storm-swept  street  was  dramatic  in  its 
action  and  setting,  and  the  spirit  of  the  tragedy  was  on  those  who  looked 
upon  it.  A  messenger  who  darted  into  the  rain  and  was  whisked  away  in  an 
electric  cab  gave  the  outside  watchers  the  first  intimation  of  the  ill  news  from 
within. 

At  the  same  moment  new  lights  burned  within  the  windows  of  the  Milburn 
residence.  Soon  the  word  was  passed  out  that  the  President  had  partly  col- 
lapsed and  was  critically  ill.  It  was  a  confirmation  that  was  hardly  needed,  for 
the  fact  had  been  established  by  action  that  needed  no  words. 

Mrs.  McKinley  went  through  the  long  night  of  sorrow  as  only  the  thor- 


McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE.  53 

oughbred  woman  does.  She  slept,  but  that  she  could  have  slept  much  was 
impossible.  But  no  traces  of  the  night's  agony  showed  as  she  turned  her 
serene  face  upon  early  callers  next  morning. 

Mrs.  Barber,  Mrs.  McKinley's  sister,  was  present,  and  with  her  the  Misses 
Barber,  her  daughters,  and  her  son,  Assistant  Paymaster  Barber  of  the  Navy. 
When  the  two  sisters  met,  Mrs.  McKinley  came  nearer  to  breaking  down  than 
she  had  at  any  time.  Her  eyes  overflowed  and  her  voice  broke.  But  she 
soon  recovered  and  was  again  the  strong,  consoling  wife  of  a  stricken  mate. 

When  the  serious  condition  of  the  President  was  realized,  early  Friday 
morning,  Secretaries  Hitchcock  and  Wilson,  the  only  Cabinet  officers  in 
the  city,  were  summoned  at  once  and  came  in  a  short  time.  Drs.  Mann  and 
Mynter  and  Dr.  Park,  who  had  been  present  at  the  consultations  held  during 
the  night,  arrived  just  after  them.  The  first  two  were  together  in  an  auto- 
mobile. They  leaped  from  it  before  it  stopped  and  ran  up  to  the  house.  Dr. 
Park  showed  the  same  haste. 

Miss  Mackenzie,  one  of  the  nurses,  arrived  at  3  :io  in  a  cab.  She  jumped 
from  her  cab  and  ran  up  the  steps.  Mrs.  Newell,  another  of  the  nurses, 
followed  her  in  five  minutes  in  an  automobile. 

Secret  Service  men,  summoned  by  Operator  Foster,  came  and  took  pos- 
session of  the  Western  Union  telegraph  wires  leading  to  the  Milburn  house. 
Communication  was  attempted  with  Vice-President  Roosevelt.  The  Cabinet 
ministers  who  were  not  in  Buffalo  were  sent  word  to  come  at  once.  Senator 
Hanna  was  summoned  from  Cleveland,  and  answered  that  he  would  come  as 
fast  as  a  chartered  train  could  bring  him. 

Mrs.  Lafayette  McWilliams  drove  up  to  the  house  at  3 135  and  went 
directly  to  Mrs.  McKinley,  who  at  that  time  was  still  sleeping.  Then  the 
procession  of  carriages  arriving  at  the  Milburn  house  at  a  gallop  grew  thicker, 
bringing  state  dignitaries  and  friends  of  the  President  with  their  anxiety 
marked  on  their  faces. 

When  the  immediate  danger  of  death  was  considered  passed  the  visitors 
at  the  house  began  to  depart,  and  some  of  the  physicians  left.  At  eight 
o'clock  the  only  person  at  the  house  besides  doctors  and  regular  attendants 
were  Secretaries  Hitchcock  and  Wilson,  Abner  McKinley,  Colonel  Brown  of 
Fostoria,  Ohio,  John  G.  Milburn,  Miss  Alice  Barber  and  Mrs.  Lafayette 
McWilliams. 

Crowds  of  the  curious  had  surrounded  the  house  by  that  time,  the  news 
of  the  President's  extremity  having  circulated  rapidly  through  the  city.  The 


54  McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE. 

lines  of  police  and  soldiers  were  doubled,  but  the  crowd  grew  and  seemed 
content  to  wait  for  news  from  the  physicians. 

Shortly  after  eight  o'clock  the  physicians  began  to  arrive  at  the  house 
again,  some  of  them  having  gone  home  for  breakfast  and  rest.  Abner 
McKinley  did  not  go  to  his  breakfast.  Mrs.  McKinley  was  still  sleeping  at 
eight  o'clock  and  Secretary  Cortelyou  had  lain  down  to  rest,  as  the  strain  and 
anxiety  of  the  night  had  exhausted  him. 

Major  Diehl  called  at  9:30  and  with  him  was  former  Postniaster-*General 
Bissel.  They  were  informed  by  Dr.  Mann  that  if.  the  President  survived  the 
day  there  was  hope  for  him.  The  President  was  in  a  collapse,  he  said, 
although  his  heart  action  was  slightly  strengthened. 

A  clergyman,  Arthur  O.  Sykes,  arrived  soon  after  and  caused  much 
excitement  among  the  watchers,  as  his  presence  was  interpreted  as  a  sign  of 
extremity.  It  was  learned,  however,  that  he  only  came  to  bring  messages 
of  sympathy  from  the  citizens  of  Portsmouth,  Va. 

Senator  Hanna  arrived  at  the  house  in  an  automobile  at  9:35.  He 
arrived  at  the  Central  Station  on  his  special  train  but  a  few  minutes  before, 
after  a  record-breaking  run  from  Cleveland  in  a  chartered  train.  Detective 
Ireland  met  him  at  the  train  and  the  automobile  brought  him  to  the  President 
as  fast  as  possible. 

At  eleven  o'clock  the  President  fell  into  a  slumber.  While  he  slept  the 
sun,  whose  beams  had  dispelled  the  rain  clouds  of  the  night,  was  again  over- 
cast. A  chilling  rain  began  to  fall.  Visitors  still  came  into  the  house, 
inquired  of  the  President's  condition  and  departed. 

Governor  Yates  of  Illinois  was  among  them.  He  arrived  shortly  after 
eleven  o'clock.  When  he  left  he  said  the  surgeons  had  informed  him  there 
was  a  slight  improvement  in  the  President's  condition,  but  not  sufficient  to 
remove  the  grave  apprehension  felt. 

Senator  Chauncey  M.  Depew  arrived  shortly  after  noon  with  Colonel 
Myron  T.  Herrick,  who  had  gone  to  the  depot  to  meet  him.  Senator  Depew 
had  been  summoned  during  the  night.  Colonel  Herrick  arrived  on  the  same 
train  that  brought  Senator  Hanna. 

The  news  that  came  from  the  house  at  this  time  was  still  of  the  gravest 
kind.  Nothing  more  than  a  fighting  chance  was  conceded  by  the  physicians. 
That  was  the  news  that  Colonel  Herrick  brought  out  when  he  left  the  house 
at  12  :i8  to  go  to  dinner. 

By  far  the  most  hopeful  of  the  watchers  was  Senator  Hanna,  who  declared 


McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE.  55 

his  belief  that  the  President  had  a  good  chance  for  his  life.  He  sent  for 
Dr.  Rixey  and  questioned  him  and  the  doctor  replied : 

"The  President  is  gaining  strength  and  has  a  good  fighting  chance  but 
for  his  heart.  God  knows  what  it  will  do." 

The  most  noted  heart  specialist  in  the  country,  Dr.  Janeway  of  Washing- 
ton, was  summoned  during  the  morning. 

The  advance  of  death  may  be  read  in  the  bulletins  which  were  issued  by 
the  physicians  and  others  and  sent  by  the  newspaper  reporters  to  their  respec- 
tive papers. 

Beginning  at  10:28  a.  m.  Dr.  Mynter  announced  that  the  President  had  a 
fighting  chance.  Then  came,  at  1 145,  'The  President  is  sleeping  and  an 
examination  will  be  postponed  until  later." 

Then  for  a  time  no  information  came  which  would  give  the  watchers 
outside  any  clew  as  to  the  positive  condition  of  the  patient  within.  Suddenly 
a  carriage  came  up  at  a  rapid  speed  and  Dr.  Stockton  jumped  out.  He  bore 
what  appeared  to  be  a  case  of  surgical  instruments. 

It  was  not  until  after  this  that  the  information  came  that  during  the 
morning  Mrs.  McKinley  had  been  in  the  room  for  a  brief  time,  but  the  fact 
that  her  husband  was  dying  was  not  imparted  to  her,  and  every  effort  was 
made  to  keep  any  suspicion  of  the  true  condition  from  her. 

Colonel  Alexander  came  from  the  house  at  2  120  and  declared  the  Presi- 
dent had  just  awakened  from  a  sound  sleep  which  lasted  an  hour  and  a  half. 
It  was  rumored,  however,  that  the  sleep  was  caused  by  the  use  of  drugs  and 
that  Mr.  McKinley  was  really  dying. 

At  4 145  p.  m.  Secretary  Hitchcock  and  Secretary  Wilson  arrived  and 
passed  hurriedly  into-  the  house.  They  would  answer  no  questions. 

The  anxiety  of  the  watchers  outside  was  abated  somewhat  immediately 
after  this,  however,  by  the  appearance  from  the  house  of  Mrs.  Abner  McKinley 
and  her  daughter,  Mrs.  Herman  Baer.  The  women  drove  away,  and,  it  was 
argued  that,  were  the  President  in  any  immediate  danger,  they  would  not  have 
left  the  house. 

The  President's  physicians  issued  a  bulletin  at  4:50  which  stated  that 
there  had  been  but  a  slight  improvement  since  the  last  official  bulletin  was 
issued.  This  notice  said  the  pulse  and  temperature  were  practically  the  same. 

A  few  minutes  after  the  posting  of  this  bulletin  Harry  Hamlin  came  from 
the  house.  He  would  not  speak,  and,  summoning  a  carriage,  he  drove  away 
at  full  speed. 

Though  no  statement  was  given  out,  the  appearance  of  every  one  about 


56  McKINLEY'S    FIGHT    FOR    LIFE. 

the  Milburn  house  indicated  that  the  President's  death  was  expected  any 
moment.  Figures  moved  about  swiftly  but  noiselessly  within  the  house. 

The  end  seemed  at  hand  when  the  physicians  announced  at  5  125  that  the 
condition  of  the  President  was  very  bad — in  fact,  could  not  be  worse. 

The  news  was  flashed  to  the  White  House  from  an  official  source  at 
Buffalo  that  at  5  145  the  President's  condition  was  most  grave.  That  his 
heart  was  responding  but  poorly  to  stimulants.  Secretary  Root,  accompanied 
by  Carlton  Sprague,  reached  the  Milburn  residence  a  few  minutes  after  five 
o'clock.  It  was  said  that  Secretary  Long  would  arrive  at  1 1 140  o'clock. 

To  those  who  were  so  anxiously  waiting  for  Vice-President  Roosevelt 
or  knowledge  of  his  whereabouts,  word  came  from  the  train  dispatcher  at 
Saratoga  that  at  7 130  p.  m.  Mr.  Roosevelt  had  not  been  found,  so  far  as  he 
knew,  by  the  guides  who  were  scouring  the  Adirondack  woods  for  him.  The 
Vice-President  had  not  reached  North  Creek,  fifty-nine  miles  north  of 
Saratoga. 

At  eight  o'clock  word  came  that  under  the  influence  of  oxygen  the  Presi- 
dent regained  consciousness  for  a  moment.  Dr.  McBurney  arrived  at  the 
house  at  eight  o'clock,  and  a  moment  later  a  guard  was  placed  around 
the  tent  in  which  was  located  the  direct  wire  to  the  White  House. 


CHAPTER   III. 

DEATHBED   OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

William  McKinley,  twenty-fifth  President  of  the  United  States,  died  at 
fifteen  minutes  past  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  September  14, 
1901,  at  the  age  of  fifty-eight  years.  He  had  lived  just  six  and  a  half  days 
after  receiving  his  wound  at  the  hands  of  Leon  Czolgosz,  the  anarchist. 

From  the  time  President  McKinley  was  carried  to  the  bed  in  the  Mil- 
burn  home,  at  Buffalo,  there  had  been  a  continually  rising  barometer  of  hope. 
Frightful  as  had  been  the  shock  of  his  wound,  serious  as  were  the  conse- 
quences in  a  bullet  necessarily  retained  in  his  body,  the  great  reserves  of 
courage  and  of  strength  had  come  to  the  President's  rescue,  and  he  had 
seemed  to  mend  from  the  start.  As  the  days  passed  following  the  assault, 
the  whole  nation  emerged  from  that  black  pall  of  gloom  which  fell  in  the 
hour  when  men  first  whispered:  "The  President  is  shot!"  Usual  vocations 
were  taken  up  again.  Social  activities  were  renewed.  The  people  in  gen- 
eral, scarcely  pausing  from  the  pressure  of  a  necessary  labor,  caught  the  note 
of  encouragement,  and  were  happy  as  they  worked.  Apprehension  almost 
faded  away  as  the  days  of  the  week  followed  each  other,  and  every  succeed- 
ing bulletin  painted  but  brighter  the  scene  in  the  sick  room.  By  Wednesday 
the  millions  of  Americans  who  were  watching  with  eyes  of  love  at  that 
bedside — however  near  or  remote  they  might  be— had  quite  dismissed  the 
thought  of  a  fatal  ending  to  the  President's  case.  They  accepted  his  speedy 
recovery  as  a  fact  to  be  shared  with  jubilation,  and  had  forgotten  the  grip 
of  dismay  and  fear  which  seized  them  when  the  first  news  came. 

And  out  of  this  rising  glow  of  happiness  came,  late  Thursday  night, 
another  shock — the  bitterer  for  the  hope  which  had  preceded  it. 

"The  President  is  worse."  That  was  the  message  men  whispered  to  each 
other.  After  bulletins  which  exhausted  the  possibility  of  variety  in  state- 
ment came  one  which  chilled  the  warm  heart  of  the  nation,  and  frightened 
far  away  the  hope  which  had  seemed  so  certain.  The  Thursday  morning 
statement  of  physicians  and  secretary  reported  all  that  could  be  argued  from 
the  sanguine  statements  of  preceding  days. 

At  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  there  was  a  note  of  distress  in  the 
reporting.  The  country  had  already  been  apprised,  through  the  watchful 

57 


58  DEATHBED    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

press,  of  such  "hurryings  to  and  fro"  as  presaged  a  return  of  peril,  and  of 
fear.  There  were  drawn,  white  faces  at  the  windows  of  the  Milburn  house. 
The  calm  of  preceding  days  was  disturbed.  Messengers  were  sent  flying  to 
various  destinations.  Carriages  and  automobiles  rolled  up  or  rolled  away 
in  a  haste  which  could  mean  but  burning  anxiety.  And  in  the  evening 
hours  came  that  carefully  considered  bulletin  which  was  the  more  por- 
tentous for  the  very  vagueness  of  its  terms: 

Milburn  House,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  September  12. — The  following  bulletin 
was  issued  by  the  President's  physicians  at  8:30  p.  m.: 

The  President's  condition  this  evening  is  not  quite  sc 
good.     His  food  has  not  agreed    with    him    and    has    been 
stopped.     Excretion  has  not  yet  been  properly  established. 
The  kidneys  are  acting  well.    His  pulse  is  not  satisfactory,  but 
has  improved  in  the  last  two  hours.    The  wound  is  doing  well. 
He  is  resting  quietly.    Temperature,  100.2;  pulse,  128. 
P.  M.  Rixey, 
M.  D.  Mann, 
Roswell  Park, 
Herman  Mynter, 
Eugene  Wasdin, 
Charles  D.  Stockton. 

George  B.  Cortelyou, 

Secretary  to  the  President. 

Little  by  little  the  people  learned.  Early  on  Thursday  there  were  signs 
of  pain.  There  were  alarming  developments.  The  physicians,  carefully 
scanning  every  evidence,  breathlessly  watching  their  patient's  every  mo- 
ment, learned  that  a  relapse  had  come.  They  battled  against  it.  They  called 
up  all  the  known  agencies  for  assisting  nature  in  opposing  the  grim  enemy 
that  threatened. 

But  the  President  was  sinking.    That  was  the  truth  about  it. 

All  through  Thursday  night,  all  through  Friday  that  battling  for  life 
went  on,  the  patient,  brave  and  uncomplaining  victim  of  a  reasonless  shot, 
was  subjecting  himself  utterly  to  the  control  of  the  medical  men.  And  they 
were  exhausting  the  possibilities  of  medicine  and  of  surgery.  They  were 
doing  all  that  man  could  -do.  They  were  rendering  such  service  as  king's 
can  not  command.  But  the  baffling  difficulty  continued.  They  could  not 
understand. 


DEATHBED    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY.  59 

Down  through  the  body,  hidden  from  their  eyes,  ran  the  channel  which 
a  murderous  bullet  had  plowed.  And  in  every  inch  of  its  course  the  fatal 
gangrene  had  settled.  Death  was  at  his  feast  in  the  President's  body! 

Nothing  could  check  that  devastation.  Nothing  could  spur  the  heart 
to  combat  longer.  Nothing  could  restore  those  pulses  to  normal  beating. 

The  President  was  dying! 

All  through  the  early  hours  of  Friday  night  it  was  known  he  could  not 
live  to  another  sunrise.  Friends,  relatives,  cabinet  officers,  the  Vice  Presi- 
dent— all  were  summoned;  and  they  were  hastening  to  the  bedside  in  the 
hush  of  an  awful  sorrow. 

At  three  o'clock  Friday  morning  all  of  the  physicians  were  gathered 
at  the  bedside  of  the  President.  It  was  stated  that  digitalis  was  being 
administered.  Drs.  Mynter  and  Mann  arrived  at  the  house  at  2:40,  having 
been  sent  for  hurriedly. 

Dr.  Park  reached  the  house  at  2:50,  and  shortly  after  him  came  Secre- 
taries Hitchcock  and  Wilson. 

Several  messengers  were  hurried  from  the  house  and  it  was  understood 
that  they  carried  dispatches  to  the  absent  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  the 
kin  of  the  President. 

Additional  lights  burned.  The  household  was  astir.  It  was  manifest 
that  the  wounded  President  faced  a  grave  and  menacing  crisis. 

Alarm  could  be  read  in  the  faces  of  those  to  whose  nursing  and  care  he 
was  committed. 

Mrs.  Newell,  one  of  the  trained  nurses  suddenly  called,  arrived  at  3:15. 
She  sprang  from  an  electric  carriage  and  ran  down  the  sidewalk  to  the 
house. 

The  scene  about  the  house  was  dramatic.  The  attendants  could  be  seen 
hurrying  about  behind  the  unshaded  and  brightly  lighted  windows,  and 
messengers  came  and  went  hastily  through  the  guarded  door. 

Outside  half  a  hundred  newspaper  correspondents  were  assembled  await- 
ing news. 

Meanwhile  the  nation — the  world — stood  watching  for  the  final  word. 
Buffalo,  where  the  President  was  assassinated,  stood  agape  with  horror  and 
rage. 

It  was  past  midday  when  he  had  entered  upon  his  final  struggle.  The 
thousands  gathered  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition,  the  nation  and  the 
outside  world  were  not  prepared  even  then  for  a  realization  that  the  worst 
was  at  hand. 


(JO  DEATHBED    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

A  furious  rainstorm  was  sweeping  the  city  when  the  first  ominous  an- 
nouncement came  from  the  Milburn  house: 

"President  McKinley  is  dying.    He  can  live  but  a  few  moments." 

Then  signal  service  operators  took  possession  of  the  telegraph  wires 
leading  to  the  house  of  death.  Cabinet  officers  and  members  of  the  Presi- 
dent's family  began  to  arrive,  and  the  beginning  of  the  end  had  come. 

Then  it  was  announced  that  the  President  might  live  for  several  hours. 
But  even  then  his  limbs  were  growing  cold  and  his  pulse  was  fluttering  with 
the  feeble  efforts  of  his  will  alone.  He  was  conscious.  Every  light  in  the 
house  was  aglow. 

Within,  the  wife  had  paid  her  last  tribute  to  her  dying  sweetheart  of 
thirty  years.  Dr.  Rixey  led  her  into  the  room,  and  as  she  laid  her  head 
alongside  his  she  sobbed: 

"I  cannot  let  him  go." 

She  knew  that  the  President  was  dying  then,  and  in  the  dim  silence 
of  her  adjoining  room  she  waited  and  wept  as  the  hours  sped  and  the  doctors 
wondered  at  the  mighty  battle  of  the  dying  man. 

It  was  midnight  when  Sacretary  Long  of  the  Navy  arrived.  He  found 
his  beloved  chief  alive,  but  unconscious,  and  Dr.  Mann  told  him,  as  he  stood 
in  the  hallway,  "The  President  is  pulseless  and  dying,  but  he  may  live  an 
hour." 

At  half  an  hour  past  midnight  Coroner  Wilson  arrived  at  the  Milburn 
house,  and  an  unfounded  announcement  of  McKinley's  death  was  quickly 
telegraphed  to  all  parts  of  the  country.  He  left  as  soon  as  he  found  that  the 
order  summoning  him  was  a  mistake. 

But  the  President,  now  finally  unconscious,  and  breathing  but  faintly, 
struggled  on.  Midnight,  I  and  2  o'clock,  found  him  wavering  on  the  verge, 
and  the  men  of  science  could  but  stand  and  marvel  at  the  wondrous  but 
hopeless  fight  which  he  had  maintained  so  long.  Intervals  of  apparent 
consciousness  came  upon  him.  Sometimes  he  opened  his  fading  eyes  and 
gazed  calmly  around. 

At  2  o'clock  the  dim,  gray  light  began  to  fall  across  his  shrunken  face, 
and  then — death  won! 

He  had  been  unconscious,  the  doctors  said,  for  nearly  six  hours.  During 
all  this  time  he  had  been  gradually  sinking.  For  the  last  half  hour  he  had 
been  in  such  condition  that  it  was  difficult  to  tell  when  he  breathed. 

With  him  at  the  time  of  his  death  was  Dr.  Rixey,  alone  of  all  the  physi- 
cians, and  by  the  side  of  the  bed  were  grouped  Senator  Hanna  and  members 
of  the  President's  family. 


DEATHBED    OF    PRESIDENT    McKlNLEY.  61 

He  died  unattended  by  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  but  his  last  words  were 
an  humble  submission  to  the  will  of  God,  in  whom  he  believed.  He  was 
reconciled  to  the  cruel  fate  to  which  an  assassin's  bullet  had  condemned  him, 
and  faced  death  in  the  same  spirit  of  calmness  and  poise  which  has  marked 
his  long  and  honorable  career. 

His  last  conscious  words,  reduced  to  writing  by  Dr.  Mann,  who  stood  at 
his  bedside  when  they  were  uttered,  were  as  follows: 

"Good-by,  all;  good-by.    It  is  God's  way.    His  will  be  done,  not  ours." 

His  relatives  and  the  members  of  his  official  family  were  at  the  Milburn 
house,  except  Secretary  Wilson,  who  did  not  avail  himself  of  the  opportunity 
and  some  of  his  personal  and  political  friends  took  leave  of  him.  This  pain- 
ful ceremony  was  simple.  His  friends  came  to  the  door  of  the  sick  room, 
took  a  longing  glance  at  him  and  turned  tearfully  away. 

He  was  practically  unconscious  during  this  time,  but  the  powerful  heart 
stimulants,  including  oxygen,  were  employed  to  restore  him  to  conscious- 
ness for  his  final  parting  with  his  wife.  He  asked  for  her  and  she  sat  at  his 
side  and  held  his  hand.  He  consoled  her  and  bade  her  good-by. 

She  went  through  the  heart-trying  scene  with  the  same  bravery  and  forti- 
tude with  which  she  had  borne  the  grief  of  the  tragedy  which  ended  his 
life. 

That  last  day  on  earth  had  tried  him  severely.  He  had  commenced 
wearing  away  a  little  before  3  o'clock  Friday  morning.  Throughout  the  day 
and  evening  the  expectations  of  attendants,  physicians  and  friends  oscillated 
as  a  pendulum  between  hope  and  despair.  Hopeless  bulletins  followed 
encouraging  reports  from  the  sick  room,  and  they  in  turn  gave  way  to 
recurrent  hope. 

The  truth  was  too  evident  to  be  passed  over  or  concealed.  The  Presi- 
dent's life  was  hanging  in  the  balance.  The  watchers  felt  that  at  any  mo- 
ment might  come  the  announcement  of  a  change  which  would  foreshadow 
the  end. 

When  it  was  learned  that  the  President  was  taking  small  quantities  of 
nourishment  hope  rose  that  he  would  pass  the  crisis  in  safety.  Everybody 
knew,  though — and  no  attempt  was  made  to  conceal  it — that  the  coming 
night  would  in  all  human  probability  be  his  last  on  earth.  It  was  known 
that  he  was  being  kept  alive  by  the  strongest  of  heart  stimulants,  and  that 
the  physicians  had  obtained  a  supply  of  oxygen  to  be  administered  if  the 
worse  came. 

During  the  day  President  McKinley  was  conscious  when  he  was  not 


62  DEATHBED    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

sleeping.     Early  in  the  morning  when  he  awoke  he  looked  out  of  the  win- 
dow and  saw  that  the  sky  was  overcast  with  heavy  clouds. 

"It  is  not  so  bright  as  it  was  yesterday,"  said  he. 

His  eyes  then  caught  the  waving  branches  of  the  trees,  glistening  with 
rain,  and  their  bright  green  evidently  made  an  agreeable  impression  upon 
him. 

"It  is  pleasant  to  see  them,"  said  he,  feebly. 

Mrs.  McKinley  did  not  take  her  usual  drive.  She  saw  the  President 
once  before  night,  and  then  only  for  a  moment.  No  words  passed  between 
them.  The  physicians  led  her  to  the  bedside  of  her  husband,  and  after  she 
had  looked  at  him  for  a  moment  they  led  her  away. 

While  Mrs.  McKinley  was  told  that  the  President  was  not  so  well  the 
physicians  deemed  it  best  not  to  attempt  to  explain  to  her  fully  the  nature 
of  the  complications  which  had  arisen  or  the  real  gravity  of  his  condition. 

As  fast  as  steam  could  bring  them  the  President's  secretaries,  the  mem- 
bers of  his  family  and  the  physicians  who  had  left  convinced  that  the  Presi- 
dent would  recover,  were  whirled  back  to  Buffalo.  They  went  at  once  to 
the  house  in  which  he  was  ly'ng,  and  the  information  which  they  obtained 
there  was  of  a  nature  to  heighten  rather  than  to  relieve  their  fears. 

All  night  the  doctors  worked  to  keep  the  President  alive.  The  day  broke 
with  a  gloomy  sky  and  a  pouring  rain,  broken  by  frequent  bursts  of  gusty 
downpours.  It  seemed  as  though  nature  was  sympathizing  with  the  gloom 
which  surrounded  the  ivy-clad  house  about  which  the  sentries  were  steadily 
marching. 

The  2.  o'clock  bulletin,  issued  at  2:30,  swung  the  pendulum  away  over  on 
the  side  of  confidence.  It  stated  that  the  President  had  more  than  held  his 
own  since  morning,  and  that  his  condition  justified  the  expectation  of 
further  improvement.  It  added:  "He  is  better  than  at  this  time  yesterday." 

Faces  up  and  down  the  street  brightened.  Telegraph  messenger  boys, 
in  their  youthful  spirits,  restrained  all  the  day  by  the  gloom  around  the 
Milburn  house,  whooped  as  they  ran  and  nobody  reproved.  The  sun  shone 
again. 

But  the  news  was  too  good  to  last.  Secretary  Cortelyou  walked  across 
the  street  to  the  press  and  telegraph  tents  and  explained  that  the  sentence, 
"He  is  better  than  at  this  time  yesterday,"  should  be  stricken  out.  Then  the 
sky  was  black  again. 

'  The  bravery  of  Mrs.  McKinley  in  this  last  moment  was  only  paralleled  by 
the  heroism  with  which  the  President  himself,  murmuring  the  words  of 


DEATHBED    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY.  «3 

"Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  turned  his  face  away  from  all  so  dear  to  him  in 
life,  and  passed  into  the  last  and  eternal  sleep. 

All  through  the  struggle  of  Friday  when  the  erratic  heart  of  the  Presi- 
dent leaped  and  then  failed,  Mrs.  McKinley's  courage  had  been  at  the  highest 
point.  The  beautiful  womanhood  within  her,  the  memories  of  thirty  years 
of  perfect  married  life,  the  recollections  of  the  tender  devotions  of  the  dying 
President,  rose  and  gave  her  the  strength  needed  to  face  the  worst. 

She  remained  in  her  apartments  surrounded  by  friends,  anxious  to  be 
by  the  President's  side,  but  obedient  to  Dr.  Rixey's  wishes  that  she  should 
not  come  until  she  was  called. 

Oxygen  had  been  given  the  President,  and  under  its  influence  he  had 
slightly  revived.  He  told  Dr.  Rixey  that  he  realized  he  was  about  to  die, 
and  he  asked  for  Mrs.  McKinley. 

She  came  and  knelt  down  by  his  bed  and  his  eyes  rested  lovingly  upon 
her.  His  first  solicitude  was  for  her — her  care,  her  happiness.  All  the  love 
of  three  decades  shone  in  his  face  as  he  feebly  put  out  his  hands  and  covered 
her  own  with  his. 

He  knew  that  he  was  dying,  she  only  half  apprehended  it.  But  even  in 
such  a  trial  she  kept  herself  up  most  bravely,  lifting  her  tear-stained  face  to 
Dr.  Rixey's  and  exclaiming: 

"I  know  that  you  will  save  him.  I  cannot  let  him  go.  The  country 
cannot  spare  him." 

The  President's  strength  did  not  last  long.  Unconsciousness  returned  to 
him,  and  they  led  Mrs.  McKinley  away. 

When  she  was  without  the  room  Mr.  Milburn  told  her  that  the  President 
could  hardly  live  until  morning. 

Herbert  P.  Bissell  came  to  her  side  as  she  wavered,  and  Dr.  Wasdin 
hurried  from  the  President's  chamber  and  administered  a  restorative. 

Little  by  little  Mrs.  McKinley  gained  new  strength,  and  in  half  an  hour 
was  in  full  control  of  herself.  Several  ladies  sat  beside  her,  and  to  one  of 
these  she  turned  and  whispered: 

"I  will  be  strong  for  his  sake." 

An  invalid  herself,  racked  for  twenty  years  with  pain,  almost  helpless  at 
times,  since  the  years  in  which  her  children  passed  from  her,  the  wife  and 
sweetheart  of  the  dying  President  conquered  herself. 

And  so  the  heavy  hours  hurried  away.  Midnight  had  come,  and  gone. 
The  dawn  was  lingering-  far  in  the  east,  and  not  even  the  edge  of  the  world 
glowed  with  the  promise  of  day.  It  had  rained  on  Friday,  and  a  storm  had 


64  DEATHBED    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

raged  which  will  long  be  remembered  by  those  who  were  called  abroad  in 
the  troubled  city.  As  at  the  close  of  Napoleon's  life  the  elements  warred 
tumultuously,  so  on  the  last  day  of  this  gentler  ruler,  the  winds  and  the 
clouds  filled  the  earth  with  tears  and  the  sounds  of  weeping. 

They  did  not  know,  but  his  physicians  were  helpless  from  the  start.  The 
demon  who  had  struck  so  surely,  might  well  make  mockery  of  them.  Six 
days  of  pain,  six  days  of  agony,  six  days  of  hovering  at  the  slippery  brink 
of  death — and  on  the  seventh  he  was  at  rest. 

The  great  heart  of  the  President  was  still  forever.  The  man  who  had 
confessed  his  God  in  childhood,  bade  farewell  to  earth  with  the  words:  "Thy 
will  be  done!"  The  man  who  had  helped  his  parents  and  his  brothers  and 
his  sisters,  who  had  periled  his  life  freely  in  the  defense  of  his  country, 
who  had  made  an  honorable  name  and  given  the  blessing  of  a  husband's  love 
to  one  good  woman,  the  man  who  had  never  harmed  a  human  being  pur- 
posely, who  had  lived  at  peace  with  God  and  man  almost  for  three-score 
years,  had  drifted  across  the  bar.  His  heart  had  throbbed  lightly,  and  was 
still.  The  varying  pulse  had  ceased,  and  the  calm  eyes  that  had  fronted 
life  and  death  and  destiny  without  ever  flinching — this  Man  was  dead.  The 
head  of  a  nation,  the  chief  executive  of  eighty  millions  of  people,  the  states- 
man who  had  guided  his  country  so  wisely  and  so  well,  had  been  thrust 
from  earth  by  an  assassin  who  had  no  cause  of  complaint,  who  had  no 
wrongs  to  avenge,  no  advantage  to  secure,  no  benefit  to  hope. 

And  into  the  silent  room  where  all  need  for  silence  had  passed,  where 
footfalls  need  not  be  guided  lightly,  where  bated  breath  were  no  more 
known,  the  night  wind  came  through  wide-flung  windows,  and  touched  the 
lips  and  brow  and  nerveless  hands.  And  the  sound  of  unchecked  weeping 
waited  for  the  dawn. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
THE  STORY  OF  THE  ASSASSIN. 

Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  the  assassin  of  President  McKinley,  was  born  of  Polish 
parents,  who  resided  in  Cleveland  at  the  time  he  committed  the  terrible  crime. 
Twenty-six  years  of  age,  born  in  Detroit,  of  medium  height,  smooth-shaver, 
brown  hair,  and  dressed  like  a  workingman  completes  all  the  description 
necessary. 

After  the  shooting  he  made  a  confession,  in  which  he  told  how  he  had 
followed  the  President  from  the  time  of  the  latter's  arrival  at  the  exposition 
until  the  fatal  shots  were  fired.  All  of  this  time,  like  a  prowling  wild  beast,  he 
sought  the  life  of  President  McKinley. 

He  received  some  education  in  the  common  schools  of  Detroit,  but  left 
school  and  went  to  work  when  a  boy  as  a  blacksmith's  apprentice.  Later  he 
went  to  work  at  Cleveland  and  then  went  to  Chicago. 

While  in  Chicago  he  became  interested  in  the  Socialist  movement.  When 
he  went  back  to  Cleveland  his  interest  in  the  movement  increased.  He  read 
all  the  Socialist  literature  he  could  lay  his  hands  on,  and  finally  began  to  take 
part  in  Socialistic  matters.  In  time  he  became  well  known  among  Anarchists 
in  Chicago,  Cleveland  and  Detroit,  not  only  as  a  Socialist,  but  as  an  Anar- 
chist of  the  most  bitter  type. 

After  returning  to  Cleveland  from  Chicago  he  went  to  work  in  the  wire 
mills  in  Newburg,  a  suburb  of  Cleveland. 

About  two  weeks  previous  to  his  fearful  crime,  Czolgosz  attended  a  meet- 
ing of  Socialists  in  Cleveland,  at  which  a  lecture  was  given  by  Emma  Gold- 
man, the  woman  whose  anarchistic  doctrines  have  made  her  notorious  all 
over  the  country.  The  extermination  of  rulers  of  people  is  part  of  her  creed. 

It  was  this  lecture  and  others  heard  in  Chicago  prior  to  that  time  that 
instilled  in  the  heart  of  the  Pole  the  poison  of  assassination.  He  went  back 
to  his  lodging  from  the  lecture  with  fever  in  his  brain.  His  mind  was  filled 
with  the  preaching  of  this  woman.  The  doctrine  that  rulers  had  no  right  to 
live  was  burned  into  his  soul.  He  awoke  in  the  morning  with  the  lecture  of 
Emma  Goldman  running  through  his  mind. 

A  few  clays  afterward  he  read  in  a  Chicago  paper  that  President  McKinley 
was  to  visit  the  Pan-American  Exposition  and  to  remain  in  Buffalo  for  sev- 


66  THE    STORY    OF   THE   ASSASSIN. 

eral  days.  The  lecture  of  Emma  Goldman  and  the  projected  visit  of  the 
President  to  Buffalo  were  linked  in  his  every  thought. 

Eight  days  before  the  tragedy  he  packed  a  small  telescope  valise  with  a 
few  of  his  belongings  and  took  an  early  train  for  Buffalo.  At  that  time  there 
was  no  well-formed  purpose  in  his  mind.  The  plot  to  murder  had  not  crystal- 
lized, but  the  thought  that  in  Buffalo  he  would  be  able,  perhaps,  to  reach  the 
President's  side  was  what  led  him  to  start  for  the  East,  and  with  it  was  the 
dim  conviction  that  his  mission  was  one  of  blood. 

Upon  arriving  in  Buffalo  he  went  at  once  to  an  hotel  kept  by  one  John 
Nowak.  He  went  there  because  he  knew  Nowak  was  a  Pole.  He  told 
Nowak  he  had  come  to  see  the  exposition,  and  that  his  stay  would  be  in- 
definite. He  inquired  of  Nowak  about  the  visit  of  the  President,  when  he 
would  arrive,  how  long  he  would  be  in  the  city,  what  he  was  to  do  there,  and 
whether  the  people  would  be  able  to  see  much  of  him.  Nowak  told  him  what 
the  plans  were. 

The  next  day  Czolgosz  went  to  the  exposition.  He  went  there  on  the 
following  day,  and  the  day  following.  The  idea  that  he  might  kill  the  Presi- 
dent when  he  came  was  in  his  mind,  but  the  purpose  was  but  half  formed. 
At  that  time  it  might  have  been  possible  to  have  diverted  his  mind  from  the 
thought  of  such  a  mission.  But  he  was  alone  in  the  city.  He  had  no  friends 
there.  There  was  nothing  to  check  the  fever  burning  deeper  and  deeper  into 
his  mind. 

On  Wednesday  morning,  the  day  of  the  President's  arrival,  Czolgosz  had 
his  mind  made  up.  His  mission  to  Buffalo  was  clear  to  him  then.  He  deter- 
mined to  shoot  the  President.  The  first  thing  he  did  was  to  get  a  revolver. 

He  arrived  on  the  grounds  shortly  before  noon.  He  knew  the  President 
would  not  arrive  before  the  early  evening.  He  had  read  the  papers  carefully 
and  knew  every  detail  of  the  plans.  But  he  was  anxious  to  be  on  the  scene 
where  the  assassination  was  to  be  committed.  He  remained  at  the  exposition 
all  day. 

In  the  afternoon  he  took  up  his  position  close  to  the  railroad  gate.  He 
knew  the  President  would  enter  the  grounds  that  way.  After  a  time  other 
people  began  to  assemble  there  until  there  was  a  crowd  that  hedged  him  in  on 
all  sides.  He  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  place  for  him  to  be  was  out- 
side of  the  railroad  station,  close  to  the  tracks. 

He  feared  that  inside  the  grounds  the  crush  might  be  so  great  that  he 
would  be  brushed  aside  and  prevented  from  reaching  the  President.  He  tried 
to  pass  through  the  gate  to  the  station,  but  he  was  too  late.  Guards  had 


i 


m 


MRS.  McKINLJEY  BIDDING  HER  HUSBAND  THE  LAST  FAREWELL. 


THE    STORY   OF   THE   ASSASSIN.  .  69 

just  closed  the  exit.  The  President  was  to  arrive  soon,  and  the  police  did  not 
desire  to  have  the  station  crowded,  so  they  pushed  Czolgosz  back  into  the 
crowd. 

He  was  in  the  forefront  of  the  throng  when  the  President  came  through 
the  gate.  The  exhibition  of  tenderness  and  affection  for  his  wife  which  the 
President  unconsciously  gave  her  as  he  led  her  through  the  entrance  thrilled 
every  one  in  the  throng  but  Czolgosz.  He  alone  felt  no  pity  for  the  pale, 
sweet-faced,  suffering  woman.  He  pressed  forward  with  the  rest  of  the  crowd 
as  the  President  approached  the  carriage.  He  was  gripping  the  weapon  in 
his  pocket  in  his  right  hand. 

Several  times,  as  the  figure  of  the  Chief  Executive  came  into  full  view  as 
the  guards  drew  aside,  the  impulse  to  rush  forward  and  shoot  took  possession 
of  him,  but  each  time  he  changed  his  mind.  He  feared  that  he  would  be  dis- 
covered before  he  could  reach  the  President.  He  was  afraid  that  the  glint 
of  the  revolver,  if  he  drew  it  from  his  pocket,  might  attract  the  attention  of  a 
detective  or  a  soldier  or  a  citizen  before  he  could  put  his  plan  into  execution, 
and  in  that  event  the  assassin  knew  that  all  hope  of  killing  the  President 
would  be  over.  He  saw  the  President  enter  the  carriage  and  drive  away.  He 
.  followed,  but  the  crowd  closed  in  front  of  him  and  held  him  back. 

The  next  morning  he  was  at  the  exposition  early.  He  took  up  his  posi- 
tion close  to  the  stand  beneath  the  Pylon  of  Liberty,  where  the  President  was 
to  speak.  When  the  time  came  for  the  President  to  arrive  the  guards  pushed 
him  back.  He  saw  the  President  arrive  and  mount  to  the  stand.  He  stood 
there  in  the  front  row  of  the  hurrahing  people,  mute,  with  a  single  thought  in 
his  mind. 

He  heard  Mr.  McKinley  speak.  He  reckoned  up  the  chances  in  his  mind 
of  stealing  closer  and  shooting  down  the  President  where  he  stood.  Once  he 
fully  determined  to  make  the  attempt,  but  just  then  a  stalwart  guard  ap- 
peared in  front  of  him.  He  concluded  to  wait  a  better  opportunity.  After  the 
address  he  was  among  those  who  attempted  to  crowd  up  to  the  President's 
carriage.  One  of  the  detectives  caught  him  by  the  shoulder  and  shoved  him 
back  into  the  crowd. 

He  saw  the  President  drive  away  and  followed.  He  tried  to  pass  through 
the  entrance  after  the  President,  but  the  guards  halted  him  and  sent  him 
away.  He  entered  the  stadium  by  another  entrance,  but  was  not  permitted  to 
get  within  reach  of  the  President. 

The  next  morning  he  was  at  the  exposition  again  and  was  in  the  crowd 
at  the  railroad  gate  when  the  President  arrived  at  that  point  after  crossing 


70  .  THE   STORY   OF'  THE   ASSASSIN. 

the  grounds  from  the  Lincoln  Park  entrance.  But  with  the  rest  of  the  crowd 
he  was  driven  back  when  the  President's  carriage  arrived.  He  saw  the 
President  pass  through  the  gate  to  the  special  train  which  was  to  take  him 
to  the  falls. 

Czolgosz  waited  for  the  President's  return.  In  the  afternoon  he  went  to 
the  Temple  of  Music  and  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  throng  to  enter.  He 
crowded  well  forward,  as  close  to  the  stage  as  possible.  He  was  there  when 
the  President  entered  through  the  side  door.  He  was  one  of  the  first  to 
hurry  forward  when  the  President  took  his  position  and  prepared  to  shake 
hands  with  the  people. 

Czolgosz  had  his  revolver  gripped  in  his  right  hand,  and  about  both  the 
hand  and  the  revolver  was  wrapped  a  handkerchief.  He  held  the  weapon  to 
his  breast,  so  that  any  one  who  noticed  him  might  suppose  that  the  hand  was 
injured. 

He  reached  the  President  finally.  He  did  not  look  into  the  President's 
face.  He  extended  his  left  hand,  pressed  the  revolver  against  the  President's 
breast  with  his  right  hand  and  fired  twice. 

That  was  all  there  was  to  his  story. 

"Did  you  mean  to  kill  the  President?"  asked  the  District  Attorney. 

"I  did,"  was  the  reply. 

"What  was  the  motive  that  induced  you  to  commit  this  crime?"  he  was 
asked. 

"I  am  a  disciple  of  Emma  Goldman,"  he  replied. 

The  following  is  Czolgosz's  signed  confession  to  the  police.  It  agrees 
with  the  above,  but  we  give  it  in  his  exact  words : 

"I  was  born  in  Detroit  nearly  twenty-nine  years  ago.  My  parents  were 
Russian  Poles.  They  came  here  forty-two  years  ago.  I  got  my  education 
in  the  public  schools  of  Detroit  and  then  went  to  Cleveland,  where  I  got  work. 
In  Cleveland  I  read  books  on  socialism  and  met  a  great  many  Socialists. 
I  was  pretty  well  known  as  a  Socialist  in  the  West.  After  being  in  Cleveland 
for  several  years  I  went  to  Chicago,  where  I  remained  seven  months,  after 
which  I  went  to  Newburg,  on  the  outskirt  of  Cleveland,  and  went  to  work  in 
the  Newburg  wire  mills. 

"Diiring  the  last  five  years  I  have  had  as  friends  Anarchists  in  Chicago, 
.Cleveland,  Detroit,  and  other  Western  cities,  and  I  suppose  I  became  more  or 
less  bitter.  Yes,  I  know  I  was  bitter.  I  never  had  much  luck  at  anything 
and  this  preyed  upon  me.  It  made  me  morose  and  envious,  but  what  started 
the  craze  to  kill  was  a  lecture  I  heard  some  little  time  ago  by  Emma  Goldman. 


THE    STORY    OF   THE   ASSASSIN.  71 

She  was  in  Cleveland  and  I  and  other  Anarchists  went  to  hear  her.  She 
set  me  on  fire. 

"Her  doctrine  that  all  rulers  should  be  exterminated  was  what  set  me 
to  thinking  so  that  my  head  nearly  split  with  the  pain.  Miss  Goldman's 
words  went  right  through  me  and  when  I  left  the  lecture  I  had  made  up  my 
mind  that  I  would  have  to  do  something  heroic  for  the  cause  I  loved. 

"Eight  days  ago,  while  I  was  in  Chicago,  I  read  in  a  Chicago  newspaper 
of  President  McKinley's  visit  to  the  Pan-American  Exposition  at  Buffalo. 
That  day  I  bought  a  ticket  for  Buffalo  and  got  there  with  the  determination 
to  do  something,  but  I  did  not  know  just  what.  I  thought  of  shooting  the 
President,  but  I  had  not  formed  a  plan. 

"I  went  to  live  at  1078  Broadway,  which  is  a  saloon  and  hotel.  John 
Nowak,  a  Pole,  a  sort  of  politician  who  has  led  his  people  here  for  years, 
owns  it.  I  told  Nowak  that  I  came  to  see  the  fair.  He  knew  nothing  about 
what  was  setting  me  crazy.  I  went  to  the  Exposition  grounds  a  couple  of 
times  a  day. 

"Not  until  Tuesday  morning  did  the  resolution  to  shoot  the  President 
take  a  hold  of  me.  It  was  in  my  heart;  there  was  no  tscape  for  me.  I 
could  not  have  conquered  it  had  my  life  been  at  stake.  There  were  thou- 
sands of  people  in  town  on  Tuesday.  I  heard  it  was  President's  Day.  All 
these  people  seemed  bowing  to  the  great  ruler.  I  made  up  my  mind  to  kill 
that  ruler.  I  bought  a  32-caliber  revolver  and  loaded  it. 

"On  Tuesday  night  I  went  to  the  Fair  grounds  and  was  near  the  raik»oad 
gate  when  the  Presidential  party  arrived.  I  tried  to  get  near  him,  but  the 
police  forced  me  back.  They  forced  everybody  back  so  that  the  great  ruler 
could  pass.  I  was  close  to  the  President  when  he  got  into  the  grounds,  but 
was  afraid  to  attempt  the  assassination  because  there  were  so  many  men  in  the 
bodyguard  that  watched  him.  I  was  not  afraid  of  them  or  that  I  should  get 
hurt,  but  afraid  I  might  be  seized  and  that  my  chance  would  be  gone  forever. 

"Well,  he  went  away  that  time  and  I  went  home.  On  Wednesday  I  went 
to  the  grounds  and  stood  right  near  the  President,  right  under  him  near  the 
stand  from  which  he  spoke. 

"I  thought  half  a  dozen  times  of  shooting  while  he  was  speaking,  but 
I  could  not  get  close  enough.  I  was  afraid  I  might  miss,  and  then  the 
great  crowd  was  always  jostling,  and  I  was  afraid  lest  my  aim  fail.  I  waited 
on  Wednesday,  and  the  President  got  into  his  carriage  again,  and  a  lot  of 
men  were  about  him  and  formed  a  cordon  that  I  could  not  get  through.  I 


n  THE    STORY    OF   THE   ASSASSIN. 

was  tossed  about  by  the  crowd,  and  my  spirits  were  getting  pretty  low.  I  was 
almost  hopeless  that  night  as  I  went  home. 

"Yesterday  morning  I  went  again  to  the  Exposition  grounds.  Emma 
Goldman's  speech  was  itill  burning  me  up.  I  waited  near  the  central  entrance 
for  the  President,  who  was  to  board  his  special  train  from  that  gate,  but  the 
police  allowed  nobody  but  the  President's  party  to  pass  where  the  train  waited, 
so  I  stayed  at  the  grounds  all  day  waiting. 

"During  yesterday  I  first  thought  of  hiding  my  pistol  under  my  hand- 
kerchief. I  was  afraid  if  I  had  to  draw  it  from  my  pocket  I  would  be  seen 
and  seized  by  the  guards.  I  got  to  the  Temple  of  Music  the  first  one  and 
waited  at  the  spot  where  the  reception  was  to  be  held. 

"Then  he  came,  the  President — the  ruler —  and  I  got  in  line  and  trembled 
and  trembled  until  I  got  right  up  to*  him,  and  then  I  shot  him  twice,  through 
my  white  handkerchief.  I  would  have  fired  more,  but  I  was  stunned  by  a 
blow  in  the  face — a  frightful  blow  that  knocked  me  down — and  then  every- 
body jumped  on  me.  I  thought  I  would  be  killed  and  was  surprised  the  way 
they  treated  me." 

Czolgosz  ended  his  story  in  uttejr  exhaustion.  When  he  had  about  con- 
cluded he  was  asked :  "Did  you  really  mean  to  kill  the  President  ?" 

"I  did,"  was  the  reply. 

"What  was  your  motive,  what  good  could  it  do  you?"  he  was  asked. 

"I  am  an  Anarchist.  I  am  a  disciple  of  Emma  Goldman.  Her  words 
set  me  on  fire,"  he  replied,  with  not  the  slightest  tremor. 

"I  deny  that  I  have  had  an  accomplice  at  any  time,"  Czolgosz  told  District 
Attorney  Penny.  "I  don't  regret  my  act,  because  I  was  doing  what  I  could 
for  the  great  cause.  I  am  not  connected  with  the  Paterson  group  or  with 
those  Anarchists  who  sent  Bresci  to  Italy  to  kill  Humbert.  I  had  no  con- 
fidants ;  no  one  to  help  me.  I  was  alone  absolutely." 

Czolgosz,  the  assassin,  was  the  son  of  Paul  Czolgosz,  who  lived  at  306 
Fleet  street,  Cleveland,  Ohio,  at  the  time  of  the  assassination,  having  moved 
there  from  Warrensburg,  Ohio,  in  search  of  work.  Other  members  of  the 
family  were  John,  who  lived  at  home  with  his  father  and  stepmother;  Mike, 
a  soldier  serving  in  the  Philippines;  Vladiolan,  whc  was  on  his  father's  farm, 
located  on  the  Chagrin  Falls  Suburban  line ;  and  Jacob,  of  Marcelline  avenue. 
There  were  two  uncles  living  on  Hosmer  street. 

The  family  was  Polish  and  evidently  poor. 

Czolgosz's  father  talked  of  his  son's  crime.  He  said  his  son  should  be 
hanged,  and  that  there  was  no  excuse  for  the  crime.  At  first  he  appeared 


THE    STORY    OF   THE   ASSASSIN.  73 

not  to  realize  the  enormity  of  the  crime,  but  when  aroused  he  denounced  his 
son,  saying  he  must  have  been  mad. 

The  stepmother  could  not  speak  English,  but  gave  out  the  following  inter- 
view through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter.  She  said : 

"Leon  left  home  sixty  days  before  this  tdrrible  affair.  We  heard  from  him 
a  few  weeks  ago.  He  was  then  in  Indiana  and  wrote  to  us  that  he  was  going 
away,  stating  that  in  all  probability  we  would  not  see  him  again." 

The  family  had  not  heard  from  him  since.  The  stepmother  denies  Leon 
was  a  disciple  of  Emma  Goldman  or  in  any  way  interested  in  her  doctrines. 
She  said  he  was  not  interested  in  such  matters  and  scarcely  intelligent  enough 
to  understand  them.  They  had  always  considered  the  boy  partly  demented. 
Up  to  three  years  ago  he  had  worked  at  the  Cleveland  rolling  mill,  but  had 
to  quit  on  account  of  poor  health.  Since  that  time  he  has  been  idle.  While 
living  on  the  farm  near  Warrensville  his  father  had  not  asked  Leon  to  work, 
having  always  considered  him  too  weak  for  manual  labor. 

Regarding  the  shooting  of  the  President,  Mrs.  Czolgosz  said : 

"I  can't  believe  Leon  is  the  one.  He  was  such  a  timid  boy,  so  afraid  of 
everything.  Why,  he  was  the  biggest  coward  you  ever  saw  in  your  life." 

Leon  Czolgosz  was  born  in  Alpena  County,  Michigan,  and  spent  his  early 
life  there.  Although  the  family  was  well  known  but  little  was  known  of  Czol- 
gosz, he  being  only  thirteen  years  of  age  when  the  family  moved  away. 

The  family  is  Polish  and  was  strict  in  religious  observances,  but  the  record 
does  not  show  that  Leon  Czolgosz  was  baptized  either  at  Alpena  or  at  Posen, 
where  the  family  lived  a  short  time  before  moving  to  Alpena. 

Czolgosz,  the  father,  was  born  in  the  Province  of  Posen,  Krais  Schubin, 
County  of  Bromberg,  Village  of  Haido,  near  Barin,  and  came  directly  to 
Alpena  County  from  Germany  about  thirty  years  ago.  He  worked  on  the 
docks  and  was  regarded  as  a  peaceful,  inoffensive,  ignorant  foreigner.  The 
father  of  Leon  Czolgosz  raised  ten  children,  of  which  the  assassin  was  one 
of  the  youngest. 

After  leaving  Alpena  the  family  was  only  heard  of  a  few  times,  and  that 
indirectly,  but  they  were  known  to  be  in  Cleveland,  where  several  of  the 
children  were  living  with  them.  Valentine  Misgalski,  a  prominent  and 
intelligent  Pole,  and  former  friend  of  the  Czolgosz  family,  said  that  he  never 
saw  any  evidences  of  viciousness  in  the  family.  He  remembers  Leon  and 
said  there  was  nothing  unusual  about  jiim  as  a  boy.  He  attended  the 
parochial  school,  was  devoted  to  his  church,  and  remembers  him  as  in  every 
Avay  an  ordinary  boy. 


74  THE    STORY   OF   THE    ASSASSIN. 

Andrew  Czolgosz,  uncle  of  the  assassin,  lived  in  Metz  Township,  thirty 
miles  from  Alpena,  the  most  of  which  distance  has  to  be  made  overland. 
He  was  unable  to  talk  English  and  conversation  had  to  be  carried  on  through 
his  sons.  This  family  lived  in  a  thickly  populated  Polish  settlement,  where 
the  people  were  ignorant  and  not  always  to  be  tirusted,  and  inquiries  had  to 
be  made  with  great  care.  These  people  quarrelled  and  fought  among  them- 
selves, but  at  a  signal  that  any  one  of  their  members  was  in  danger  from 
any  one  from  the  outside,  as  they  call  it,  a  man's  life  was  in  great  danger. 

It  was  in  this  settlement  that  Paul  Czolgosz  lived  for  a  short  time  after 
coming  to  this  country  before  settling  in  Alpena. 

During  the  conversation  with  Andrew  Czolgosz  a  significant  remark  was 
made  by  one  of  the  sons.  Inquiry  was  'made  as  to  where  Paul  Czolgosz  could 
be  found,  and  also  his  son  Leon,  without  giving  a  reason  for  the  inquiry. 
The  old  man  said  his  brother  was  in  Cleveland,  that  he  had  heard  from  him 
occasionally,  but  he  did  not  know  what  had  become  of  Leon.  t  He  had  kept 
track  of  some  of  the  boys,  but  he  denied  any  knowledge  of  where  Leon  was. 

When  the  interviewer  started  to  return  he  asked  the  boys,  who  talk 
English  well,  if  they  had  heard  President  McKinley  was  shot.  One  of  them 
spoke  up  quickly,  "Did  Leon  shoot  him?"  He  was  told  there  was  a  report 
current  to  that  effect,  to  which  the  boy  made  no  reply.  An  effort  was  made 
to  resume  the  conversation,  but  they  would  answer  no  questions,  nor  would 
they  ask  any  more  questions  of  their  father. 

Leon  Czolgosz  has  an  aunt  living  in  Alpena,  but  she  would  answer  no 
questions.  Czolgosz  also  had  a  brother  living  in  the  Polish  settlement. 

On  the  rolls  of  the  Pension  Office  was  the  name  of  Jacob  F.  Czolgosz. 
A  pension  of  $30  a  month  was  paid  to  Jacob  because  of  a  wound  in  the 
right  hand  and  forearm.  The  wound  was  received  through  the  explosion 
of  a  shell  at  Sandy  Hook  in  1899.  Czolgosz  enlisted  from  Cleveland,  Ohio 
(giving  his  address  at  199  Hosmer  street),  first  in  Battery  M,  Sixth  Artillery, 
on  September  15,  1898.  He  was  afterward  discharged  on  January  22,  1899, 
and  then  re-enlisted  in  the  ordnance  branch,  in  Captain  Babbitt's  company, 
and  was  serving  there  when  wounded. 

He  was  born  at  Alpena,  Michigan,  and  was  twenty-two  yeairs  and  ten 
months  old  when  he  first  enlisted. 

Leon  Czolgosz  was  a  member  of  several  Anarchist  clubs  in  Cleveland, 
one  of  which  was  named  "Sila,"  which  means  "force."  The  club  met  at 
the  corner  of  Tod  street  and  Third  avenue,  over  a  saloon  which,  it  is  said. 
Czolgosz  once  owned.  Three  years  before  the  assassination  the  club  dis- 
banded and  he  left  it,  but  joined  another. 


THE    STORY    OF   THE   ASSASSIN.  75 

"Czolgosz  made  no  secret  of  the  fact  that  he  was  an  Anarchist,"  said 
Anton  Zwolinski,  a  Cleveland  Pole.  "He  was  always  talking  about  it  and 
trying  to  force  Anarchists'  principles  on  every  one  whom  he  talked  with. 
He  was  a  great  coward,  however,  and  I  am  surprised  he  had  the  nerve  to  do 
as  he  did.  It  would  not  surprise  me  to  learn  that  he  is  merely  the  tool  of  some 
other  persons.  When  the  Sila  Club  broke  up  Czolgosz  joined  another  one." 

Several  years  previous  to  his  crime,  Czolgosz  was  employed  in  a  Newburg 
mill,  where  he  was  known  as  Fred  Nieman.  He  was  a  member  of  Forest 
City  Castle  Lodge  No.  22  of  the  Golden  Eagles.  His  former  associates 
said  he  was  a  queer  man,  but  was  known  to  have  a  most  violent  temper.  It  is 
said  that  the  assassin  was  a  strong  infidel  and  a  red-hot  Socialist.  He  was 
last  seen  by  his  Cleveland  friends  around  Newburg  the  previous  spring,  when 
he  was  living  on  a  farm  with  his  father  near  Warrensville,  Ohio. 

John  Cinder,  an  employe  of  the  Newburg  wire  mill,  where  Czolgosz 
formerly  worked,  and  who  was  also  a  member  of  the  Golden  Eagle  Lodge, 
received  a  letter  from  Czolgosz  in  July,  dated  West  Seneca,  N.  Y. 

The  letter,  which  was  taken  by  the  police,  was  written  in  red  ink  and 
contained  a  strange  reference  to  the  fare  to  Buffalo.  It  read  as  follows : 

"West  Seneca,  N.  Y.,  July  30,  1901. — John  Ginder — Dear  Sir  and 
Brother:  Inclosed  you  will  find  $i  to  pay  my  lodge  dues.  I  paid  $i  to 
Brother  George  Coonish  to  pay  the  assessment  sent  out  on  account  of  the 
death  of  Brother  David  Jones. 

"Brother  Ginder,  please  send  my  book  to  me  at  my  cost,  and  also  send 
password  if  you  can  do  so. 

"I  left  Cleveland  Thursday,  July  n.  I  am  working  here  and  will  stay  for 
some  time.  The  fare  from  here  to  Buffalo  is  $5-15. 

"Hoping  this  finds  you  well,  as  it  leaves  me,  I  remain 

FRED  C.  NIEMAN." 


Czolgosz  was  placed  on  trial  before  Justice  Truman  C.  White  of  the  State 
Supreme  Bench,  at  Buffalo,  on  Monday,  September  23.  On  the  following 
day  the  jury  found  him  guilty,  and  on  Thursday,  September  26,  he  was  sen- 
tenced to  death  by  electrocution  in  the  week  beginning  October  28.  He  refused 
to  consult  with  the  attorneys  appointed  to  defend  him,  and  practically  made  no 
defense. 


CHAPTER  V. 

EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER. 

Russia,  the  land  of  the  nihilists,  and  the  home  of  the  "propaganda  of 
action" — which  means  assassination — was  the  birthplace  of  Emma  Goldman. 
Though  still  a  young  woman,  she  is  recognized  as  a  radical  among  radicals, 
when  it  comes  to  expounding  the  principles  of  her  faith.  For  more  than 
ten  years  she  has  been  known  as  an  enemy  of  government. 

Miss  Goldman's  contempt  for  the  present  system  of  law  is  pronounced, 
bitter,  and  unrelenting,  yet  she  never  fails  to  deny  that  she  is  an  advocate  of 
violence. 

"I  have  never  advocated  violence,"  she  asserted  some  time  ago,  in  an 
interview,  "but  neither  do  I  condemn  the  Anarchist  who  resorts  to  it.  I 
look  behind  him  for  the  conditions  that  made  him  possible,  and  my  horror 
is  swallowed  up  in  pity.  Perhaps  under  the  same  conditions  I  would  have 
done  the  same." 

Miss  Goldman  says  she  was  born  a  revolutionist,  but  that  her  belief  in 
anarchy  was  not  actually  crystallized  until  after  the  hanging  of  the  Chicago 
Anarchists  in  1887.  Then  she  became  what  she  describes  as  an  active  Anar- 
chist, and  her  activity  has  never  flagged  since  then.  She  has  been  a  prolific 
writer  for  all  publications  in  this  country  that  would  give  space  to  her  articles 
upon  anarchy,  and  has  devoted  much  of  her  time  to  lecturing. 

Miss  Goldman  had  frequently  lectured  in  Chicago,  but  until  the  attack 
on  President  McKinley,  the  police  found  no  reason  to  arrest  her. 

The  lectures  in  Chicago  attracted  little  attention,  seldom  having  been 
announced  in  an  obtrusive  manner.  Her  reputation  was  such,  however,  that 
the  management  of  Hull  House  refused  to  permit  her  to  speak  in  that  estab- 
lishment. 

In  1893  the  New  York  police  arrested  Miss  Goldman  on  a  warrant  charg- 
ing her  with  "inciting  to  riot."  The  arrest  was  a  result  of  her  activity  dur- 
ing the  famous  Debs  strike,  and  it  was  followed  by  her  imprisonment  on 
Blackwell's  Island  for  a  term  of  one  year,  which  was  shortened  to  seven 
months  on  account  of  good  behavior.  She  formerly  had  led  a  strike  of  the 
Waist  and  Shirt  Maker  Girls'  union  in  New  York,  but  without  attracting 
much  attention. 

76 


EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER.  77 

In  an  extended  interview  which  Miss  Goldman  gave  out  a  few  months 
ago  while  in  New  York  she  told  many  things  about  her  life  and  her  views 
on  social  and  political  questions  which  have  a  special  interest  at  the  present 
moment.  She  said: 

"I  am  a  Russian  through  and  through,  although  little  of  my  life  was 
spent  there.  I  was  born  in  Russia,  but  was  brought  up  in  Germany  and 
graduated  from  a  German  school.  All  that  didn't  make  a  German  of  me. 
I  went  back  to  Russia  when  I  was  15  years  old,  and  felt  that  I  was  return- 
ing to  my  home.  My  family  was  orthodox.  None  of  my  revolutionary 
tendencies  was  inherited — at  least  my  parents  were  not  responsible  for  them 
and  were  horrified  by  them. 

"While  I  was  in  Germany  I  did  not  think  much  about  anarchy,  but  when 
I  went  back  to  St.  Petersburg  my  whole  attitude  toward  life  changed,  and  I 
went  into  radicalism  with  all  my  heart  and  soul.  You  see,  things  are  differ- 
ent in  Russia  from  what  they  are  here  or  anywhere  else.  One  breathes  a 
revolutionary  thought  with  the  air,  and  without  being  definitely  interested 
in  anarchy  one  learns  its  principles.  There  was  discussion  and  thought  and 
enthusiasm  all  around  me,  and  something  within  me  responded  to  it  all. 

WOMAN'S  EQUALITY  IN  RUSSIA. 

"There  is  no  other  place  in  the  world  where  woman  has  what  she  has  in 
Russia.  There  the  women  have  not  only  the  same  rights  in  law  as  the  men, 
they  have  the  same  liberties  and  the  same  social  and  intellectual  freedom. 
There  man  respects  woman,  looks  upon  her  as  his  equal,  is  her  good  chum — 
yes,  that  is  the  word.  Nowhere  are  men  and  women  chums  as  they  are  in 
Russia. 

"A  woman  student  in  Russia  may  receive  visitors  all  day  and  most  of  the 
night,  discuss  all  vital  subjects  with  them,  go  with  men  when  and  where  she 
pleases,  and  yet  she  will  not  be  criticised,  and  no  landlady  would  dream  of 
insinuating  that  there  was  anything  wrong  with  her  morals.  What  is  more, 
there  Wouldn't  be  anything  wrong  with  them.  The  standard  of  morals  in 
the  student  class  is  phenomenally  high,  and  the  average  intelligent  Russian 
woman's  mind  is  as  pure  as  it  is  broad. 

"The  relation  between  the  sexes  in  Russia  is  the  most  ideal  of  any  I 
know  about.  That  is  why  young  Russian  women  learn  to  think.  And 
because  they  think  they  become  Anarchists. 

"I  was  an  Anarchist  when  I  left  Russia  to  come  to  America,  but  I  had 


EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER. 

hardly  formulated  my  belief.  The  final  influence  that  crystallized  my  views 
was  the  hanging  of  the  Chicago  Anarchists  in  1887.  I  followed  that  case 
carefully  and  it  made  me  an  active  Anarchist.  I  was  living  with  my  family 
in  Rochester  then,  and  the  nearest  thing  to  a  radical  society  the  town  had 
was  a  Social  'Democratic  society,  tame  as  a  house  cat.  I  came  away  to  New 
York  and  went  to  work  in  a  factory.  That  showed  me  a  new  side  of  life. 
My  family  had  been  well-to-do,  and  I  hadn't  come  in  actual  contact  with 
the  want  and  suffering  of  the  world  until  I  joined  the  wage-earners. 

"Of  course  the  experience  strengthened  my  revolutionary  ideas.  When 
the  Waist  and  Shirtmaker  Girls'  union  went  out  in  1888  I  led  the  strike. 
That  is,  in  a  way  I  led  it.  I  have  never  been  an  Anarchist  leader.  I  cannot 
afford  it.  A  leader  must  be  a  diplomat.  I  am  not  a  diplomat.  A  leader  of 
a  party  makes  concessions  to  his  party,  for  the  sake  of  holding  his  power. 
He  must  give  way  to  his  followers  in  order  to  be  sure  they  will  sustain  him. 
I  can't  do  all  that,  I  am  an  Anarchist  because  I  love  individual  freedom  and 
I  will  not  surrender  that  freedom. 

"You  know  I  am  a  professional  nurse.  It  has  always  been  the  dream  of 
my  life  to  be  a  doctor,  but  I  never  could  manage  it — could  not  get  means 
for  the  study.  My  factory  work  undermined  my  health,  so  I  thought  that 
if  I  couldn't  be  a  doctor  I  could  at  least  be  a  little  part  of  the  profession.  I 
went  through  the  training  for  a  nurse,  did  the  hospital  work,  and  now  nurse 
private  cases. 

"When  I  came  out  of  prison  on  Blackwell's  Island  I  was  nervous.  I 
decided  to  try  a  change  and  go  to  Europe  for  a  year.  I  could  lecture  for 
the  cause  and  take  a  course  in  massage  and  in  midwifery  in  Vienna.  There 
is  no  good  training  for  either  here,  though  we  have  the  best  training  schools 
for  nurses  in  the  world. 

"Well,  I  went  and  did  my  studying  and  then  went  to  Paris  to  study  and 
wait  for  the  Anarchists'  congress.  You  know  the  government  prohibited 
the  congress.  /We  had  it  all  the  same,  but  the  meetings  were  secret.  I 
received  the  honor  or  dishonor  of  especially  strict  surveillance.  I  was  to 
give  a  series  of  lectures,  but  after  the  third  the  authorities  warned  me  that  if 
I  gave  any  more  I  must  leave  France,  and  as  I  wanted  to  attend  the  congress 
I  kept  quiet. 

"Finally,  detectives  escorted  me  to  the  station  and  saw  my  luggage 
checked  to  the  steamer  and  then  notified  the  government  that  the  dangerous 
woman  was  on  her  way  out  of  France." 

Leon  Czolgosz,  the  murderer  of  President  McKinley,  asserted  immedi- 


EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER.  79 

ately  after  his  arrest,  that  he  was  led  to  undertake  the  assassination  of  the 
President  by  a  speech  delivered  by  Emma  Goldman,  the  leader  of  the  Anar- 
chist propaganda  in  America.  This  speech  was  delivered  in  Cleveland,  O., 
the  home  of  Czolgosz,  May  6.  In  it  Miss  Goldman  outlined  the  principles 
of  anarchy,  and  detailed  the  methods  whereby  she  expected  to  secure  the 
establishment  of  anarchy  throughout  the  world.  Her  talk  was  full  of  forceful 
passages,  in  some  cases  more  notable  for  their  strength  than  for  their 
elegance. 

"Men  under  the  present  state  of  society,"  she  said,  "are  mere  products  of 
circumstances.  Under  the  galling  yoke  of  government,  ecclesiasticism,  and 
a  bond  of  custom  and  prejudice,  it  is  impossible  for  the  individual  to  work 
out  his  own  career  as  he  could  wish.  Anarchism  aims  at  a  new  and  complete 
freedom.  It  strives  to  bring  about  the  freedom  which  is  not  only  the  free- 
dom from  within  but  a  freedom  from  without,  which  will  prevent  any  man 
from  having  a  desire  to  interfere  in  any  way  with  the  liberty  of  his  neighbor. 

"Vanderbilt  says,  'I  am  a  free  man  within  myself,  but  the  others  be 
damned.'  This  is  not  the  freedom  we  are  striving  for.  We  merely  desire 
complete  individual  liberty,  and  this  can  never  be  obtained  as  long  as  there 
is  an  existing  government. 

"We  do  not  favor  the  socialistic  idea  of  converting  men  and  women  into 
mere  producing  machines  under  the  eye  of  a  paternal  government.  We  go 
to  the  opposite  extreme  and  demand  the  fullest  and  most  complete  liberty 
for  each  and  every  person  to  work  out  his  own  salvation  upon  any  line  that 
he  pleases.  The  degrading  notion  of  men  and  women  as  machines  is  far 
from  our  ideals  of  life. 

"Anarchism  has  nothing  to  do  with  future  governments  or  economic 
arrangements.  We  do  not  favor  any  particular  settlement  in  this  line,  but 
merely  ask  to  do  away  with  the  present  evils.  The  future  will  provide  these 
arrangements  after  our  work  has  been  done.  Anarchism  deals  merely  with 
social  relations,  and  not  with  economic  arrangement." 

The  speaker  then  deprecated  the  idea  that  all  Anarchists  were  in  favor 
of  violence  or  bomb  throwing.  She  declared  that  nothing  was  further  from 
the  principles  they  support.  She  went  on,  however,  into  a  detailed  explana- 
tion of  the  different  crimes  committed  by  Anarchists  lately,  declaring  that 
the  motive  was  good  in  each  case,  and  that  these  acts  were  merely  a  matter 
of  temperament. 

Some  men  were  so  constituted,  she  said,  that  they  were  unable  to  stand 
idly  by  and  see  the  wrong  that  was  being  endured  by  their  fellow-mortals. 


go  EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER. 

She  herself  did  not  believe  in  these  methods,  but  she  did  not  think  they 
should  be  condemned  in  view  of  the  high  and  noble  motives  which  prompted 
their  perpetration.  She  continued:  "Some  believe  we  should  first  obtain 
by  force  and  let  the  intelligence  and  education  come  afterwards." 

Miss  Goldman  did  not  hesitate  to  put  forward  a  number  of  sentiments 
far  more  radical  and  sensational  than  any  ever  publicly  advanced  here.  Dur- 
ing Miss  Goldman's  lecture  a  strong  detail  of  police  was  in  the  hall  to  keep 
her  from  uttering  sentiments  which  were  regarded  as  too  radical.  This 
accounts  for  the  fact  that  the  speaker  did  not  give  free  rein  to  her  thoughts 
on  that  occasion.  Because  of  anarchistic  uprisings  elsewhere  it  was  thought 
best  by  the  city  officials  to  curb  the  utterances  of  the  woman. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Czolgosz  admitted  being  a  disciple  of 
Emma  Goldman,  the  police  of  a  score  of  cities  began  an  active  hunt  for  her, 
in  the  belief  that  the  President's  assassination  was  the  result  of  a  conspiracy, 
of  which  she  was  the  head.  It  was  known  that  Miss  Goldman  had  been 
in  Chicago  in  July,  and  that  she  had  visited  Buffalo  in  July  and  August. 
But  her  whereabouts  immediately  following  the  crime,  could  not  easily  be 
traced.  The  arrest  of  a  number  of  anarchists  in  Chicago,  and  the  capture 
of  a  number  of  letters,  gave  the  police  a  clue  that  Miss  Goldman  was  in  St. 
Louis,  and  the  police  of  that  city  made  active  search  for  her.  She  was  not 
found,  however,  though  the  fact  that  she  was  in  that  city  after  the  attack 
of  Czolgosz  on  the  President,  was  established.  It  was  then  surmised  that 
she  had  gone  to  Chicago,  and  the  police  of  that  city  redoubled  their  vigil- 
ance. Through  a  telegram  sent  to  a  man  living  on  Oakdale  avenue,  the 
Chicago  police  learned  that  Miss  Goldman  had  made  inquiries  concerning 
the  arrest  of  the  Anarchists  in  that  city,  and  announced  her  purpose  of 
going  to  Chicago,  and  would  arrive  on  Sunday  night,  Sept.  8.  The  police 
watched  the  house  in  Oakdale  avenue  all  Sunday  night,  but  no  one  entered 
it.  The  watch  was  continued,  however,  and  Monday  morning  the  vigilance 
of  the  officers  was  rewarded.  A  woman  approached  the  house  and  rang 
the  front  door  bell.  There  was  no  response,  and  she  went  around  the  house 
to  the  back  door,  where  she  knocked.  No  one  opened  the  door,  nor  was 
there  any  response.  The  woman  then  walked  to  Sheffield  avenue  and  rang 
the  bell  at  No.  303,  the  third  flat  in  which  is  the  home  of  Charles  G.  Norris. 
Here  she  was  admitted,  and  while  one  of  the  detectives  watched  the  house, 
the  other  reported  to  his  superior  officers.  Captain  Herman  Schuettler, 
who  had  considerable  experience  with  the  Chicago  Anarchists  in  1886,  prior 
to  and  after  the  Haymarket  riot,  immediately  went  to  the  Sheffield  avenue 


EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER.  81 

house.  The  officer  on  duty  there  reported  that  no  one  had  entered  or  left 
the  house  since  the  woman  had  disappeared  behind  its  doors.  The  police 
officers  tried  the  usual  mode  of  securing  admittance,  but  no  response  came 
to  their  signals.  Then  Detective  Charles  K.  Hertz  climbed  in  through  a 
window,  and  opening  the  door,  admitted  Captain  Schuettler.  Sitting  in  the 
parlor,  dressed  in  a  light  wrapper,  with  two  partly  filled  valises  in  front  of 
her,  was  Emma  Goldman.  She  turned  pale  when  the  policemen  confronted 
her  and  denied  her  identity,  which  was  established  by  a  fountain  pen  box, 
on  which  her  name  was  written.  The  woman  had  said  that  she  was  a 
servant. 

Miss  Goldman  was  taken  to  the  office  of  Chief  of  Police  O'Neill  and 
served  with  a  warrant  charging  her  with  having  conspired  with  other  Anar- 
chists then  under  arrest,  to  kill  the  President. 

She  detailed  her  meeting  with  the  assassin  in  Chicago. 

"I  was  at  the  house  of  Abraham  Isaak.  Yes,  the  house  at  515  Carroll 
street.  I  was  preparing  to  take  the  Nickel  Plate  train  for  the  East  with 
Miss  Isaak.  A  ring  came  at  the  door.  I  answered  the  bell  and  found  a 
young  man  there.  He  asked  for  Mr.  Isaak.  The  latter  had  left  the  house, 
promising  to  meet  us  at  the  station  and  say  good-by.  I  so  told  the  young 
man  and  I  further  told  him  that  he  might  go  to  the  station  with  us  and  meet 
Mr.  Isaak  there.  So  you  see,"  she  asserted,  "he  would  not  even  have  been 
with  me  for  thirty-five  minutes  had  I  not  asked  him  to  go  to  the  train. 

'The  young  man — yes,  it  was  Czolgosz,  who  shot  the  President — said 
that  he  had  met  me  before.  He  said  he  had  heard  me  lecture  in  Cleveland. 
I  had  delivered  a  lecture  there  on  May  6,  but  I  can't  remember  all  the  people 
who  shake  hands  with  me,  can  I?  I  had  no  remembrance  of  him.  We  went 
to  the  station  on  the  elevated  train  and  this  man  accompanied  us.  I  asked 
him  where  he  had  heard  of  Mr.  Isaak.  He  said  he  had  read  the  latter's 
paper,  Free  Society.  He  did  not  talk  to  me  about  a  plot.  I  never  heard 
of  him  from  that  time  until  McKinley  was  shot." 

Emma  Goldman's  ideas  on  anarchy  are  contained  in  an  interview  had 
with  her  some  months  before  President  McKinley's  assassination.  She  said: 

"If  a  man  came  to  me  and  told  me  he  was  planning  an  assassination  I 
would  think  him  an  utter  fool  and  refuse  to  pay  any  attention  to  him.  The 
man  who  has  such  a  plan,  if  he  is  earnest  and  honest,  knows  no  secret  is  safe 
when  told.  He  does  the  deed  himself,  runs  the  risk  himself,  pays  the  penalty 
himself.  I  honor  him  for  the  spirit  that  prompts  him.  It  is  no  small  thing 
for  a  man  to  be  willing  to  lay  down  his  life  for  the  cause  of  humanity.  The 


82  EMMA  GOLDMAN, 'THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER. 

act  is  noble,  but  it  is  mistaken.  While  I  do  not  advocate  violence,  neither 
do  I  condemn  the  anarchist  who  resorts  to  it. 

XI  was  an  anarchist  when  I  left  Russia  to  come  to  America,"  she  con- 
tinued, "but  I  had  hardly  formulated  my  belief.  The  final  influence  that 
crystal'lized  my  views  was  the  hanging  of  the  Chicago  anarchists  in  1887. 

"I  am  an  anarchist  because  I  love  individual  freedom,  and  I  will  not 
surrender  that  freedom.  A  leader  must  sooner  or  later  be  the  victim  of  the 
masses  he  thinks  he  controls.  When  I  definitely  entered  the  work  I  gave 
myself  a  solemn  pledge  that  I  would  study,  that  I  would  make  passion  bow 
to'  reason,  that  I  would  not  be  carried  away  from  the  truth  by  sentiment.  I 
soon  saw  that  the  safest  and  wisest  way  to  keep  myself  free  was  not  to  be  a 
leader.  That  is  why  I  am  connected  with  no  party.  I  am  a  member  of  no 
group.  Individual  freedom  and  responsibility — there  is  the  basis  of  true 
anarchy. 

"No,  I  have  never  advocated  violence,  nor  do  I  know  a  single  truly  great 
anarchist  leader  who  ever  did  advocate  violence.  Where  violence  comes 
with  anarchy  it  is  a  result  of  the  conditions,  not  of  anarchy.  The  biggest 
fallacy  going  is  the  idea  that  anarchists  as  a  body  band  together  and  order 
violence,  assassinations  of  rulers  and  all  that.  I  ought  to  know  something 
about  anarchy,  and  I  tell  you  that  is  false — absolutely  false. 

"There  is  ignorance,  cruelty,  starvation,  poverty,  suffering,  and  some  vic- 
tim grows  tired  of  waiting.  He  believes  a  decisive  blow  will  call  public 
attention  to  the  wrongs  of  his  country,  and  may  hasten  the  remedy.  He  and 
perhaps  one  or  two  intimate  friends  or  relatives  make  a  plan.  They  do  not 
have  orders.  They  do  not  consult  other  anarchists. 

"Perhaps  under  the  same  conditions  I  would  do  the  same.  If  I  had  been 
starving  in  Milan,  and  had  raised  my  starving  baby  in  the  air  as  an  appeal  for 
justice,  and  had  that  baby  shot  in  my  arms  by  a  brutal  soldiery,  .who  knows 
what  I  might  have  done?  I  might  have  changed  from  a  philosophical  anar- 
chist to  a  fighting  anarchist.  Do  you  suppose  if  Santo  Caserio  had  had 
anarchist  organization  back  of  him  he  would  have  tramped  all  the  weary  way 
to  Paris,  without  money,  in  order  to  kill  Carnot?  If  Bresci  had  been  sent 
out  from  us,  would  he  have  had  to  scrape  together  every  cent  he  could,  even 
forcing  one  of  his  anarchist  friends  to  pawn  some  of  his  clothes  in  order 
to  repay  a  loan  Bresci  had  made  him?  The  friend  curses  Bresci  for  a  hard- 
hearted creditor,  but  Bresci  never  told  why  he  needed  the  money  so  des- 
perately. 

"Anarchy's  best  future  lies  in  America.     We  in  America  haven't  yet 


EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER.  83 

reached  conditions — economic  conditions,  I  mean — that  necessarily  breed 
violence.  I  am  thankful  for  that;  but  we  are  much  nearer  such  conditions 
than  the  old-time  American  ever  dreamed  we  would  be,  and  unless  some- 
thing is  done  to  stop  it,  the  time  will  come. 

"It's  all  too  absolutely  silly,  this  talk  about  my  being  dangerous.  Half 
my  fellow  believers  think  me  a  fool  because  I  am  always  talking  against 
violence  and  advocating  individual  work.  I  believe  that  the  next  ten 
years  will  see  a  wonderful  spreading  of  the  true  principles  of  anarchy  in  this 
country." 

Emma  Goldman,  at  the  time  of  the  assassination,  was  a  woman  thirty-two 
years  old,  with  coarse  features,  thick  lips,  a  square  jaw  and  prominent  nose. 
She  wore  glasses  on  account  of  nearsightedness,  and  her  hair  was  light, 
almost  red — the  color  of  the  doctrine  she  teaches. 

She  was  held  without  bail,  but  afterwards  released. 

After  Czolgosz,  the  first  arrests  for  complicity  in  the  attempt  on  President 
McKinley's  life  were  made  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  The  metropolis  of  Illinois, 
with  its  cosmopolitan  population,  has  always  been  -a  hotbed  of  anarchy,  and 
it  was  there  the  police  instantly  looked  for  traces  of  the  movements  of  the 
assassin.  The  police  learned  from  Czolgosz  himself  that  he  had  recently  been 
in  Chicago,  and  had  visited  at  the  house  of  Abraham  Isaak,  Sr.,  515  Carroll 
avenue.  Isaak  was  known  as  an  anarchist  and  the  publisher  of  a  paper 
called  Free  Society.  The  police  procured  warrants  for  the  arrest  of  Isaak 
and  others  on  a  charge  of  conspiracy  to  kill  and  assassinate  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  William  McKinley,  and  on  visiting  Isaak's  house  Satur- 
day, September  7,  found  nine  persons  there,  all  of  whom  were  arrested.  They 
were: 

Abraham  Isaak,  Sr.,  publisher  of  the  Free  Society  and  former  publisher 
of  the  Firebrand,  the  organ  of  anarchy,  which  was  suppressed;  Abraham 
Isaak,  Jr.,  Clemence  Pfuetzner,  Alfred  Schneider,  Hippolyte  Havel,  Henry 
Travaglio',  Julia  Mechanic,  Marie  Isaak,  mother;  Marie  Isaak,  daughter. 

The  same  day  three  other  men  were  arrested  at  100  Newberry  avenue, 
Chicago,  for  the  same  crime.  These  men  were:  Martin  Raznick,  cloak- 
maker,  who  rented  the  premises ;  Maurice  Fox,  Michael  Raz. 

In  the  house  the  detectives  found  box  after  box  heaped  with  the  litera- 
ture of  anarchy  and  socialism.  There  were  pictures  of  Emma  Goldman  and 
other  leaders  and  many  copies  of  the  Firebrand,  Isaak's  old  paper. 

The  arrests    were  decided  on    thus    early  because   of   the  receipt  by  the 


84  EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER. 

Chicago  police  of  a  telegram  from  the  chief  of  police  at  Buffalo,  reading  as 
follows:  i 

"We  have  in  custody  Leon  Czoigosz,  alias  Fred  Nieman,  the  President's 
assassin.  Locate  and  arrest  E.  J.  Isaak,  who  is  editor  of  a  socialistic  paper 
and  a  follower  of  Emma  Goldman,  from  whom  Nieman  is  said  to  have  taken 
instructions.  It  looks  as  if  there  might  be  a  plot,  and  that  these  people  may 
be  implicated." 

After  being  taken  to  the  police  station  the  prisoners  were  taken  before 
Chief  O'Neill  and  questioned.  Isaak,  Sr.,  was  the  first  to  be  brought  in,  and 
he  told  his  story  without  any  suggestion  of  reticence,  occasionally  punctuat- 
ing his  answers  with  anarchistic  utterances,  angry  nods  of  his  head  or 
emphatic  gestures  with  his  clenched  fists.  When  asked  if  he  knew  Emma 
Goldman  he  answered : 

"Yes,  she  was  at  my  house  during  the  latter  part  of  June  and  the  first  two 
weeks  of  July.  The  last  time  I  saw  her  was  on  the  twelfth  of  July. 
On  that  day  she  left  Chicago  for  Buffalo.  I  met  her  at  the  Lake  Shore  depot 
as  she  was  leaving.  When  I  reached  the  depot  I  found  her  talking  to  a 
strange  man,  who  appeared  about  25  years  old,  was  well  dressed  and  smooth 
shaven.  Miss  Goldman  told  me  that  the  fellow  had  been  following  her 
around  wanting  to  talk  to  her,  but  she  had  no  time  to  devote  to  him.  She 
asked  me  to  find  out  what  the  fellow  wanted. 

"The  man  made  a  bad  impression  on  me  from  the  first,  and  when  'he 
called  me  aside  and  asked  me  about  the  secret  meetings  of  Chicago  anar- 
chists I  was  sure  he  was  a  spy.  I  despised  the  man  as  soon  as  I  saw  him  and 
was  positive  he  was  a  spy. 

"Emma  Goldman  went  away  on  a  train  which  left  in  about  half  an  hour 
after  my  meeting  with  this  stranger,  who  gave  his  name  as  Czlosz  (Czoigosz). 
I  wanted  to  learn  more  about  the  stranger,  so,  when  I  went  home,  I  asked 
him  to  accompany  me.  On  the  way  to  my  house  he  asked  me  again  and 
again  about  the  secret  meetings  of  our  societies,  and  the  impression  grew  on 
me  that  he  was  a  spy.  He  asked  me  if  we  would  give  him  money,  and  I  told 
him  no,  but  added  that  if  he  wanted  to  stay  in  Chicago  I  would  help  him  get 
work. 

"When  we  reached  my  house  we  sat  out  on  the  porch  for  about  ten  min- 
utes, and  his  talk  during  that  time  was  radical.  He  said  he  had  been  a 
Socialist  for  many  years,  but  was  looking  for  something  more  active  than 
socialism.  I  was  sure  then  that  the  feHow  was  a  spy,  and  I  wanted  to  search 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AT  THE  BEDSIDE  OF  HIS  WIFE  WHEN 


EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER.  87 

and  unmask  him,  so  I  arranged  with  him  to  come  to  my  house  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  for  breakfast. 

"I  took  him  over  to  Mrs.  Esther  Wolfson's  rooming-house,  at  425  Carroll 
avenue,  and  engaged  a  room  for  him.  Mrs.  Wolfson  has  since  moved  to 
New  York. 

"I  didn't  see  Czolgosz  again  after  that  night.  He  failed  to  come  to  my 
house  for  breakfast,  and  when  I  went  over  to  Mrs.  Wolfson's  to  inquire  about 
him  I  was  told  that  he  had  slipped  away  without  saying  where  he  was  going. 
I  was  suspicious  of  him  all  the  time,  so  I  wrote  to  E.  Schilling,  one  of  our 
comrades  in  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  asked  him  if  he  knew  of  such  a  man. 

"Schilling  replied  that  a  fellow  answering  his  description  had  called  on 
him,  and  that  he  believed  the  man  was  a  spy  in  the  employ  of  the  police.  He 
said  he  wanted  to  'search'  the  stranger,  but  was  alone  when  he  called  and  did 
not  care  to  attempt  the  job.  Schilling  arranged  a  meeting  for  another  night, 
but  Czolgosz  didn't  show  up,  and  all  trace  of  him  was  lost.  I  wrote  to  Cleve- 
land because  Czolgosz  had  told  me  he  once  lived  there. 

"After  I  received  Schilling's  letter  I  printed  an  article  in  my  paper  de- 
nouncing the  fellow  as  a  spy  and  warning  my  people  against  him." 

The  article  renouncing  Czolgosz,  alluded  to  by  Isaak,  was  published  in 
the  .issue  of  Free  Society  September  I,  and  was  couched  in  the  following 
language:  ATTENTION! 

The  attention  of  the  comrades  is  called  to  another  spy.  He  is  well 
dressed,  of  medium  height,  rather  narrow  shoulders,  blond  and  about  25 
years  of  age.  Up  to  the  present  he  has  made  his  appearance  in  Chicago  and 
Cleveland.  In  the  former  place  he  remained  but  a  short  time,  while  in  Cleve- 
land he  disappeared  when  the  comrades  had  confirmed  themselves  of  his 
identity  and  were  on  the  point  of  exposing  him.  His  demeanor  is  of  the 
usual  sort,  pretending  to  be  greatly  interested  in  the  cause,  asking  for  names 
or  soliciting  aid  for  acts  of  contemplated  violence.  If  this  same  individual 
makes  his  appearance  elsewhere  the  comrades  are  warned  in  advance,  and 
can  act  accordingly. 

The  police  were  suspicious  of  this  alleged  fear  of  Czolgosz,  and  asserted 
that  the  publication  of  the  notice  might  have  been  done  for  the  purpose  of 
exculpating  the  Chicago  Anarchists  in  case  they  were  accused  of  being  par- 
ties to  the  conspiracy. 

In  his  further  examination  Isaak  answered  proudly  that  he  was  an  An- 
archist, and  when  asked  what  he  meant  by  anarchy,  replied: 


88  EMMA  GOLDMAN,  THE  ANARCHIST  LEADER. 

"I  mean  a  country  without  government.  We  recognize  neither  law  nor 
the  right  of  one  man  to  govern  another.  The  trouble  with  the  world  is  that 
it  is  struggling  to  abolish  effect  without  seeking  to  get  at  the  cause.  Yes,  I 
am  an  Anarchist,  and  there  are  10,000  people  in  Chicago  who  think  and  be- 
lieve as  I  do.  You  don't  hear  about  them  because  they  are  not  organized. 

"Assassination  is  nothing  but  a  natural  phenomenon.  It  always  has  ex- 
isted and  will  exist  as  long  as  this  tyrannical  system  of  government  prevails. 
However,  we  don't  believe  tyranny  can  be  abolished  by  the  killing  of  one 
man.  Yet  there  will  be  absolute  anarchy. 

"In  Russia  I  was  a  Nihilist.  There  are  secret  meetings  there,  and  I  want 
to  tell  you  that  as  soon  as  you  attempt  to  suppress  anarchy  here  there  will 
be  secret  meetings  in  the  United  States. 

"I  don't  believe  in  killing  rulers,  but  I  do  believe  in  self-defense.  As  long 
as  you  let  Anarchists  talk  their  creed  openly  in  this  country  the  conservatives 
will  not  be  in  favor  of  assassinating  executives." 

Isaak  had  had  an  eventful  career  and  had  been  a  socialist  and  anar- 
chistic agitator  for  years.  He  was  born  in  Southern  Russia  and  came  to  Chi- 
cago seven  months  ago.  In  Russia,  he  says,  he  was  a  bookkeeper.  He  was 
forced  to  leave  the  Country,  and  after  traveling  over  South  America  he  came 
to  this  country  and  located  first  in  San  Francisco.  There  he  worked  as  a 
gardener.  Later  he  removed  to  Portland,  Ore.,  and  began  the  publication 
of  a  rabid  anarchistic  paper  called  the  Firebrand,  but  the  publication  was 
suppressed  by  the  United  States  postal  authorities. 

Then  Isaak  came  to  Chicago  and  started  Free  Society,  a  paper  devoted  to 
the  interests  of  local  Anarchists.  Isaak  talked  intelligently  but  rabidly  on 
matters  pertaining  to  sociological  questions. 

Hippolyte  Havel,  the  next  in  importance  to  Isaak  in  the  anarchistic 
group,  was  also  examined  by  the  chief.  He  proved  to  be  an  excitable  Bohe- 
mian, 35  years  of  age.  In  appearance  he  was  the  opposite  of  Isaak.  Dwarfed 
of  stature,  narrow-eyed,  with  jet  black  hair  hanging  in  a  confused  mass  over 
his  low  forehead,  and  a  manner  of  talking  that  brought  into  p>!ay  both  hands, 
he  looked  the  part  when  he  boldly  told  Chief  O'Neill  that  he  was  an  Anar- 
chist. In  Bohemia  he  was  an  agitator,  and  in  1894  was  sentenced  to  two 
years'  confinement  in  the  prison  at  Plzen  for  making  incendiary  speeches. 
He  admitted  that  he  knew  Emma  Goldman  and  Czolgosz,  and  said  that  if  he 
had  known  the  latter  was  going  to  Buffalo  to  kill  the  President,  he  would  not 
have  notified  the  police. 

Later,  these  anarchists  were  released,  as  there  was  no  evidence  to  prove  a 
conspiracy. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ANARCHISM  AND  ITS  OBJECTS. 

Within  a  few  minutes  after  the  shooting  of  President  McKinley  at  Buf- 
falo, and  before  anything  was  known  of  the  identity  of  the  assailant,  news  of 
the  affair  was  in  every  American  town  and  village  to  which  the  telegraph 
reaches.  Probably  in  every  town  those  to  whom  this  first  report  came  ex- 
claimed: "An  Anarchist!"  and  many  thousands  added  bitter  denunciation 
of  all  anarchists. 

When  later  news  arrived  it  was  established  definitely  by  the  confession  of 
the  would-be  slayer  that  he  was  an  anarchist  and  fired  the  shots  in  a  desire  to 
further  the  cause  of  those  who  believe  as  he  does. 

What,  then,  is  anarchism,  and  who  are  the  anarchists  that  the  destruction 
of  the  head  of  a  republican  government  can  further  their  cause?  What  do 
they  aim  at,  and  what  have  they  accomplished  to  stand  in  their  account 
against  the  long  list  of  murders,  of  attempted  assassinations,  and  of  destruc- 
tion of  property  with  which  they  are  charged?  The  questions  are  asked  on 
every  hand,  but  the  answers  are  hard  to  find. 

When,  at  the  World's  Fair  in  Chicago  in  October,  1893,  an  international 
congress  of  anarchists  was  held  and  representative  anarchists  were  here 
from  every  civilized  country,  an  attempt  was  made  to  answer  some  of  the 
questions.  A  proposition  was  made  that,  for  the  information  of  the  people 
and  the  furtherance  of  anarchism,  a  document  should  be  drawn  up  setting 
forth  just  what  the  belief  is  and  what  its  followers  are  doing.  The  proposi- 
tion almost  brought  the  congress  to  an  end,  for  it  was  found  that  there  were 
as  many  different  ideas  of  anarchism  as  there  were  delegates  present,  and  no 
definition  could  be  made  satisfactory  to  more  than  one  or  two. 

Yet  in  behalf  of  this  doctrine,  which  is  in  itself  the  anarchy  of  belief,  there 
have  been  sacrificed  in  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  more  than  a  hundred 
human  lives  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars'  worth  of  property  by  the 
most  violent  means.  And,  as  far  as  can  be  judged  by  an  outsider,  and  as  is 
admitted  by  the  leading  thinkers  of  the  cult,  anarchism  is  not  one  whit  the 
gainer  by  it. 

According  to  Zenker,  himself  an  anarchistic  theorist,  "anarchism  means, 

89 


90  ANARCHISM   AND   ITS   OBJECTS. 

in  its  ideal  sense,  the  perfect,  unfettered  self-government  of  the  individual, 
and  consequently  the  absence  of  any  kind  of  external  government." 

That  such  a  state  is  possible  not  one  of  the  anarchistic  philosophers  has 
contended,  and  each  has  been  eager  to  hold  up  his  neighbor's  plan,  if  not  also 
his  own,  as  a  Utopia.  Its  realization,  said  Proudhon,  pioneer  of  the  cult, 
would  be  an  entirely  new  world,  a  new  Eden,  a  land  of  the  perfect  idealiza- 
tion of  freedom  and  of  equality.  Yet  Proudhon  wrote  many  books  and  made 
many  addresses  in  behalf  of  his  doctrine.  Like  every  other  anarchist,  he 
found  his  theory  ending  in  a  contradiction — as  soon  as  there  was  anarchy  a 
new  state  would  be  built  up. 

For  anarchy  is  of  two  classes,  individualistic  and  communistic.  The  first 
is  the  philosophy  of  the  thinker,  which  has  advanced  as  the  object  of  its  being 
the  attainment  of  "Liberty,  not  the  daughter  but  the  mother  of  order."  That 
other  anarchy  is  that  which  through  the  influence  of  terrorism  shall  crumble 
empires  and  republics  alike,  while  from  their  dust  shall  rise  a  free  people  who 
shall  be  in  no  need  of  restraints  at  the  hands  of  their  fellow-men.  Disciples 
of  this  philosophy  would  build  communistic  centers  upon  the  ruins  of  gov- 
ernment which  violence  should  have  brought  about. 

Beginning  with  Proudhon,  anarchy  had  no  relationship  to  the  secret 
society  of  the  assassin.  Proudhon  simply  had  criticised  a  society  which 
"seeks,  in  formula  after  formula,  institution  after  institution,  that  equili- 
brium which  always  escapes  it,  and  at  every  attempt  always  causes  its  luxury 
and  its  poverty  to  grow  in  equal  proportion."  He  had  no  retributive  bomb 
or  dagger  for  the  heads  of  state  under  which  such  inequalities  existed.  He 
said,  only:  "Since  equilibrium  has  never  yet  been  reached,  it  only  remains 
for  us  to  hope  something  from  a  complete  solution  which  synthetically  unites 
theories,  which  gives  back  to  labor  its  effectiveness  and  to  each  of  its  organs 
its  power.  Hitherto  pauperism  has  been  so  inextricably  connected  with 
labor  and  want  with  idleness  that  all  our  accusations  against  Providence 
only  prove  our  weakness." 

Pierre  Joseph  Proudhon  was  born  in  Besancon,  France,  in  1809.  He  was 
a  poor  man  and  became  a  printer,  but  in  1837  won  a  scholarship  at  the  acad- 
emy in  his  native  town,  secured  an  education,  and  became  a  philosopher.  He 
followed  the  teachings  of  Hegel,  the  German  philosopher,  and  going  beyond 
them  founded  the  modern  cult  of  anarchist  individualism.  He  became  fa- 
mous from  a  question  and  an  answer.  "What  is  property?"  he  demanded, 
and  himself  replied:  "Property  is  theft." 

Later  he  came  to  regret  the  saying  and  endeavored  to  assert  his  belief 


ANARCHISM   AND   ITS   OBJECTS.  91 

in  property.  "Individual  possession  is  the  fundamental  condition  of  social 
life,"  he  said.  He  maintained  that  profit  was  unjust  and  that  every  trade 
should  be  an  equal  exchange. 

Proudhon  was  seeking  some  means  by  which  the  pauper  workmen  of 
Europe  could  be  brought  to  an  equality  with  the  aristocracy.  In  it  he  came 
near  socialism,  but  kept  the  boundary  fixed,  maintaining  that  the  individual 
should  have  his  property,  should  produce  as  much  as  he  could,  have  the  ben- 
efit of  his  product,  and  be  rich  or  poor  according  to  it. 

Not  until  the  movement  started  by  Proudhon  had  reached  Russia  did  the 
"propaganda  of  action"  come  into  it.  In  Russia  the  government,  controlling 
the  military,  was  able  to  check  instantly  any  movement  which  might  appear 
in  any  of  the  few  big  cities.  In  the  country  no  movement  could  have  effect. 

"Terrorism  arose,"  says  Stepniak,  "because  of  the  necessity  of  taking  the 
great  governmental  organization  in  the  flank  before  it  could  discover  that  an 
a.ttack  was  planned.  Nurtured  in  hatred,  it  grew  up  in  an  electric  atmos- 
phere filled  by  the  enthusiasm  that  is  awakened  by  a  noble  deed."  The 
"great  subterranean  stream"  of  nihilism  thus  had  its  rise.  From  nihilism  and 
its  necessary  sudden  outbreaks  anarchism  borrowed  terrorism,  the  propa- 
ganda of  action. 

Prince  Peter  Kropotkin  of  Russia  was  the  founder  of  the  violent  school 
of  anarchists.  Banished  from  Russia,  he  set  about  organizing  in  various 
countries  bands  of  propagandists.  Instead  of  the  individualism  of  Proudhon 
he  proclaimed  anarchist  communism,  which  is  now  the  doctrine  of  force  and 
is  the  branch  of  the  cult  most  followed  in  Italy,  France,  Spain  and  among 
the  Poles. 

That  form  of  anarchy  to-day  is  giving  great  concern  to  the  police  and 
military  power  of  the  world.  It  has  its  hotbed  in  continental  Europe. 
Vienna,  beyond  all  the  other  capitals  on  the  continent,  is  said  to  harbor  its 
doctrinaires.  Switzerland  has  contended  with  its  "propaganda  of  action," 
which  Kropotkin  stood  for  in  1879.  Italy,  France,  Spain,  Russia,  and  nearly 
every  other  continental  country  has  felt  its  force.  London  itself  has  been  a 
nest  of  anarchistic  vipers  in  times  past.  From  all  this  territory,  too,  the 
gradual  closing  in  o£  the  police  power  has  forced  both  leaders  and  tools  of 
anarchy  to  seek  asylums  in  America.  The  problem  of  anarchy  as  now 
presented  to  the  United  States  government  has  to  deal  almost  wholly  with 
this  foreign  born  element. 

Its  principles,  as  voiced  by  the  manifesto  of  the  Geneva  conference  in 
1882,  stand  in  great  measure  for  the  propaganda  of  action  of  to-day: 


92  ANARCHISM   AND   ITS   OBJECTS. 

"Our  ruler  is  our  enemy.  We  anarchists  are  men  without  any  rulers, 
fighting  against  all  those  who  have  usurped  any  power  or  who  wish  to 
usurp  it. 

"Our  enemy  is  the  owner  of  the  land  who  keeps  it  for  himself  and  makes 
the  peasant  work  for  his  advantage. 

"Our  enemy  is  the  manufacturer  who  fills  his  factory  with  wage  slaves; 
our  enemy  is  the  state,  whether  monarchical,  oligarchical,  or  democratic, 
with  its  officials  and  staff  officers,  magistrates,  and  police  spies. 

"Our  enemy  is  every  thought  of  authority,  whether  men  call  it  God  or 
devil,  in  whose  name  the  priests  have  so  long  ruled  honest  people. 

"Our  enemy  is  the  law  which  always  oppresses  the  weak  by  the  strong 
to  the  justification  and  apotheosis  of  crime. 

"But  if  the  landowners,  the  manufacturers,  the  heads  of  the  state,  the 
priests,  and  the  law  are  our  enemies,  we  are  also  theirs,  and  we  boldly  oppose 
them.  We  intend  to  reconquer  the  land  and  the  factory  from  the  land- 
owner and  the  manufacturer;  we  mean  to  annihilate  the  state  under  what- 
ever name  it  may  be  concealed;  and  we  mean  to  get  our  freedom  back  again 
in  spite  of  priest  or  law. 

"According  to  our  strength  we  will  work  for  the  humiliation  of  all  legal 
institutions,  and  are  in  accord  with  every  one  who  defies  the  law  by  a 
revolutionary  act.  We  despise  all  legal  means  because  they  are  the  negation 
of  our  rights;  we  do  not  want  so-called  universal  suffrage  since  we  cannot 
get  away  from  our  own  personal  sovereignty  and  cannot  make  ourselves 
accomplices  in  the  crimes  committed  by  our  so-called  representatives. 

"Between  us  anarchists  and  all  political  parties,  whether  conservatives  or 
moderates,  whether  they  fight  for  freedom  or  recognize  it  by  their  admis- 
sions, a  deep  gulf  is  fixed.  We  wish  to  remain  our  own  masters,  and  he 
among  us  who  strives  to  become  a  chief  or  leader  is  a  traitor  to  our  cause. 
Of  course  we  know  that  individual  freedom  cannot  exist  without  a  union 
with  other  free  associates.  We  all  live  by  the  support  of  one  another;  that 
is  the  social  life  which  has  created  us;  that  it  is  the  work  of  all  which  gives 
to  each  the  consciousness  of  his  rights  and  the  power  to  defend  them.  Every 
social  product  is  the  work  of  the  whole  community,  to  which  all  have  a  claim 
in  equal  manner. 

"For  we  are  all  communists.  It  is  ours  to  conquer  and  defend  common 
property  and  to  overthrow  governments  by  whatever  name  they  may  be 
called." 

Johann  Most  followed  Kropotkin,  and  in  pamphlets  and  papers  urged 


ANARCHISM   AND   ITS   OBJECTS.  93 

death  to  rulers  and  leaders  of  the  people.  He  published  explicit  directions 
for  making  bombs,  placing  them  in  public  places;  a  dictionary  of  poisons 
and  the  means  of  getting  them  into  the  food  of  Ministers  and  other  gov- 
ernment officials.  "Extirpate  the  miserable  brood,"  he  said,  "extirpate  the 
wretches." 

All  these  leaders  and  many  other  theorists,  German  philosophers,  En- 
glishmen and  Americans  as  well,  have  published  books  showing  why  they  be- 
lieve anarchy  to  be  the  ideal  condition  of  the  human  race.  None  of  them 
believes  it  possible.  It  is  only  the  less  brilliant  followers  who  attempt  to 
carry  out  their  teachings  and  thus  bring  bloodshed.  How  this  is  done  the 
psychologists,  the  students  of  criminology  explain. 

"Anarchism  is  a  pathological  phenomenon,"  says  Caesar  Lombroso,  the 
Italian  criminologist.  "Unhealthy  and  criminal  persons  adopt  anarchism. 
In  every  city,  in  nearly  every  factory,  there  are  men  with  active  minds  but 
little  education.  These  men  stand,  day  after  day,  before  a  machine  handling 
a  tool,  doing  some  mechanical  action.  Their  minds  must  work.  They  have 
little  to  work  upon.  They  are  starved  for  proper  food  and  air  and  for  the 
mental  food  which  is  necessary  to  a  proper  understanding  of  society  and  of 
the  duties  of  men.  Into  the  hands  of  these  fall  the  writings  of  the  anar- 
chists with  subtly-worded  arguments.  Conditions  which  are  apparent  every- 
where are  shown  forth,  the  evils  of  the  city  and  of  industrial  conditions  are 
set  forth  plainly,  so  that  the  reader  gets  an  idea  that  the  writer  is  truthful 
and  impartial.  Then  the  writer  sets  forth  how  anarchism  can  remedy  these 
things.  Later  on  comes  the  suggestion  of  violence.  Then  'strike  down  the 
rulers.' 

"The  workman  may  not  be  moved  in  the  least  by  the  first  perusal.  He 
may  even  be  amused.  But  later,  little  by  little,  as  he  stands  at  his  work,  .they 
come  back  to  him,  and  he  broods  over  them  again  and  again  until  they  be- 
come part  of  his  mind  and  his  belief,  and  sooner  or  later  he  becomes  a  violent 
anarchist.  For  such  men  Johann  Most  and  his  followers  form  little  groups 
which  can  hold  secret  meetings,  and  through  them  deeds  of  violence  are  plot- 
ted and  accomplished." 

In  connection  with  the  philosophy  of  anarchy,  it  may  be  interesting  to 
examine  the  causes  which  various  leaders  in  the  movement  have  given  for 
espousing  the  doctrine.  August  Spies,  one  of  the  men  executed  in  Chicago 
for  complicity  in  the  Haymarket  conspiracy,  replied,  when  ^sked  what  made 
him  an  anarchist: 


94  ANARCHISM   AND   ITS   OBJECTS. 

"I  became  an  anarchist  on  that  very  day  that  a  policeman  seized  me  by 
the  collar  and  flung  me  from  a  sidewalk  into  the  gutter." 

"Probably,"  wrote  this  questioner,  "the  whole  history  of  anarchy  could 
be  traced  to  these  petty  causes.  The  sore  develops  violent  action  in  the 
uncouth;  the  finer  and  thriftier  spirits  are  moved  to  ventilate  their  wrongs 
in  print." 

There  is  a  suggestion  in  the  point  which  has  been  voiced  by  anarchists 
everywhere.  When  Emma  Goldman  was  arrested  she  complained  bitterly 
that  it  was  the  police  department  of  Chicago  rather  than  her  teachings  which 
was  making  anarchists. 

The  story  has  been  told  of  Zo  d'Axa  that  at  a  time  when  he  was  hesitat- 
ing between  becoming  an  anarchist  or  a  religious  missionary  he  was  travel- 
ing in  Italy.  One  day  he  was  accused — as  he  contended,  wrongfully — of 
insulting  the  Empress  of  Germany,  and  the  legal  efforts  to  call  him  to 
account  made  an  anarchist  of  him.  He  was  a  man  of  fortune  and  he  devoted 
that  fortune  to  the  cause,  establishing  En  Dehors,  a  journal  of  revolt,  against 
everything  that  could  limit  individualism. 

Thus,  in  these  later  types  the  relations  of  cause  and  effect  have  been 
established.  As  to  the  earlier  ones,  only  speculation  may  fasten  the  probable 
truth  to  them.  As  to  Proudhon,  the  sting  that  often  comes  to  one  lacking 
in  caste  might  easily  have  been  his  inspiration.  He  was  sent  to  prison  in 
1848  for  political  offenses,  just  at  the  moment  when  his  People's  Bank  had 
been  started  upon  its  brief  period  of  existence,  as  one  of  the  great  ameliorat- 
ing institutions  of  French  society. 

Out  of  prison  again  at  the  end  of  a  long  confinement,  Proudhon  begged 
permission  to  issue  his  paper,  Justice,  but  Napoleon  refused  the  plea.  A 
book,  lacking  much  of  the  fire  of  his  youth,  caused  Proudhon  to  be  sentenced 
to  prison  a  second  time,  for  a  period  of  three  years.  He  escaped  by  flight, 
however,  and  went  to  Belgium.  In  the  general  amnesty  granted  in  1859 
he  was  excepted,  and  when,  as  a  special  favor,  the  Emperor,  in  1861,  granted 
him  permission  to  return  home,  Proudhon  refused,  not  returning  to  Paris 
until  1863.  But  troubles  and  persecutions  had  told  upon  him,  and  on  June 
19,  1865,  he  died  in  the  arms  of  his  wife,  who  had  been  a  helpmeet,  and  for 
whom  he  had  always  shown  loyalty  and  love. 

Caspar  Schmidt,  better  known  by  the  pseudonym  of  Max  Stirner,  was  a 
German  pupil  of  Proudhon  and  was  born  at  Baireuth  on  October  25,  1806. 
He  became  a  teacher  in  a  high  school,  and  afterwards  in  a  girls'  school  in 
Berlin.  In  1844  appeared  the  book,  "The  Individual  and  His  Property," 


ANARCHISM   AND   ITS   OBJECTS.  95 

acknowledged  by  Max  St-irner.  It  was  meteoric,  causing  a  momentary  sen- 
sation and  then  sinking  into  oblivion  until  the  rejuvenating  of  anarchism 
ten  years  later  brought  it  again  to  notice.  Stirner  departs  radically  from 
Proudhon.  On  June  26,  1856,  he  died,  as  some  one  has  observed,  "Poor  in 
external  circumstances,  rich  in  want  and  bitterness." 

Jean  Jacques  Elisee  Reclus  is  one  of  the  later  French  apostles  of  anar- 
chism, a  deep  student  of  such  prominence  that  the  sentence  of  transportation 
in  1871  caused  such  an  outcry  from  scientific  men  that  banishment  was  sub- 
stituted therefor.  He  has  written  of  anarchism: 

"The  idea  is  beautiful,  is  great,  but  these  miscreants  sully  our  teachings. 
He  who  calls  himself  an  anarchist  should  be  one  of  a  good  and  gentle  sort. 
It  is  a  mistake  to  believe  that  the  anarchistic  idea  can  be  promoted  by  acts  of 
barbarity." 

Of  the  influence  of  this  man  and  his  type  it  has  been  said  by  a  critic. 

"They  are  poets,  painters,  novelists,  or  critics.  Most  of  them  are  men  of 
fortune  and  family.  Their  art  has  brought  them  fame.  They  are  idealists, 
and  dreamers,  and  philanthropists.  T*hey  turn  from  a  dark  and  troubled 
present  to  a  future  all  rose.  In  a  tragic  night  they  await  the  sunrise  of  fra- 
ternal love. 

"And  yet,  by  their  sincerity  and  their  eloquence,  they  are  the  most  dan- 
gerous men  of  to-day.  They  have  made  anarchy  a  splendid  ideal,  instead  of 
the  brutal  and  meaningless  discontent  that  it  was.  They  have  gilded  plain 
ruffians  like  Ravachol  and  Caserio  with  the  halo  of  martyrdom.  For  them 
anarchy  is  a  literary  toy.  But  what  of  the  feather-brained  wretches  who 
believe  in  all  these  fine  phrases  and  carry  out  the  doctrine  of  social  warfare 
to  its  logical  and  bloody  conclusion?  Whose  is  the  responsibility?  Who 
is  the  greater  criminal?  Luccheni  or  the  silken  poet  who  set  him  on?" 

And  behind  these  more  or  less  gentle  and  philosophic  pathfinders  in 
anarchism  have  come  the  "doers  of  the  word" — the  redhanded  assassins  of 
history. 

Not  long  ago  Count  Malesta,  leader  of  the  Italian  anarchists,  in  his 
suave,  gentle,  aristocratic  attitudes,  deplored  the  use  of  bombs,  pistol,  and 
knife.  Yet  who  will  question  that  Herr  Most  has  drawn  inspiration  from 
this  teacher,  and  this  schooling  was  behind  that  rabid  creature's  utterance, 
following  the  assassination  of  Carnot,  when  Most  said: 

"Whosoever  wants  to  undertake  an  assassination  should  at  first  learn 
to  use  the  weapon  with  which  he  desires  to  accomplish  his  purpose  before 
he  brings  that  weapon  definitely  into  play.  Attempts  by  means  of  the 


96  ANARCHISM  AND   ITS   OBJECTS. 

revolver  are  utterly  played  out,  because  out  of  twenty-five  attempts  only 
one  is  successful,  as  experience  has  thoroughly  shown.  Only  expert  dead 
shots  may  thoroughly  rely  on  their  ability  to  kill.  No  more  child's  play! 
Serious  labor!  Long  live  the  torch  and  bomb!" 

This  is  the  pupil  of  the  school.  Of  its  tutors,  even  Kropotkin  has  been 
described  as  a  "gentle,  courtly,  aristocratic  patriarch  of  revolt."  He  was 
wealthy,  famous,  and  furiously  aristocratic  when,  in  1872,  studying  the 
Swiss  glaciers,  he  stumbled  upon  the  Geneva  convention  of  internationalists 
and  became  an  anarchist.  He  returned  to  the  Russian  court.  His  work  on 
the  glaciers  of  Finland  became  a  classic.  His  lectures  on  geology  and  geog- 
raphy were  attracting  crowds,  even  while  a  red  revolutionist,  Borodin,  was 
stirring  police  and  military  with  his  utterances  to  workingmen.  One  night 
the  police  trapped  Borodin — and  Kropotkin.  For  three  years  he  was  con- 
fined in  prison  until  he  escaped,  making  his  way  to  London  and  to  the 
world,  which  still  listens  to  his  voice. 

Louise  Michel,  even,  is  described  as  an  eager,  enthusiastic  old  woman  of 
much  gentleness  of  manner.  She  is  credited  with  an  unselfishness  and  self- 
abnegation  that  would  fit  the  character  of  a  sister  of  charity.  Virile  and 
keen  of  intellect,  her  presence  is  said  to  attract,  rather  than  repel,  and  yet  her 
cry  is  for  freedom,  based  on  force  against  the  machinery  of  law. 

Johann  Most  has  been  recognized  as  the  link  between  the  German  and 
English  anarchism  and  the  representative  of  the  "propaganda  of  action." 
He  is  the  avowed  patron  of  the  bomb,  and  in  the  present  case  of  Czolgosz 
some  of  the  instructions  which  he  has  vouchsafed  to  readers  of  his  journal, 
Freedom,  may  have  a  bearing,  as  for  instance,  the  rule  that  "never  more 
than  one  anarchist  should  take  charge  of  the  attempt,  so  that  in  case  of 
discovery  the  anarchist  party  may  suffer  as  little  harm  as  possible." 

France  has  been  especially  active  in  this  scrutiny  of  the  followers  of  the 
red  flag.  The  government's  spy  system  is  almost  perfect.  Scarcely  a  meet- 
ing may  be  held  on  French  soil  -that  a  government  shadow  is  not  somewhere 
in  the  background. 

In  Russia  both  the  police  and  military  arms  keep  watch  upon  suspects. 
London  for  years  has  been  a  hotbed  of  anarchistic  talk  and  scheming,  and 
even  there  the  system  of  secret  espionage  is  maintained.  Regent's  Park  on 
a  Sunday  afternoon  may  be  full  of  inflammatory  speechmaking,  but  it  is  re- 
garded as  a  harmless  venting  of  spleen  in  most  cases;  the  actual  movements 
of  dangerous  anarchists  are  closely  observed. 

The  United  States  government  at  Washington  has  a  list  of  names  and 
photographs  of  all  the  known  anarchists  of  the  world. 


ANARCHISM   AND   ITS    OBJECTS.  9T 

No  city  in  America  has  had  more  experience  in  dealing  with  dangerous 
anarchists  than  Chicago.  As  early  as  1850  there  were  disciples  of  anarchy 
among  the  foreign  element  there,  but  no  attention  was  paid  to  them  until 
as  late  as  1873,  when  they  formed  a  political  party  and  were  more  or  less 
noisy  for  several  years.  In  1877,  during  the  great  railroad  strike,  they  had 
their  first  clash  with  the  police  and  several  were  killed,  and  many  wounded. 
Thanksgiving  Day,  1884,  under  the  leadership  of  Albert  R.  Parsons,  August 
Spies,  Sam  Fielden,  and  others  they  hoisted  the  black  flag  and  marched 
through  the  fashionable  residence  district  of  the  city,  uttering  groans  and 
using  threatening  language.  Subsequently  they  threatened  to  blow  up 
the  new  Board  of  Trade  building,  and  marched  past  the  edifice  one  night, 
but  were  headed  off  by  the  police.  Parsons,  when  asked  afterward  why  they 
had  not  blown  up  the  Board  of  Trade  building,  replied  that  they  had  not 
looked  for  police  interference  and  were  not  prepared.  "The  next  time,"  he 
said,  "we  will  be  prepared  to  meet  them  with  bombs  and  dynamite."  Fielden 
reiterated  the  same  sentiments  and  expressed  the  opinion  that  in  the  course 
of  a  year  they  might  be  ready  for  the  police. 

During  all  these  years  the  anarchist  leaders  had  openly  preached  vio- 
lence, and  had  taught  their  followers  how  to  make  dynamite  bombs.  They 
went  so  far  as  to  give  in  detail  their  plans  for  fighting  the  police  and  militia, 
and  caused  more  or  less  consternation  among  the  timid  residents  of  the 
city. 

The  local  authorities  made  no  effort  to  stop  any  of  these  proceedings. 
Mayor  Harrison  believed  that  repressive  measures  would  be  useless  and 
considered  that  to  allow  the  anarchists  to  talk  would  gratify  their  vanity 
and  preclude  the  possibility  of  riot.  That  such  a  belief  was  fallacious,  sub- 
sequent events  proved. 

In  1886  came  the  agitation  for  the  establishment  of  the  eight-hour  day, 
and  the  anarchist  leaders  were1  prominent  therein.  The  first  collision  be- 
tween the  anarchists  and  the  police  came  at  the  McCormick  reaper  works. 
There  was  a  sharp  fight  and  the  police  dispersed  the  rioters.  It  was  said 
that  many  workingmen  were  killed  in  that  fight,  but  the  story  was  exagger- 
ated, no  one  being  killed.  The  anarchists  held  secret  meetings  at  once  and 
devised  a  plan  to  revenge  themselves  on  the  police,  and  to  burn  and  sack  the 
city.  As  a  first  step,  and  for  the  purpose  of  demoralizing  the  police  force, 
a  public  meeting  was  called  to  be  held  in  the  Haymarket  Square  on  the 
night  of  May  4.  The  meeting  was  really  held  on  Desplaines  street,  between 
Randolph  and  Lake  streets.  Parsons.  Spies  and  Fielden  spoke  from  a 


98  ANARCHISM   AND   ITS   OBJECTS. 

wagon  in  front  of  Crane's  foundry,  until  the  police  came  up  to  disperse  the 
meeting,  on  account  of  the  violent  character  of  the  utterances.  Inspector 
Bonfield  and  Captain  Ward  were  in  charge  of  the  police,  and  no  sooner  had 
Captain  Ward  called  upon  the  crowd  to  disperse  than  a  bomb  was  hurled 
into  the  midst  of  the  unsuspecting  policemen.  It  burst  with  a  loud  report, 
knocking  down  nearly  every  one  of  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  men 
in  the  detail  and  badly  wounding  many. 

Inspector  Bonfield  at  once  rallied  his  men,  and  charged  the  mob  with 
a  resistless  rush  that  carried  everything  before  them.  After  the  square  had 
been  cleared  the  officers  began  to  attend  to  their  wounded  comrades.  Only 
one,  M.  J.  Degan,  had  been  instantly  killed,  although  seven  died  afterward 
from  their  injuries.  Sixty-eight  others  were  injured,  some  so  badly  that  they 
were  maimed  for  life,  and  incapacitated  for  work. 

Of  all  the  men  who  were  subsequently  arrested  for  this  crime,  only  eight 
were  placed  on  trial.  These  were  August  Spies,  Michael  Schwab,  Samuel 
Fielden,  Albert  R.  Parsons,  Adolph  Fischer,  George  Engel,  and  Louis 
Lingg,  who  were  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  death,  and  Oscar  Neebe, 
who  was  sentenced  to  fifteen  years  in  the  penitentiary.  Lingg  committed 
suicide  by  blowing  his  head  to  pieces  with  a  bomb  while  confined  in  the 
jail  awaiting  execution.  The  sentences  of  Schwab  and  Fielden  were  com- 
muted to  imprisonment  for  life  by  Governor  Oglesby.  The  other  four  were 
hanged  in  the  county  jail  on  November  n,  1887.  They  were  buried  at 
Waldheim  cemetery  the  following  Sunday,  November  13,  and  this  occasion 
was  made  memorable  by  the  honors  shown  the  dead  by  the  anarchist  socie- 
ties of  Chicago.  It  was  the  last  great  outpouring  of  anarchy  that  the  city 
has  seen.  Schwab,  Fielden,  and  Neebe  were  afterward  pardoned  by  Gov- 
ernor Altgeld,  and  released  from  the  penitentiary. 

Looking  back  upon  the  work  of  anarchy  in  the  last  fifty  years  or  more  its 
results  should  be  discouraging  to  any  but  the  most  hair-brained  of  the  type. 
Its  violence  has  not  altered  or  unsettled  the  course  of  a  single  government 
against  which  it  has  been  directed.  If  individuals  here  and  there  have  been 
murdered  the  crimes  have  reacted  upon  the  tools  of  butchery,  most  fre- 
quently sending  the  assassin  to  a  dishonored  grave,  leaving  the  name  of  his 
kinsman  a  reproach  for  all  time.  The  seed  of  ideal  anarchy  still  is  being 
sown,  however,  and  its  crop  of  crimes  and  criminals  may  be  expected  to  be 
harvested  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  unless,  by  some  concerted,  radical 
efforts  of  civilization  its  bloody  sophistries  are  to  be  wiped  from  the  world. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
SCENES  AT  BUFFALO   FOLLOWING  THE  ASSASSINATION. 

The  people  of  Buffalo  and  the  visitors  within  their  gates  behaved  admir- 
ably during  all  the  weary  days  and  nights  after  the  shooting  of  the  President. 
That  spirit  of  mob  law,  which  pervaded  the  multitude  that  surged  about  the 
Temple  of  Music  in  the  Exposition  grounds  at  the  time  of  the  shooting, 
speedily  gave  way  to  one  of  obedience  to  law.  The  knowledge  that  the 
President's  life  had  not  ebbed  away,  and  that  eminent  physicians  said  he 
would  recover,  had  a  tendency  to  restore  men's  minds  to  the  normal,  and 
soon  the  question  which  passed  from  man  to  man  was  "what  news  from  the 
President?" 

Even  the  thought  of  wreaking  vengeance  on  the  assassin  seemed  to  have 
fallen  into  abeyance.  The  people  became  quiet  in  demeanor,  but  there  was 
constant  anxiety  that  the  physicians  had  not  told  all,  and  that  the  Nation 
might  at  any  time  be  called  on  to  mourn  the  death  of  its  Chief  Executive. 
This  feeling  was  intensified  by  the  hurrying  to  the  city  of  members  of  the 
Cabinet  who  were  not  in  attendance  on  the  President  at  the  time  he  faced  the 
assassin.  The  first  trains  brought  Vice-President  Roosevelt,  Secretaries  Hay, 
Gage,  Root,  Long  and  Hitchcock,  Attorney-General  Knox  and  Postmaster- 
General  Smith.  Senator  Mark  Hanna  and  other  close  friends  of  the  Presi- 
dent also  started  hastily  for  Buffalo,  and  many  of  them  remained  there  until 
the  end.  The  presence  of  these  personages,  perhaps,  had  a  tendency  to  quiet 
public  feeling,  inasmuch  as  they  one  and  all  bore  themselves  with  marked 
dignity  during  the  trying  time. 

When  the  President  was  moved  from  the  Exposition  grounds  to  the 
residence  of  Mr.  Milburn,  there  were  thousands  of  people  in  the  streets,  but 
there  was  no  disturbance.  Only  the  tenderest  sympathy  for  the  stricken 
President  was  manifested,  and  never,  during  the  President's  gallant  fight 
for  life,  was  there  aught  to  complain  of  on  the  part  of  the  people. 

The  Milburn  home  is  situated  in  the  center  of  a  large  lot  on  which  stand 
magnificent  trees.  As  it  became,  from  the  time  the  President  was  taken  there, 
the  center  of  interest  for  the  civilized  world,  special  preparations  were  made 
to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  case.  It  was  necessary  that  only  those  should 
have  ingress  and  egress  who  had  business  there,  and  hence  the  premises  were 

99 


100  SCENES    FOLLOWING    ASSASSINATION. 

surrounded  with  police  and  soldiers.  Ropes  were  stretched  so  that  the  crowds 
which  were  irresistibly  drawn  to  the  scene  could  be  more  easily  kept  back,  and 
the  most  complete  arrangements  were  made  to  enable  the  newspaper  men  to 
secure  and  send  broadcast  the  news  of  the  President's  condition.  A  huge 
tent  was  ejected  on  the  lawn  and  there,  from  day  to  day,  the  doctors,  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet,  the  Vice-President  and  others  were  importuned  by  the 
reporters  for-  hopeful  tidings,  which  they  knew  not  only  the  people  of  Buffalo 
but  the  world  at  large  so  eagerly  awaited. 

During  all  this  period  the  police  of  Buffalo  were  working  desperately  to 
learn  the  antecedents  of  Czolgosz,  the  assassin;  to  trace  his  movements,  and 
to  ascertain,  if  possible,  whether  he  had  accomplices.  The  villainous  wretch, 
whose  brutal  act  had  caused  all  right  thinking  people  to  regard  him  with 
horror,  remained  safely  in  the  police  station  at  Buffalo,  where  he  had  been 
taken  by  the  police  after  the  first  struggle  to  keep  the  people  from  lynching 
him.  After  recovering  from  the  fright  occasioned  by  his  first  contact  with 
the  outraged  people,  he  became  flippant  and  tried  to  glorify  his  terrible  crime 
and  invest  it  with  the  halo  of  a  service  to  humanity.  All  these  facts  were 
promptly  conveyed  to  the  people  by  the  newspapers,  and  served  to  intensify 
the  feeling  against  Czolgosz. 

When  the  fact  became  known  that  the  President  was  growing  worse, 
and  the  physicians  became  guarded  in  the  expressions  as  to  whether  he  would 
recover,  the  people  began  to  gather  on  the  streets  and  discuss  the  punishment 
of  the  assassin.  As  the  bulletins  became  more  and  more  ominous,  the  feeling 
rose  to  fever  heat,  and  there  was  a  rush  toward  the  police  station  where 
Czolgosz  was  confined.  Thousands  of  excited  citizens  clamored  for  the  life 
of  the  criminal,  but  the  police  forced  them  back.  Two  regiments  of  the 
National  Guard,  the  Sixty-fifth  and  Seventy-fourth,  were  ordered  to  assemble 
in  their  armories  to  meet  any  emergency  that  might  arise. 

"We  do  not  propose  to  allow  our  prisoner  to  be  taken  from,  us,"  said 
Superintendent  Bull,  of  the  police  force.  "We  are  able  to  protect  him,  and 
we  have  the  Sixty-fifth  and  Seventy-fourth  Regiments  under  arms  if  we 
need  them.  No  matter  how  dastardly  this  man's  crime  is,  we  intend  for  the 
good  name  of  American  people  to  keep  him  safe  for  the  vengeance  of  the  law." 

The  fact  that  the  President  lingered  until  early  in  the  morning,  before 
death  ensued,  probably  prevented  any  real  conflict  between  the  police  and 
the  indignant  people. 

The  members  of  the  two  regiments  were  summoned  to  their  armories 
by  messenger,  telegraph,  and  proclamation  in  theaters  and  public  places. 


SCENES    FOLLOWING   ASSASSINATION.  101 

This  news  only  helped  to  direct  attention  from  the  dying  President  to  the 
cell  which  held  his  assassin. 

That  these  preparations  were  quite  necessary  became  apparent  by  8:30 
o'clock  Friday  night,  when  the  people  had  assembled  in  the  vicinity  of  police 
headquarters  in  such  numbers  that  the  streets  were  blocked  and  impassable. 

The  police  roped  off  all  the  streets  at  a  distance  of  three  hundred  to  four 
hundred  feet  from  the  nearest  of  the  buildings  and  refused  to  admit  any 
one  within  that  limit.  One  hundred  patrolmen  guarded  the  ropes  and  fought 
back  the  crowds,  while  ten  mounted  men  galloped  to  and  fro,  holding  the 
crowds  in  repression. 

New  details  of  police  from  the  outside  stations  came  in  from  time  to 
time,  and  Superintendent  Bull  kept  in  constant  touch  on  the  telephone  with 
Colonel  Welch,  who  was  at  the  Sixty-fifth  armory,  less  than  a  mile  away. 

In  order  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  excited  drowds,  the  false  report 
that  Czolgosz  had  been  spirited  away  was  sent  out.  While  the  source  cannot 
be  traced,  it  is  believed  the  report  emanated  from  the  police  headquarters. 
The  mob  was  also  informed,  whenever  possible,  that  there  was  no  reason 
to  believe  that  there  would  be  a  miscarriage  of  justice,  whether  through  the 
pretext  that  the  assassin  was  insanely  irresponsible  for  his  act  or  through 
the  possibility  that  he  might  die  before  justice  could  be  meted  out  to  him. 

It  was  learned  indirectly  that  Superintendent  Bull  had  asked  the  insanity 
experts,  who  have  had  Czolgosz  under  their  observation  for  a  week,  and  Police 
Surgeon  Dr.  Fowler,  who  has  had  charge  of  the  prisoner's  physical  health,  to 
prepare  a  statement  of  the  exact  truth  about  the  prisoner's  health  of  mind 
and  body. 

The  President's  clothes,  which  were  removed  at  the  Exposition  Hospital, 
were  later  sent  to  the  Milburn  residence,  where  the  pockets  were  emptied. 
The  attendant  told  what  he  found. 

In  his  right-hand  trousers  pocket  was  some  $1.80  in  currency.  With 
these  coins  was  a  small  silver  nugget,  well  worn,  as  if  the  President  had 
carried  it  as  a  pocket  piece  for  a  long  time. 

Three  small  penknives,  pearl-handled,  were  in  the  pockets  of  his  trousers. 
Evidently  they  were  gifts  that  he  prized  and  was  in  the  habit  of  carrying  all 
of  them.  Another  battered  coin,  presumably  a  pocket  piece,  was  in  the  left- 
hand  pocket. 

The  President's  wallet  was  well  worn  and  of  black  leather,  about  four 
inches  by  five.  It  was  marked  with  his  name.  In  it  was  $45  in  bills.  A 


102  SCENES    FOLLOWING    ASSASSINATION. 

number  of  cards,  which  evidently  had  rested  in  the  wallet  for  some  time,  were 
in  one  of  the  compartments. 

In  a  vest  pocket  was  a  silver-shell  lead  pencil.  Three  cigars  were  found. 
They  were  not  the  black  perfectos  which  the  President  likes,  but  were  short 
ones  which  had  been  given  to  him  at  Niagara  Falls  that  day.  On  two  of  them 
he  had  chewed,  much  as  General  Grant  used  to  bite  a  cigar. 

The  President's  watch  was  an  open-faced  gold  case  American-made  time- 
keeper. Attached  to  it  was  the  gold  chain  which  the  President  always  wore. 
No  letters,  telegrams  or  papers  were  found.  There  was  not  on  the  Presi- 
dent's person  a  single  clew  to  his  identity,  unless  it  was  to  be  found  in  the 
cards  in  his  wallet,  which  were  not  examined. 

One  of  the  most  striking  features  of  the  fateful  week  at  Buffalo  was  the 
exclusive  use  of  automobiles  by  the  public  officials,  friends,  relatives  and 
physicians  on  their  trips  to  and  from  the  Milburn  residence.  Heretofore  the 
modern  vehicles  were  used  chiefly  for  pleasure  and  many  doubted  their  utility, 
but  on  the  well-paved  streets  of  Buffalo  they  were  found  to  have  many 
advantages  over  carriages  drawn  by  horses.  Lines  of  the  motor  cabs  were 
stationed  a  short  distance  from  the  house  and  whenever  a  call  for  one  was 
sent  out  it  approached  speedily  but  noiselessly.  No  sound  as  loud  as  a 
horse's  hoof  on  the  pavement  was  made  by  the  vehicles. 

The  wounded  President  was  transferred  from  the  Emergency  Hospital 
on  the  Exposition  grounds  to  the  Milburn  residence  in  an  automobile,  and 
the  horseless  carriages  were  sent  to  the  railroad  stations  to  meet  officials  and 
relatives  coming  to  the  bedside  of  the  stricken  man. 

When  the  startling  report  of  the  assassination  first  sped  along  the  wires, 
causing  grief  and  consternation  everywhere,  Senator  Hanna  was  at  his  home 
in  Cleveland.  Hanna  was  undoubtedly  McKinley's  most  intimate  friend  in 
public  life,  as  well  as  the  President's  adviser.  Hanna  was  intensely  excited 
by  the  news  and  at  once  began  to  make  plans  for  reaching  Buffalo  as  soon  as 
possible.  A  special  train  could  have  been  made  up,  but  the  time  to  reach  the 
station  would  have  been  considerable. 

Some  one  suggested  that  the  Lake  Shore  Limited,  which  is  the  fastest 
train  between  Chicago  and  New  York,  be  flagged  near  Hanna's  home,  and 
this  was  at  once  done.  The  railway  officials  gave  their  consent  by  tele- 
phone, and  when  the  train  approached  near  the  house — the  railroad  is  but 
a  few  rods  from  the  Hanna  residence — it  slacked  up  and  the  Senator  boarded 
it.  Steam  was  put  on  and  the  delay  made  up  in  a  few  hours.  The  train 
reached  Buffalo  on  time. 


MRS.   Mc^INLEY    ALONE       WITH   HER    BELOVED    DEAD, 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  BODY  LYING  IN   STATE  AT  BUFFALO. 


SCENES    FOLLOWING   ASSASSINATION.  105 

Senator  Hanna  took  a  hopeful  view  of  the  situation,  and  assured  everyone 
with  whom  he  conversed  of  the  ultimate  recovery  of  the  President.  He 
remained  at  Buffalo  until  Tuesday,  and  then  returned  to  Cleveland,  where 
the  G.  A.  R.  Encampment  was  being  held.  When  he  parted  from  the 
President  he  stated  that  in  his  opinion,  for  which  he  'relied  chiefly  on  the 
physicians,  McKinley  would  be  well  in  a  month.  Hanna  spent  Wednesday 
and  Thursday  in  Cleveland,  leaving  for  Buffalo  on  a  special  train  when  noti- 
fied of  the  relapse  of  the  patient.  The  death  of  McKinley  touched  Hanna 
deeply.  He  had  to  be  led  from  the  bedside  on.  the  occasion  of  the  last  inter- 
view between  the  two  men.  He  was  almost  a  total  collapse,  his  face  was 
drawn  and  his  entire  form  trembled. 

On  Sunday  night,  September  8th,  two  days  after  the  President  had  been 
shot,  and  at  a  time  when  it  was  believed  he  would  recover,  Senator  Hanna 
had  a  remarkable  dream,  prophetic  of  the  fatal  end. 

On  Monday  a  newspaper  correspondent  asked  him  if  he  had  any  fears 
of  a  relapse,  when  he  replied : 

"That  reminds  me  of  a  dream  I  had  last  night.  You  know  dreams  go 
by  contraries.  Well,  sir,  in  this  dream  I  was  up  at  the  Milburn  house  waiting 
to  hear  how  the  President  was  getting  along,  and  everybody  was  feeling  very 
good.  We  thought  the  danger  was  all  past.  I  was  sitting  there  talking 
with  General  Brooke  and  Mr.  Cortelyou,  and  we  were  felicitating  ourselves 
on  how  well  the  physicians  had  been  carrying  the  case. 

"Suddenly,  in  my  dream,  Dr.  McBurney  entered  the  room  through  the 
door  leading  to  the  sick  room  with  a  look  of  the  utmost  horror  and  distress 
on  his  face.  I  rushed  up  to  him,,  and  putting  a  hand  on  either  shoulder, 
said :  'What  is  it,  Doctor?  what  is  it?  let  us  know  the  worst.' 

"Dr.  McBurney  replied :  'My  dear  Senator,  it  is  absolutely  the  worst  that 
could  happen.  The  President  has  had  a  tremendous  change  for  the  worse ; 
his  temperature  is  now  440  degrees.'  I  fell  back  in  my  chair  in  utter  collapse, 
and  then  I  awoke.  But,  do  you  know,  I  could  not  rest  easy  until  I  saw  the 
early  bulletins  this  motrning?" 

Everyone  thought  of  Mrs.  McKinley  and  the  hearts  of  all  went  out  to  her 
in  sympathy  when  it  was  known  that  the  end  was  near.  They  had  tried  all 
day  to  keep  the  fatal  news  from  her,  but  it  is  probable  that  when  she  saw  the 
President  she  divined  something  of  his  serious  condition.  Mrs.  McWilliams, 
Mrs.  Barber,  Miss  Mary  McKinley,  and  Mrs.  Duncan  were  with  her  and  gave 
her  the  most  tender  and  loving  ministration.  The  crowds  eagerly  scanning 
the  bulletin  boards  feared  for  her.  It  was  a  matter  of  current  belief  that  the 


106  SCENES    FOLLOWING   ASSASSINATION. 

wife  never  would  survive  the  shock.  There  were  plenty  who  said  and  be- 
lieved that  she  would  not  live  through  the  night ;  that  the  papers  would  tell 
the  world  that  Emma  Goldman's  disciple  had  murdered  a  woman  and  a  frail 
invalid  as  well  as  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  recalled  that  the  President  had  several  times  spoken  o>f  his  assassin 
and  that  he  had  expressed  satisfaction  when  he  learned  that  the  man  had  not 
been  injured  by  the  crowd.  All  this  was  gratifying,  but  it  failed  to  alleviate 
the  sorrow  of  that  Friday  night  and  the  few  hours  of  Saturday  in  which  the 
President  continued  alive.  All  Buffalo,  all  the  Nation,  watched  with  deepest 
anxiety  hoping  against  hope. 

The  devotion  to  duty  of  Private  Secretary  George  B.  Cortelyou  during  the 
long  painful  days  that  came  between  the  shooting  and  the  death  of  President 
McKinley  offers  one  of  the  most  striking  features  of  the  historic  tragedy. 

When  the  chief  fell  wounded  Secretary  Cortelyou  was  practically  forced  to 
fill  a  part  of  the  vacant  place  and  assume  all  of  its  responsibilities.  He  was 
at  the  side  of  the  President  when  Leon  Czolgosz  fired  the  murderous  shots, 
and  upon  him  rested  the  immediate  responsibility  of  issuing  the  order  for 
the  surgical  operation  that  was  performed  at  the  emergency  hospital. 

When  Mr.  McKinley  came  from  the  operating  table  it  fell  to  Mr.  Cor- 
telyou to  make  the  arrangements  for  his  shelter  and  care,  and  from  that 
time  to  the  end  he  was  called  upon  to  pass  judgment  upon  every  grave 
question  that  arose  except  the  technical  medical  and  surgical  matters  in  con- 
nection with  the  care  of  the  wounded  chieftain. 

He  stood  between  the  sickroom  and  the  world  as  far  as  information  on  the 
progress  of  the  case  was  concerned,  and  the  place  called  for  the  most  delicate 
judgment.  In  addition  to  his  official  connection  with  the  dying  President 
it  was  his  duty  to  supervise  all  of  the  private  personal  affairs  of  his  superior. 

In  addition  to  the  work  which  he  could  do  by  verbal  direction  the 
executive  correspondence  by  mail  and  wire  trebled  and  quadrupled.  It 
exceeded  that  of  any  other  period  in  the  public  life  of  Mr.  McKinley,  includ- 
ing the  days  that  succeeded  both  his  first  and  second  elections.  It  seemed  that 
Mr.  Cortelyou  must  fail  in  the  mere  physical  task  of  handling  it,  but  no 
physical  exaction  seemed  too  great  for  him. 

His  personal  affection  'for  his  chief  was  complete,  and  the  President's 
death  was  a  grievous  shock  to  him.  He  has  not  faltered,  however,  and  stili 
stands  in  the  place  that  he  must  occupy  until  the  last  offices  have  been  per- 
formed at  the  grave  of  Mr.  McKinley. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
DAYS  OF   ANXIETY   AND    SORROW. 

The  Nation  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  grief  and  indignation  never  before 
approached  at  the  terrible  news  from  Buffalo  Friday,  September  6th. 
Methods  for  transmitting  intelligence  have  been  vastly  improved  since  the 
assassination  of  Garfield,  since  which  time  no  such  national  calamity  has 
befallen  the  United  States.  Poignant  regret,  intense  indignation,  and  a 
feeling  of  dismay  mingled  in  the  hearts  of  the  eighty  million  Americans  who 
stood  appalled  at  the  news  which  swept  like  wild  fire  and  reached  every  part  of 
the  world  in  an  incredibly  short  time. 

It  was  an  appalling  thought  that  this  great  republic,  with  all  its  promises 
and  all  its  deeds  for  oppressed  humanity,  exposed  its  chief  magistrates  to 
more  deadly  chances  than  does  any  empire  or  kingdom.  But  seven  men 
regularly  elected  Presidents  in  the  last  thirty-six  years,  and  three  of  them 
brought  low  with  the  assassin's  bullet !  • 

The  news  of  the  attempt  on  the  life  of  the  President  was  received  from 
one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other  first  with  horrified  amazement  and  then 
with  the  deepest  grief.  In  every  city  in  the  United  States  men  and  women 
gathered  and  waited  for  hours  to  get  every  scrap  of  information  that  came 
over  the  wires.  In  thousands  of  small  towns  the  whole  population  stood 
about  the  local  telegraph  offices  and  watched  tearfully  and  anxiously  for 
bulletins. 

Telegraph  offices  everywhere  were  swamped  with  business,  messages  of 
sympathy  for  the  President  and  his  wife  from  almost  every  man  of  prominence 
in  the  nation,  and  for  hours  after  the  shooting  telephone  trunk  lines  were  so 
overburdened  that  only  a  small  percentage  of  subscribers  were  able  to  secure 
service. 

Dispatches  from  every  State  in  the  Union  showed  how  widespread  and  in- 
tense was  the  feeling  of  dismay  and  the  sense  of  personal  affliction  with  which 
the  news  was  received.  Public  men  of  all  shades  of  political  opinion  and  social 
status  alike  shared  the  anxiety  and  found  themselves  grasping  hands  with  one 
another  and  praying  that  Mr.  McKinley's  life  might  be  spared.  All  the  details 
of  the  tragedy  were  sought  for  with  trembling  eagerness,  and  in  all  the  large 
centers  of  population  every  effort  was  made  to  supply  this  demand  by  the  news- 
papers, which  issued  extras  at  intervals  till  far  into  the  night. 

107 


10g  DAYS    OF   ANXIETY   AND   SORROW. 

Early  Saturday  morning  began  arrangements  for  public  prayer  in  many  of 
the  churches  on  Sunday.  Archbishop  Ireland  of  the  Catholic  Church,  Bishop 
Potter,  the  Episcopal  prelate;  Cardinal  Gibbons  of  Baltimore,  and  high  church 
dignitaries  of  all  denominations  joined  in  the  universal  supplication  to  the 
Heavenly  Father  to  spare  the  life  of  the  stricken  President.  Fervent  were  the 
invocations  and  the  hopeful  news  of  the  following  days  seemed  to  portend  a 
favorable  answer  to  the  prayers  of  a  nation. 

Political  lines  were  forgotten  and  Democrat  and  Populist  was  as  eager  to 
show  respect  for  the  head  of  the  government  as  the  Republicans.  It  was  re- 
spect shown  a  good  man ;  it  was  also  respect  shown  the  Chief  Executive  occupy- 
ing an  exalted  position  by  the  suffrage  of  the  people. 

At  the  moment  when  the  country  was  enshrouded  in  the  gloom  of  the  awful 
tragedy,  when  it  was  bowed  with  its  own  sorrow  and  overflowing  with  sympa- 
thy for  the  bereaved  widow,  consideration  of  the  dead  statesman's  career  and 
of  the  political  controversies  to  which  it  gave  rise,  was  not  attempted.  So 
quick  had  been  the  revulsion  of  feeling,  so  terrible  the  shock,  that  the  one  emo- 
tion of  grief  was  overmastering  and  all-absorbing. 

It  had  been  said  many  times  during  the  era  of  alternate  hope  and  fear  that 
Mr.  McKinley  was  the  most  beloved  of  our  Presidents  since  Lincoln,  and  the 
frequency  of  the  assertion  in  every  quarter  and  among  all  classes  of  people  is 
excellent  evidence  of  its  truth.  Nor  are  the  reasons  for  his  exceptional  hold 
on  the  affections  of  the  people  far  to  seek.  He  had  to  begin  with  that  sweet 
and  winning  personality  which  captivated  everyone  who  saw  him.  Thousands 
felt  its  influence  at  Buffalo  on  the  day  when  the  wretched  murderer  committed 
his  deadly  assault,  and  they  responded  to  it  with  an  affectionate  regard,  as  other 
thousands  had  done  among  the  many  crowded  assemblages  with  which  the 
President  had  so  freely  mingled. 

A  feeling  of  tenderest  love  and  veneration  was  excited  also  by  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  beautiful  life's  devotion  of  the  most  thoughtful,  considerate  and 
gentlest  of  husbands.  Toward  the  wife,  whom  he  had  ever  near  him,  the 
President  was  a  ministering  angel.  In  caring  for  her  he  evinced  the  delicacy  of 
a  woman,  the  strength  of  the  strongest  of  men.  May  she  find  resignation  in 
that  submission  which  he  taught  her,  saying:  "God's  will,  not  ours,  be  done." 

That  such  a  noble,  true  soul,  such  a  high-minded  man  should  have  been 
struck  down  in  the  very  fullness  of  his  powers,  when  his  great  abilities  were  re- 
ceiving a  broadening  recognition  and  he  was  still  growing  in  the  affectionate 
esteem  of  his  countrymen,  caused  universal  lamentation. 

Ex-President  Grover  Cleveland  was  fishing  at  Darling  Lake,  in  Tyring- 


DAYS    OF   ANXIETY   AND    SORROW.  109 

ham,  Mass.,  when  he  received  the  news  regarding  the  shooting  of  President 
McKinley.  He  at  once  started  for  the  shore  in  order  to  hear  more  details  in  re- 
gard to  the  matter,  and  anxiously  asked  for  the  latest  advices  from  Mr.  McKin- 
ley's  bedside.  Mr.  Cleveland  was  horrified  at  the  news  and  said : 

''With  all  American  citizens,  I  am  greatly  shocked  at  this  news.  I  cannot 
conceive  of  a  motive.  It  must  have  been  the  act  of  a  crazy  man." 

Following  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  attempt  on  his  life,  W.  J.  Bryan  sent 
a  brief  message  to  President  McKinley  expressing  his  concern.  Mr.  Bryan 
gave  out  the  following  statement : 

"The  attempted  assassination  of  the  President  is  a  shock  to  the  entire  coun- 
try, and  he  and  his  wife  are  the  recipients  of  universal  sympathy.  The  dis- 
patches say  that  the  shot  was  fired  by  an  insane  man,  and  it  is  hoped  that  this  is 
true,  for  while  it  is  a  terrible  thing  for  a  President  to  be  the  victim  of  the  act  of 
a  maniac,  it  would  be  even  worse  for  him  to  be  fired  upon  by  a  sane  person 
prompted  by  malice  or  revenge. 

"In  a  republic  where  the  people  elect  their  officials  and  can  remove  them 
there  can  be  no  excuse  for  a  resort  to  violence.  If  our  President  were  in  con- 
stant fear  of  plots  and  conspiracies  we  would  soon  sink  to  the  level  of  those  na- 
tions in  which  force  is  the  only  weapon  of  the  government,  and  the  only  weapon 
of  the  government's  enemies." 

An  intensity  of  sympathy  was  manifested  in  Canton,  for  30  years  the  home 
of  the  McKinleys,  for  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley,  rarely  equalled.  Canton- 
ians  who  have  so  long  known  them  felt  that  the  life  of  the  President  meant  the 
life  of  Mrs.  McKinley ;  his  death,  they  believed,  would  likely  mean  the  death 
of  Mrs.  McKinley  in  a  short  time.  Eager  residents  of  all  classes  surrounded 
telegraph  and  newspaper  offices  and  watched  for  bulletins  from  the  bedside  of 
the  patient. 

In  addition  to  the  private  expressions  of  deepest  regret  and  sympathy,  pub- 
lic action  was  taken  by  many  organizations.  The  commander  of  Canton  Post, 
G.  A.  R.,  of  which  Mr.  McKinley  was  a  member,  telegraphed  Secretary  Cortel- 
you: 

"The  President's  comrades  of  Post  No.  25  desire  to  tender  him  their  pro- 
foundest  sympathy  and  to  express  earnest  hopes  for  his  safe  recovery." 

The  official  body  of  the  First  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  of  which  the 
President  was  a  member,  adopted  resolutions,  which  say : 

"Dear  Brother  McKinley : — The  fourth  quarterly  conference  in  this  church, 
now  in  session,  has  learned  with  unspeakable  sorrow  of  the  most  deplorable  inci- 
dent of  which  you  are  the  victim.  The  brethren  are  deeply  concerned  and  unite 


110  DAYS    OF   ANXIETY   AND   SORROW. 

in  agonizing  importunities  that  God  may  intervene  to  avert  serious  conse- 
quences and  graciously  minister  to  you  all  needed,  spiritual  comfort  and  grant 
you  speedy  and  complete  physical  recovery.  We  also  extend  to  your  dear  wife 
assurances  of  our  profoundest  and  most  prayerful  sympathy,  trusting  God  may 
comfort  her  in  the  great  trial  through  which  you  are  passing." 

Life  at  Washington  was  enveloped  in  sadness  during  the  fateful  week.  In 
every  quarter  expressions  of  the  profoundest  sympathy  were  heard.  The  wish 
foremost  in  the  minds  of  all  was  that  the  President  be  spared,  and  whenever 
encouraging  advices  were  received  from  Buffalo  there  was  a  general  feeling  of 
rejoicing. 

Officials  of  the  government  who  were  too  affected  by  the  news  first  received 
to  discuss  the  crime  talked  more  freely  later  and  gave  expressions  of  great  in- 
dignation at  the  atrocious  act.  At  the  Executive  Mansion  messages  poured  in 
constantly.  There  were  few  callers. 

Bulletins  were  received  at  the  White  House  hourly  announcing  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley's  condition,  and  those  reporting  an  increase  in  the  President's  tempera- 
ture occasioned  concern. 

In  a  mechanical  way  the  executive  departments  opened  on  the  day  following 
the  assassination,  but  the  employes  had  no  heart  to  work,  and  the  corridors 
were  filled  with  knots  of  eager  seekers  after  the  latest  bulletins  from  the  Presi- 
dent's sick  bed.  The  excitement  in  the  streets  was  continuous  and  crowds  lin- 
gered around  the  newspaper  bulletin  boards,  while  people  walked  along  with 
sober  faces  and  with  frequent  expressions  of  sorrow  and  many  anxious  in- 
quiries. 

At  the  State  Department  were  received  an  accumulation  of  cablegrams  and 
telegraph  messages,  all  expressing  the  gravest  concern  and  condolence.  These 
messages  were  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  They  continued  to  flow  in  upon  the 
department.  They  came  from  crowned  heads,  from  foreign  ministers,  from 
resident  ministers  of  foreign  countries  in  the  United  States  and  from  individ- 
uals of  distinction.  Some  of  them  follow : 

Rambouillet,  September  7. — With  keen  affliction  I  learn  the  new^  of 
the  heinous  attempt  of  which  your  excellency  has  just  been  a  victim.  I  take 
it  to  heart  to  join  with  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  wishing  the  early  re- 
covery of  your  excellency,  and  I  earnestly  desire  in  this  sorrowful  juncture  to 
renew  to  you  the  assurance  of  my  sentiments  of  constant  and  cordial  friendship. 

Emil  Loubet.  . 

Koenigsberg,   September   7,    1901. — Tine  Emperor   and   I,    horrified   at 


DAYS    OF    ANXIETY    AND    SORROW.  Ill 

the  attempt  planned  against  your  husband,  express  our  deep-felt  sympathy 
hoping  that  God  may  restore  to  health  Mr.  McKinley. 

William,  I.  R. 

Victoria,  I.  R. 

Rome,  September  7,  1901. — Deeply  grieved,  terrible  crime.  Trust  Presi- 
dent will  be  spared  to  his  country  and  friends.  Baron  Fava. 

London,  September  7. — Secretary  of  State,  Washington: — Following* 
messages  of  condolence  received : 

From  His  Majesty,  the  King,  to  American  Ambassador — Offer  my  deep- 
est sympathy  at  the  dastardly  attempt  on  the  President's  life.  Have  tele- 
graphed direct  to  President. 

From  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London — The  citizens  of  London  have  received 
with  profound  regret  and  great  indignation  intelligence  of  the  dastardly  attack 
on  the  life  of  the  distinguished  President  of  the  United  States  and  desire  to  con- 
vey through  your  excellency  their  sincere  sympathy  with  your  country  in  this 
melancholy  event.  They  trust  that  so  valuable  a  life  as  President  McKinley 's 
^nay  be  spared  for  the  welfare  of  the  American  people. 

From  Vice  Dean  of  Canterbury  Cathedral — Accept  expression  of  deep  sor- 
row at  outrage  upon  President.  Prayers  offered  for  his  recovery  at  all  services 
in  Canterbury  Cathedral. 

From  Lord  Provost  of  Edinburgh — In  the  name  of  the  citizens  of  Edin- 
burgh I  beg  to  express  horror  at  the  dastardly  outrage  upon  President  McKin- 
ley and  to  assure  him  and  Mrs.  McKinley  and  the  government  and  people  of  the 
United  States  of  our  sympathy  with  them  and  prayers  for  President's  recovery. 

From  Field  Marshal  Lord  Roberts — Please  convey  to  President  and  Mrs. 
McKinley  on  behalf  of  myself  and  the  British  army  our  profound  regret  at 
what  has  occurred  and  our  earnest  hope  that  Mr.  McKinley's  valuable  life  may 
be  spared.  Choate,  Ambassador. 

London  and  all  England  received  the  news  of  the  attempt  on  Mr.  McKin- 
ley's life  with  incredulity.  Every  newspaper  and  every  hotel  was  besieged  with 
anxious  Americans  inquiring  for  the  latest  intelligence  of  the  reported  assas- 
sination. 

King  Edward  VII.  and  Queen  Alexandra  were  traveling  in  Germany  when 
the  news  of  the  assassination  reached  them.  They  were  greatly  shocked.  Police 
guards  on  the  train  and  along  the  route  were  at  once  ordered  increased,  as  it 
was  feared  the  shooting  of  the  President  at  Buffalo  might  induce  some  Euro- 
pean anarchist  to  make  an  attempt  on  the  life  of  King  Edward. 


112  DAYS    OF   ANXIETY   AND   SORROW. 

,  In  spite  of  the  late  hour  at  which  the  news  of  the  attempted  assassination  of 
President  McKinley  reached  Paris  the  report  that  the  American  President  had 
been  fatally  wounded  caused  the  greatest  excitement  on  the  boulevards.  The 
occupants  of  the  cafes  left  their  late  suppers,  rushing  in  hot  haste  from  the 
tables  to  the  newspaper  offices  to  verify  the  news. 

Immediately  the  outburst  of  sorrow  over  the  attempt  on  President  Mc- 
Kinley's  life  was  spent,  comment  in  Berlin  was  universally  directed  against 
what  was  termed  America's  guilty  lenity  toward  the  anarchistic  fraternity. 

The  tenderest  sympathy  and  praise  of  McKinley  mingled  with  deep  abhor- 
rence of  the  crime  and  vehement  denunciation  of  the  teachings  that  inspired  it 
from  every  .part  of  the  South  prove  conclusively  that  the  love  for  the  martyr 
President  was  as  great  there  as  in  the  North. 

It  is  significant  that  much  of  this  laudatory  comment  was  coupled  with 
grateful  recognition  of  the  work  done  by  the  President  in  unifying  the  two 
sections  of  the  country.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  President's  most  zealous  admirers 
in  the  North  can  surpass  in  fervor  of  affectionate  regard  many  of  the  editorial 
tributes  in  the  Southern  press. 

A  few  discordant  notes — not  sufficient  to  merit  more  than  passing  notice, 
however — marred  the  general  voice  of  sympathy  and  condolence.  In  an  in- 
terview regarding  the  attem.pt  to  take  the  President's  life,  Senator  Wellington 
of  Maryland  was  reported  as  saying : 

"McKinley  and  I  are  enemies.  I  have  nothing  good  to  say  about  him,  and 
under  the  circumstances  do  not  care  to  say  anything  bad.  I  am  indifferent  to 
the  whole  matter." 

The  Senator  subsequently  refused  to  deny  the  interview,  and  his  silence  was 
construed  as  an  affirmation  of  it.  For  this  unpatriotic  utterance  the  Atlanta 
Journal  editorially  called  upon  the  United  States  Senate  to  expel  him  from 
that  body  as  being  unfit  to  represent  the  people  of  Maryland  in  the  highest 
council  of  the  nation. 

In  various  parts  of  the  country  reflections  on  the  President  or  expression  of 
pleasure  at  the  crime  led  to  rough  treatment  by  indignant  crowds.  Only  cool 
heads  saved  several  detractors  of  McKinley  from  being  lynched.  Here  and 
there  an  anarchist  would  attempt  to  incite  the  crowd  in  behalf  of  the  assassin, 
but  all  such  attempts  were  repulsed  and  the  demagogues  arrested  or  driven 
from  the  town. 

After  the  first  great  wave  of  sorrow  and  despair  had  swept  the  land,  the  bul- 
letins from  Buffalo  brought  back  hope.  From  Sunday  on  to  Thursday  the 
indication  grew  more  favorable  and  the  fact  that  recovery  seemed  assured  led 
many  churches  to  arrange  thanksgiving  services. 


DAYS    OF   ANXIETY   AND   SORROW.  113 

The  day  of  prayer  seemed  to  have  passed,  the  prayer  granted  and  the 
hearts  of  a  grateful  people  were  set  on  a  day  of  thanksgiving.  Among  earnest 
Christian  men  and  women  the  desire  to  anticipate  the  regular  annual  thanks- 
giving festival  was  universal,  and  even  such  persons  as  have  little  faith  in  the 
efficacy  of  prayer  approved  the  suggestion  that  there  should  be  some  common 
recognition  of  our  national  good  fortune  in  the  escape  of  the  President  from 
death. 

Messages  of  congratulation  poured  in  on  the  relatives  and  friends  at  Buffalo 
by  the  hundreds,  hope  rose  high,  and  cheerful  faces  shone  where  all  had  been 
gloom.  This  buoyant  feeling  continued  until  Thursday  night  at  Buffalo,  and 
only  on  Friday  morning  did  the  nation  learn  of  the  change  for  the  worse. 

Among  the  cablegrams  of  congratulations  sent  by  European  rulers  were 
those  from  the  King  of  England,  the  Czar  of  Russia,  the  King  of  Greece  and 
the  Emperor  of  Austria. 

The  following  dispatch  was  received  at  the  American  Embassy  at  London : 

"I  am  delighted  to  hear  your  last  most  satisfactory  account  of  your  Presi- 
dent. I  sincerely  trust  that  his  convalescence  may  soon  be  completed. 

"Edward,  R." 

The  following  message  was  received  from  the  Czar  of  Russia : 
"Fredensborg — To  President  McKinley,  Buffalo,  N.  Y : — I  am  happy  to 
hear  you  are  feeling  better  after  the  ignominious  attempt  on  your  life.    I  join 
with  the  American  people  and  the  universal  world  for  your  speedy  recovery. 

"Nicholas." 

The  following  message  was  received  from  King  George  of  Greece  at 
Fredensborg : 

"I  rejoice  to  hear  that  you  so  happily  escaped  the  terrible  attempt  on  your 
precious  life,  which  has  horrified  the  civilized  world,  but  hope  to  God  that  you 
recover  for  the  good  and  glory  of  the  American  people." 

Emperor  Francis  Joseph  of  Austria  sent  an  expression  of  his  sympathy 
at  the  probable  recovery  of  the  President  to  the  United  States  government  to- 
day. The  dispatch  was  sent  through  the  American  Embassy. 

On  Thursday  all  was  hopefulness ;  on  Friday  gloom  and  fear ;  on  Saturday 
heads  bowed  in  mourning.  Death  came  with  an  awful  suddenness,  notwith- 
standing the  week  of  suffering.  The  passionate  hope  that  the  President  would 
recover  had  been  followed  by  a  feeling  of  perfect  assurance  that  he  was  out  of 
danger,  when  the  wholly  unexpected  news  of  Friday  put  the  people  on  the  rack 
again.  There  was  another  torturing  day,  and  when  it  ended  hope  and  confi- 


114  DAYS    OF    ANXIETY   AND   SORROW. 

dence  had  yielded  to  universal  grief  and  to  a  fruitless  questioning  of  the  im- 
penetrable ways  of  Providence.  It  seemed  inexplicably  strange  that  a  man  so 
beloved  and  unoffending  and  so  rich  in  good  works  should  have  been  made  the 
victim  of  the  assassin's  bullet. 

All  day  long  the  bulletin  boards  in  every  city  were  surrounded  by  crowed 
waiting  in  suppressed  excitement  for  the  latest  word  from  the  Milburn  home, 
and  numerous  newspaper  extras  were  eagerly  snapped  up. 

Every  household  in  Washington  was  in  mourning.  The  sorrow  was  com- 
plete. Large  crowds  assembled  about  the  bulletin  boards  early  in  the  evening 
of  the  memorable  day,  eagerly  awaiting  the  latest  news,  hoping  against  hope 
that  something  would  happen,  in  the  mysterious  workings  of  the  Almighty,  to 
spare  the  President. 

The  oldest  citizens  cannot  remember  when  a  calamity  brought  to  the  na- 
tional capital  such  profound  grief.  The  excitement  was  more  intense  when 
Lincoln  succumbed  to  the  bullets  of  jthe  assassin,  Booth,  and  the  people  sincerely 
mourned  him,  but  while  he  was  widely  loved,  his  death  did  not  so  afflict  the  peo- 
ple. Garfield  was  generally  admired,  and  the  calamity  that  overtook  him  awak- 
ened the  sympathy  of  the  people,  but  he  was  not  mourned  as  was  McKinley. 

If  the  precedents  set  by  President  Arthur  are  followed  by  President  Roose- 
velt, the  coming  winter  will  be  entirely  devoid  of  official  gayety.  The  official 
mourning  will  extend  over  six  months  and  will  be  rigorously  observed.  This 
period  will  include  New  Year's  and  the  usual  courtesies  extended  to  the  diplo- 
matic corps,  the  Congress,  the  judiciary  and  the  army  and  navy.  The  official 
mourning  will  end  on  March  14,  1902,  and  as  this  date  falls  after  Shrove  Tues- 
day, the  official  social  season  will  be  allowed  to  lapse.  Therefore  the  New 
Year's  reception  of  1903  will  in  all  probability  be  the  first  formal  gathering 
of  the  official  and  social  world  at  the  White  House. 

Half-masted  flags  and  black  column  rules  mutely  proclaimed  England's 
sentiments  touching  the  death  of  President  McKinley.  These  symbols  of 
mourning,  countless  in  their  multitudes,  visibly  recalled  the  country's  grief  at 
the  loss  of  Queen  Victoria.  Not  only  on  land,  but  also  at  sea,  the  British  hon- 
ored the  martyr  President.  Thousands  of  buildings,  both  public  and  private, 
and  all  the  shipping  around  the  coast,  flew  the  Union  Jack  half-way  up  the  staff. 
Every  British  war  ship  within  reach  of  the  telegraph  displayed  its  ensign  of 
sorrow. 

The  Pope  prayed  an  hour  to-day  for  the  soul  of  President  McKinley.  The 
pontiff  wept  with  uncontrollable  emotion  on  receiving  the  news  of  the  Presi- 
dent's death.  All  audiences  at  the  Vatican  were  suspended. 


CHAPTER    IX. 
PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  LAST  SPEECH. 

President  McKinley's  last  speech,  delivered  on  President's  Day  at  the 
Pan-American  Exposition,  September  5,  the  day  before  he  was  shot,  was 
the  greatest  speech  of  his  life.  It  was  a  message  to  all  the  world,  robust 
in  its  Americanism,  and  fraught  with  good  will  for  all  nations  and  all  man- 
kind. It  was  as  follows: 

"President  Milburn,  Director  General  Buchanan,  Commissioners, 
Ladies  and  Gentlemen  >— I  am  glad  to  be  again  in  the  city  of  Buffalo  and 
exchange  .greetings  with  her  people,  to  whose  generous  hospitality  I  am 
not  a  stranger,  and  with  whose  good  will  I  have  been  repeatedly  and  signally 
honored. 

"To-day  I  have  additional  satisfaction  in  meeting  and  giving  welcome 
to  the  foreign  representatives  assembled  here,  whose  presence  and  participa- 
tion in  this  exposition  have  contributed  in  so  marked  a  degree  to  its  interests 
and  success.  To  the  commissioners  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  and  the 
British  colonies,  the  French  colonies,  the  republics  of  Mexico  and  of  Central 
and  South  America  and  the  commissioners  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  who 
share  with  us  in  this  undertaking,  we  give  the  hand  of  fellowship  and  felici- 
tate with  them  upon  the  triumphs  of  art,  science,  education  and  manufacture 
which  the  old  has  bequeathed  to  the  new  century. 

"Expositions  are  the  timekeepers  of  progress.  They  record  the  world's 
advancement.  They  stimulate  the  energy,  enterprise  and  intellect  of  the 
people  and  quicken  human  genius.  They  go  into  the  home.  They  broaden 
and  brighten  the  daily  life  of  the  people.  They  open  mighty  storehouses  of 
information  to  the  student. 

BENEFIT  IN  EXPOSITIONS. 

"Every  exposition,  great  or  small,  has  helped  to  some  onward  step. 
Comparison  of  ideas  is  always  educational,  and  as  such  instructs  the  brain 
and  hand  of  man.  Friendly  rivalry  follows,  which  is  the  spur  to  industrial 
improvement,  the  inspiration  to  useful  invention  and  to  high  endeavor  in 
all  departments  of  human  activity.  It  exacts  a  study  of  the  wants,  comforts, 

"5 


116  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S   LAST  SPEECH. 

and  even  the  whims  of  the  people  and  recognizes  the  efficacy  of  high  quality 
and  low  prices  to  win  their  favor. 

"The  quest  for  trade  is  an  incentive  to  men  of  business  to  devise,  invent, 
improve  and  economize  in  the  cost  of  production.  Business  life,  whether 
among  ourselves  or  with  other  people,  is  ever  a  sharp  struggle  for  success. 
It  will  be  none  the  less  so  in  the  future.  Without  competition  we  would 
be  clinging  to  the  clumsy  and  antiquated  processes  of  farming  and  manu- 
facture and  the  methods  of  business  of  long  ago,  and  the  twentieth  would 
te  no  further  advanced  than  the  eighteenth  century.  But  though  com- 
mercial competitors  we  are,  commercial  enemies  we  must  not  be. 

INVITES  FRIENDLY  RIVALRY. 

"The  Pan-American  Exposition  has  done  its  work  thoroughly,  present- 
ing in  its  exhibits  evidences  of  the  highest  skill  and  illustrating  the  progress 
of  the  human  family  in  the  western  hemisphere.  This  portion  of  the  earth 
has  no  cause  for  humiliation  for  the  part  it  has  performed  in  the  march  of 
civilization.  It  has  not  accomplished  everything;  far  from  it.  It  has  simply 
done  its  best,  and  without  vanity  or  boastfulness  and  recognizing  the  mani- 
fold achievements  of  others,  it  invites  the  friendly  rivalry  of  all  the  powers 
in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  trade  and  commerce,  and  will  co-operate  with  all 
in  advancing  the  highest  and  best  interests  of  humanity. 

"The  wisdom  and  energy  of  all  the  nations  are  none  too  great  for  the 
world's  work.  The  success  of  art,  science,  industry  and  invention  is  an 
international  asset  and  a  common  glory.  After  all,  how  near  one  to  the 
other  is  every  part  of  the  world.  Modern  inventions  have  brought  into 
close  relation  widely  separated  peoples,  and  made  them  better  acquainted. 
Geographic  and  political  divisions  will  continue  to  exist,  but  distances  have 
been  effaced. 

ANNIHILATION  OF  SPACE. 

"Swift  ships  and  fast  trains  are  becoming  cosmopolitan.  They  invade 
fields  which  a  few  years  ago  were  impenetrable.  The  world's  products  are 
exchanged  as  never  before,  and  with  increasing  transportation  facilities  come 
increasing  knowledge  and  trade.  Prices  are  fixed  with  mathematical  pre- 
cision by  supply  and  demand.  The  world's  selling  prices  are  regulated  by 
market  and  crop  reports.  We  travel  greater  distances  in  a  shorter  space 
of  time,  and  with  more  ease  than  was  ever  dreamed  of  by  the  fathers. 

"Isolation  is  no  longer  possible  or  desirable.  The  same  important  news 
is  read,  though  in  different  languages,  the  same  day  in  all  Christendom. 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S   LAST  SPEECH.  117 

The  telegraph  keeps  us  advised  of  what  is  occurring  everywhere,  and  the 
press  foreshadows,  with  more  or  less  accuracy,  the  plans  and  purposes  of  the 
nations.  Market  prices  of  products  and  of  securities  are  hourly  known  in 
every  commercial  mart,  and  the  investments  of  the  people  extend  beyond 
their  own  national  boundaries  into  the  remotest  parts  of  the  earth.  Vast 
transactions  are  conducted  and  international  exchanges  are  made  by  the 
tick  of  the  cable.  Every  event  of  interest  is  immediately  bulletined. 

COMPARISON  IS  DRAWN. 

"The  quick  gathering  and  transmission  of  news,  like  rapid  transit,  are 
of  recent  origin,  and  are  only  made  possible  by  the  genius  of  the  inventor 
and  the  courage  of  the  investor.  It  took  a  special  messenger  of  the  govern- 
ment, with  every  facility  known  at  the  time  for  rapid  travel,  nineteen  days 
to  go  from  the  City  of  Washington  to  New  Orleans  with  a  message  to 
General  Jackson  that  the  war  with  England  had  ceased  and  a  treaty  of 
peace  had  been  signed. 

"How  different  now!  We  reached  General  Miles  in  Porto  Rico  by  cable, 
and  he  was  able  through  the  military  telegraph  to  stop  his  army  on  the  firing 
line  with  the  message  that  the  United  States  and  Spain  had  signed  a  pro- 
tocol suspending  hostilities.  We  knew  almost  instantly  of  the  first  shots 
fired  at  Santiago,  and  the  subsequent  surrender  of  the  Spanish  forces  was 
known  at  Washington  within  less  than  an  hour  of  its  consummation.  The 
first  ship  of  Cervera's  fleet  had  hardly  emerged  from  that  historic  harbor 
when  the  fact  was  flashed  to  our  capital  and  the  swift  destruction  that  fol- 
lowed was  announced  immediately  through  the  wonderful  medium  of  teleg- 
raphy. 

DARK  DAYS  AT  PEKING. 

"So  accustomed  are  we  to  safe  and  easy  communication  with  distant 
lands  that  its  temporary  interruption,  even  in  ordinary  times,  results  in  loss 
and  inconvenience.  We  shall  never  forget  the  days  of  anxious  waiting  and 
awful  suspense  when  no  information  was  permitted  to  be  sent  from  Peking, 
and  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  the  nations  in  China,  cut  off  from  all 
communication  inside  and  outside  of  the  walled  capital,  were  surrounded 
by  an  angry  and  misguided  mob  that  threatened  their  lives;  nor  the  joy  that 
thrilled  the  world  when  a  single  message  from  the  government  of  the  United 
States  brought  through  our  minister  the  first  news  of  the  safety  of  the  be- 
sieged diplomats. 


118  PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S    LAST   SPEECH. 

"At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  was  not"  a  mile  of 
steam  railroad  on  the  globe.  Now  there  are  enough  miles  to  make  its  circuit 
many  times.  Then  there  was  not  a  line  of  electric  telegraph;  now  we  have 
vast  mileage  traversing  all  lands  and  all  seas. 

"God  and  man  have  linked  the  nations  together.  No  nation  can  longer 
be  indifferent  to  any  other.  And  as  we  are  brought  more  and  more  in 
touch  with  each  other  the  less  occasion  is  there  for  misunderstandings  and 
the  stronger  the  disposition,  when  we  have  differences,  to  adjust  them  in 
the  court  of  arbitration,  which  is  the  noblest  forum  for  the  settlement  of 
international  disputes. 

PROSPERITY  OF  THE  NATION. 

"My  fellow  citizens,  trade  statistics  indicate  that  this  country  is  in  a 
state  of  unexampled  prosperity.  The  figures  are  almost  appalling.  They 
show  that  we  are  utilizing  our  fields  and  forests  and  mines  and  that  we  are 
furnishing  profitable  employment  to  the  millions  of  workingmen  through- 
out the  United  States,  bringing  comfort  and  happiness  to  their  homes  and 
making  it  possible  to  lay  by  savings  for  old  age  and  disability. 

"That  all  the  people  are  participating  in  this  great  prosperity  is  seen  in 
every  American  community  and  shown  by  the  enormous  and  unprecedented 
deposits  in  our  savings  banks.  Our  duty  is  the  care  and  security  of  these 
deposits,  and  their  safe  investment  demands  the  highest  integrity  and  the 
best  business  capacity  of  those  in  charge  of  these  depositories  of  the  people's 
earnings. 

"We  have  a  vast  and  intricate  business,  built  up  through  years  of  toil 
and  struggle,  in  which  every  part  of  the  country  has  its  stake,  which  will 
not  permit  of  either  neglect  or  of  undue  selfishness.  No  narrow,  sordid 
policy  will  subserve  it.  The  greatest  skill  and  wisdom  on  the  part  of  the 
manufacturers  and  producers  will  be  required  to  hold  and  increase  it.  Our 
industrial  enterprises,  which  have  grown  to  such  great  proportions,  affect 
the  homes  and  occupations  of  the  people  and  the  welfare  of  the  country. 
Our  capacity  to  produce  has  developed  so  enormously  and  our  products  haye 
so  multiplied  that  the  problem  of  more  markets  requires  our  urgent  and 
immediate  attention. 

FOR  ENLIGHTENED  POLICY. 

"Only  a  broad  and  enlightened  policy  will  keep  what  we  have.  No  other 
policy  will  get  more.  In  these  times  of  marvelous  business  energy  and  gain 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S   LAST   SPEECH.  119 

we  ougnt  to*  be  looking  to  the  future,  strengthening  the  weak  places  in  our 
industrial  and  commercial  systems,  so  that  we  may  be  ready  for  any  storm 
or  strain. 

"By  sensible  trade  arrangements  which  will  not  interrupt  our  home 
production  we  shall  extend  the  outlets  for  our  increasing  surplus.  A  system 
which  provides  a  mutual  exchange  of  commodities  is  manifestly  essential 
to  the  continued  healthful  growth  of  our  export  trade.  We  must  not  repose 
in  fancied  security  that  we  can  forever  sell  everything  and  buy  little  or 
nothing.  If  such  a  thing  were  possible  it  would  not  be  best  for  us  or  for 
those  with  whom  we  deal.  We  should  take  from  our  customers  such  of  their 
products  as  we  can  use  without  harm  to  our  industries  and  labor. 

"Reciprocity  is  the  natural  outgrowth  of  our  wonderful  industrial  devel- 
opment under  the  domestic  policy  now7  firmly  established.  What  we  produce 
beyond  our  domestic  consumption  must  have  a  vent  abroad.  The  excess 
must  be  relieved  through  a  foreign  outlet  and  we  should  sell  everywhere  we 
can  and  buy  wherever  the  buying  will  enlarge  our  sales  and  productions,  and 
thereby  make  a  greater  demand  for  home  labor 

NEED  OF  EXPANSION. 

"The  period  of  exclusiveness  is  past.  The  expansion  of  our  trade  and 
commerce  is  the  pressing  problem.  Commercial  wars  are  unprofitable.  A 
policy  of  good  will  and  friendly  trade  relations  will  prevent  reprisals.  Reci- 
procity treaties  are  in  harmon}  with  the  spirit  of  the  times;  measures  of 
retaliation  are  not.  If  perchance  some  of  our  tariffs  are  no  longer  needed 
for  revenue  or  to  encourage  and  protect  our  industries  at  home,  why  should 
they  not  be  employed  to  extend  and  promote  our  markets  abroad? 

"Then,  too,  we  have  inadequate  steamship  service.  New  lines  of  steamers 
have  already  been  put  in  commission  between  the  Pacific  coast  ports  of  the 
United  States  and  those  on  the  western  coasts  of  Mexico  and  Central  and 
South  America.  Thes'e  should  be  followed  up  with  direct  steamship  lines 
between  the  eastern  coast  of  the  United  States  and  South  American  ports. 
One  of  the  needs  of  the  times  is  direct  commercial  lines  from  our  vast  fields 
of  production  to  the  fields  of  consumption  that  we  have  but  barely  touched. 
Next  in  advantage  to  having  the  thing  to  sell  is  to  have  the  convenience  to 
carry  it  to  the  buyer. 

"We  must  encourage  our  merchant  marine.  We  must  have  more  ships. 
They  must  be  under  the  American  flag,  built  and  manned  and  owned  by 


120  PRESIDENT  McKlNLEY'S  LAST  SPEECH. 

Americans.    These  will  not  be  profitable  in  a  commercial  sense;  they  will  be 
messengers  of  peace  and  amity  wherever  they  go. 

"We  must  build  the  isthmian  canal,  which  will  unite  the  two  oceans  and 
give  a  straight  line  of  water  communication  with  the  western  coasts  of  Cen- 
tral America,  South  America  and  Mexico.  The  construction  of  a  Pacific 
cable  cannot  be  longer  postponed. 

GIVES  ELAINE  CREDIT. 

"In  furtherance  of  these  objects  of  national  interest  and  concern  you  are 
performing  an  important  part.  This  exposition  would  have  touched  the 
heart  of  that  American  statesman  whose  mind  was  ever  alert  and  thought 
ever  constant  for  a  larger  commerce  and  a  truer  fraternity  of  the  republics  of 
the  new  world.  His  broad  American  spirit  is  felt  and  manifested  here.  He 
needs  no  identification  to  an  assemblage  of  Americans  anywhere,  for  the 
name  of  Elaine  is  inseparably  associated  with  the  Pan-American  movement, 
which  finds  this  practical  and  substantial  expression,  and  which  we  all  hope 
will  be  firmly  advanced  by  the  Pan-American  congress  that  assembles  this 
autumn  in  the  capital  of  Mexico. 

"The  good  work  will  go  on.  It  cannot  be  stopped.  These  buildings  will 
disappear,  this  creation  of  art  and  beauty  and  industry  will  perish  from  sight, 
but  their  influence  will  remain  to 

"Make  it  live  beyond  its  too  short  living 
With  praises  and  thanksgiving. 

"Who  can  tell  the  new  thoughts  that  have  been  awakened,  the  ambitions 
fired  and  the  high  achievements  that  will  be  wrought  through  this  exposi- 
tion? 

"Gentlemen,  let  us  ever  remember  that  our  interest  is  in  concord,  not 
conflict,  and  that  our  real  eminence  rests  in  the  victories  of  peace,  not  those 
of  war.  We  hope  that  all  who  are  represented  here  may  be  moved  to  higher 
and  nobler  effort  for  their  own  and  the  world's  good,  and  that  out  of  this 
city  may  come  not  only  greater  commerce  and  trade  for  us  all,  but,  more 
essential  than  these,  relations  of  mutual  respect,  confidence  and  friendship, 
which  will  deepen  and  endure. 

"Our  earnest  prayer  is  that  God  will  graciously  vouchsafe  prosperity,  hap- 
piness and  peace  to  all  our  neighbors  and  like  blessings  to  all  the  peoples  and 
powers  of  earth." 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE,  JOHN  HAY. 


u 


CHAPTER  X. 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY'S  BOYHOOD. 

William  McKinley  was  born  in  Ohio,  his  ancestors  having  emigrated  to 
the  United  States  from  County  Antrim,  Ireland.  In  that  ancestry,  also,  was 
mingled  some  of  the  sterling  blood  of  the  Scottish  race,  and  it  seems  the 
child  who  was  destined  to  become  twenty-fifth  President  of  the  United  States 
combined  in  his  nature  the  choicest  qualities  of  both  races,  enriched  and 
broadened  by  generations  of  American  life.  His  great-grandfather,  David 
McKinley,  was  the  son  of  a  Revolutionary  soldier,  and  was  born  in  Penn- 
sylvania the  year  before  peace  with  England  was  declared. 

After  the  independence  of  the  United  States  had  been  achieved,  this 
David  McKinley  was  brought  by  his  soldier  father  from  York  to  West- 
moreland County,  Pa.,  and  the  lad  himself,  as  he  grew  to  manhood,  chose  the 
new  State  of  Ohio  as  a  place  of  residence,  and  established  there  the  fortunes 
and  the  hopes  of  the  McKinley  family. 

His  grandson,  William  McKinley,  the  father  of  the  President,  was  the 
second  child  in  a  family  of  thirteen,  and  was  born  at  New  Lisbon,  Ohio. 
He  was  engaged  in  the  iron  and  foundry  business,  and  resided  successively 
at  New  Lisbon,  Niles,  Poland  and  finally  Canton.  It  was  while  engaged 
in  the  iron  industry,  then  in  a  primitive  stage  of  development,  at  Niles, 
Ohio,  that  William  McKinley,  the  elder,  met  and  married  Miss  Nancy 
Campbell  Allison,  daughter  of  a  well-to-do  business  man  in  the  growing 
Ohio  town.  And  there  was  born,  on  January  29,  1843,  William  McKinley, 
subject  of  this  biography,  and  a  third  martyr  President  of  the  United  States. 
The  father  was  at  that  time  manager  and  part  owner  of  an  iron  furnace. 
But  seeing  greater  possibilities  in  the  newer  region  about  Poland,  he  dis- 
posed of  his  interests  at  Niles,  and  removed  thither,  where  he  again  estab- 
lished a  forge. 

Surrounding  the  rising  town  of  Poland  lies  a  fine  agricultural  country, 
and  in  the  healthful  environment  of  rural  scenes  and  labor's  activities  the 
earliest  years  of  the  life  of  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  were  spent.  Through 
his  mother's  family  he  traced  his  lineage  back  to  the  substantial  middle 
classes  of  England.  And  this  excellent  woman  must  have  possessed  in  mind 

123 


124  WILLIAM   McKINLEY'S   BOYHOOD. 

and  soul  and  bodily  frame  the  better  qualities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race. 
Her  influence  upon  this  son  was  pronounced  from  the  beginning;  and  it 
seems  that  an  almost  prophetic  power  was  given  her,  for  if  the  whole  of  the 
future  had  been  revealed  to  her  she  could  have  guided  him  no  more  wisely, 
could  have  laid  with  no  more  sagacious  skill  the  foundations  which  his 
career  as  statesman  and  as  man  required. 

And  no  mother  was  ever  more  devotedly  loved  by  son  than  was  this 
American  matron  by  William  McKinley.  Throughout  her  life  he  made  her 
comfort  his  own  care,  and  maintained  with  an  increasing  tenderness  the 
gentle  bearing  which,  as  a  child,  had  been  part  of  his  life.  In  her  age,  when 
she  had  lived  to  see  her  son  elevated  to  the  chiefest  office  in  the  Nation, 
the  beauty  of  that  filial  attachment  appealed  to  the  people,  and  untold  thou- 
sands proved  their  appreciation  when  they  lovingly  bestowed  upon  her  the 
title,  "Mother  McKinley." 

One  of  the  reasons  for  the  elder  McKinley's  removal  to  Poland  was 
that  his  children  might  have  the  advantages  of  the  better  schools  which — 
oddly  enough — flourished  in  the  younger  city.  An  academy  had  been  estab- 
lished there;  and  when  young  William  passed  through  the  preparatory 
years,  he  was  admitted  to  that  institution.  As  he  passed  from  childhood  to 
youth's  estate,  he  filled  the  months  of  vacation  in  productive  labor.  At  times 
he  worked  upon  the  farms  which  surrounded  the  growing,  thriving  town. 
At  other  times  he  engaged  as  a  clerk  in  one  or  other  of  the  stores.  But  he 
was  never  apt  at  a  trade,  and  really  had  not  the  faculty  to  "buy,  and  sell, 
and  get  gain,"  as  had  his  younger  brother  Abner.  And  as  a  consequence 
he  maintained  that  attitude  of  balance  which  left  him  free  in  his  develop- 
ment, and  permitted  that  ripening  and  broadening  of  his  mind  in  all  direc- 
tions which  the  early  adoption  of  a  mercantile  life  would  almost  certainly 
have  prevented.  And  it  was  proof  of  still  another  virtue  on  the  lad's  part 
that  he  preferred,  of  all  the  industries  that  came  to  his  hand,  the  heavy  labor 
of  the  forge  and  foundry.  Those  years  of  healthful  life,  when  native  powers 
were  developed  by  bodily  industry,  when  regular  hours,  plain  but  abundant 
food,  and  long  hours  of  restful  sleep  were  adding  to  brain  and  brawn,  when 
the  wise  mother  was  guiding  him  so  gently  in  morals  and  manners — in 
those  years  the  character  of  the  future  President,  the  statesman,  the  soldier 
and  the  American  patriot,  was  formed. 

As  he  acquired  more  of  the  learning  which  the  academy  placed  within 
his  reach,  young  William  employed  portions  of  his  vacations  in  teaching 
School.  Not  only  did  this  occupation  furnish  him  admirable  discipline  and 


WILLIAM    McKlNLEY'S    BOYHOOD.  125 

training  in  the  process  of  his  development,  but  it  provided  him  with  rather 
more  money  for  the  further  prosecution  of  his  studies. 

For  it  was  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  "McKinley  boys"  that  they 
PAID  THEIR  WAY.  Although  the  father  might  have  provided  them  with 
all  needful  books  and  clothing,  paid  all  their  school  expenses  and  provided  them 
with  spending  money,  thus  encouraging  them  in  idleness,  the  wise  plan  of  the 
iron  founder,  and  of  that  "Mother  McKinley,"  whom  a  nation  has  delighted  to 
honor,  did  not  contemplate  such  a  system.  They  did  plan  to  encourage  inde- 
pendence and  self-reliance  in  their  children;  and  they  succeeded  in  achieving 
that  end. 

The  first  term  of  school  taught  by  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  was  in  the 
Kerr  District,  about  four  miles  from  Poland,  where  he  presided  over  the 
studies  of  nearly  half  a  hundred  pupils  through  the  winter  months  of  1859- 
60.  With  the  money  secured  he  not  only  assisted  in  defraying  the  expenses 
of  his  sisters  and  brother  at  the  academy,  for  which  they  were  by  this  time 
prepared,  but  he  was  enabled  to  enter  Alexander  College,  in  the  autumn  of 
1860.  Two  years  before  that  date  he  had  united  with  the  Methodist  Church, 
and  had  been  received  into  full  communion  with  the  society  of  that  denomi- 
nation in  Poland.  And  through  all  the  years  of  his  life,  to  the  very  end, 
he  maintained  that  relation.  In  his  later  years  he  had  been  a  regular 
attendant  at  the  forms  of  worship,  a  frequent  guest  at  the  conferences  of  his 
church;  and  his  counsels  have  been  continually  at  the  service  of  those  high 
in  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  Methodism. 

It  is  told  of  him  with  a  good  deal  of  interest  that  in  the  years  following 
the  revival  at  which  his  conversion  was  confessed,  he  was  at  once  a  con- 
sistent Christian  and  a  happy  young  man.  He  delighted  in  healthful  sports, 
in  games  which  tested  muscle,  skill  and  endurance,  and  took  the  heartiest 
possible  interest  in  life.  Those  were  the  years  under  the  calm  guid- 
ance of  the  wise  mother,,  when  stores  of  power  were  laying  up  against  the 
day  of  need  that  should  come  as  manhood  brought  its  duties.  He  was 
passing  through  his  formative  period  under  the  most  normal  and  healthy 
conditions  possible.  And  that  was  the  best  preparation  for  the  broad  re- 
quirements, the  heavy  burdens  which  the  future  was  to  lay  upon  him. 

His  brother  Abner  has  said  that  William  was  a  general  favorite;  tfyat 
he  had  no  enemies.  And  one  can  well  believe  it,  for  throughout  his  adult 
life  he  has  gone  with  friends.  No  one  ever  hated  him.  No  one  ever  received 
an  affront  at  his  hands.  There  is  a  foolish  adage  that  a  man  is  weak  and 


1£6  WILLIAM   McKINLErS  BOYHOOD. 

inconsequential  who  makes  no  enemies;  that  such  a  character  can  not  be 
positive,  yet  that  would  be  a  perverse  or  an  ill-informed  man  who  would  say 
William  McKinley  was  either  weak  or  of  the  negative  type  of  life.  And  as 
he  has  beer  in  manhood,  so  he  was  in  the  early  days  about  the  town  of 
Poland.  He  knew  all  the  workmen  in  the  iron  mills,  and  all  the  farmers 
for  miles  around.  He  understood  them  perfectly,  and  the  bond  of  sympathy 
for  them  which  was  planted  in  his  breast  while  yet  a*  lad  was  one  of  the 
guides  by  which  he  shaped  legislation  when  he  came  to  be  a  man.  His 
boyish  frankness  and  simplicity  and  generosity  remained  permanent  traits 
in  his  character  to  the  end. 

William  McKinley,  Sr.,  was  a  whig,  and  one  of  the  thousands  who 
marched  from  that  old  party  into  the  ranks  of  the  Republicans.  Young 
William  had  read  a  great  deal.  His  youthful  fancy  had  been  stirred  with  the 
stories  of  California  gold,  and  the  Overland  Trail.  His  home  was  fairly 
supplied  with  such  reading  as  is  good  for  a  boy,  and  a  part  of  it  dealt  with 
the  adventures  and  the  activities  of  Colonel  John  C.  Fremont.  That  "Path- 
finder," as  his  friends  called  him,  was  a  hero  to  young  William.  More  im- 
pressive far  than  the  stories  of  wealth  in  the  mines  were  the  reports  of  Fre- 
mont's expeditions.  More  attractive  than  the  magnet  which  drew  ad- 
venturers to  the  new  Eldorado  was  the  unspoken  yearning  to  become  a 
member  of  one  of  Colonel  Fremont's  bands  of  explorers. 

And  so  it  is  small  wonder  that  his  heart  glowed  with  enthusiasm  when 
Fremont  was  made  the  nominee  of  the  young  Republican  party  in  1856. 
He  was  thirteen  years  old  then,  and  a  stout,  healthy  boy,  with  a  healthy 
American  boy's  appetite  for  politics.  So  he  shouted  the  campaign  cries  of 
the  party,  and  sang  the  songs  which  lauded  Fremont  to  the  skies — as  well 
as  those  less  amiable  songs  which  had  for  their  motive  the  prophesying  of 
defeat  for  Buchanan. 

The  result  of  the  election  in  1856  was  never  much  in  doubt,  except  to 
the  sanguine  youths  who  mistook  their  own  earnestness  for  "indications." 
But  the  defeat  of  his  champion  did  not  weigh  heavily  on  the  lad's  heart ;  and 
before  the  next  national  election  came  around  he  was  almost  man  grown, 
with  something  of  education,  with  four  more  years  of  activity  and  helpful- 
ness for  his  family.  But  it  would  be  impossible  for  a  lad  to  enter  with  more 
earnestness  into  a  cause  than  he  gave  to  the  hosts  who  were  rallying  to  the 
support  of  Lincoln  in  1860. 

Young  William  had  already  taken  an  active  interest  in  politics.  He  had 
"supported"  Fremont  because  that  explorer,  traveler  and  soldier  had  won 


WILLIAM    McKINLEY'S    BOYHOOD.  127 

his  honest  admiration  through  many  deeds  of  heroism.  But  he  gave  his 
allegiance  to  Lincoln  because  he  had  read,  and  because  he  understood  the 
issues  of  the  day,  and  believed  the  "Railsplitter  of  Illinois"  was  right.  He 
could  not  vote  for  Lincoln  that  first  time,  but  he  could  give  the  aid  which 
politicians  know  is  of  value  in  campaigns.  And  so  he  was  a  member  of  the 
circles  that  marched  and  sang  for  the  candidate — for  freedom's  champion. 

And  he  was  giyen  to  debating,  even  in  those  early  days.  He  was 
naturally  a  public  speaker.  He  could  arrange  his  argument,  marshal  his 
points  and  present  them;  and  he  could  thrill  his  hearers  with  the  genuine 
eloquence  which  is  not  learned,  but  comes  spontaneous  from  the  lips  that 
have  been  touched  with  the  wand  of  genius. 

He  was  a  reader  at  all  times.  And  one  of  the  books  that  made  an  in- 
delible impression  upon  him  was  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin."  It  came  in  his 
most  impressionable  years,  and  did  much  to  fill  his  soul  with  a  hatred  of 
human  slavery — did  much  to  prepare  him  for  the  services  of  those  later 
years,  when  he  seconded  to  the  limit  of  his  powers  the  work  of  the  Great 
Liberator.  He  had  followed  the  fortunes  of  Uncle  Tom  and  of  Eliza,  and 
regarded  them  as  types.  And  he  was  quite  certain  the  horrors  of  human 
slavery  were  fairly  depicted  in  the  story. 

Among  the  few  but  excellent  books  in  his  father's  possession  was  one 
called  "Noble  Deeds  of  American  Women;"  and  the  reading  of  it  in  that 
period  of  his  youth  impressed  upon  him  vividly  the  struggles  and  sacrifices 
of  the  maids  and  matrons  of  the  earlier  day.  The  book  had  not  many  com- 
panions, for  libraries  were  not  large  in  those  days;  and  it  will  be  remem- 
bered that  the  house  where  William  McKinley's  boyhood  was  spent  was  the 
home  of  a  workingman. 

It  was  a  foreman  of  workingmen,  to  be  sure,  and  one  who  ,had  from 
time  to  time  an  interest  in  the  modest  business  which  he  conducted.  But 
yet  it  was  a  home  where  actual  toil  was  by  no  means  unknown;  where  the 
mother  was  the  housekeeper,  performing  with  her  own  hands  much  of  the 
domestic  labor,  and  where  not  one  of  the  family  was  brought  up  (with  a 
contempt  for  industry. 

In  those  years  of  transition  from  boyhood  to  youth,  young  William 
McKinley  passed  through  a  period  of  ill  health.  It  interfered  a  good  deal 
with  his  labors  at  home,  and  was  the  cause  of  cutting  short  his  attendance  at 
the  college  in  Alexandria.  It  is  by  no  means  an  unusual  phase  of  a  young 
man's  life,  and  it  vanished  as  he  advanced  to  the  years  of  maturity. 
Throughout  his  life,  with  that  exception,  he  has  been  a  healthy  person;  an4 


128  WILLIAM    McKINLEY'S    BOYHOOD. 

the  season  of  delicate  health  at  the  threshold  of  manhood  left  no  harmful 
consequences. 

In  1896,  when  one  of  the  enterprising  publishers  was  hurrying  to  issue 
a  "Campaign  Life  of  William  McKinley,"  he  sent  a  writer  into  Mahoning 
and  Stark  counties,  and  elsewhere  throughout  that  portion  of  the  Buckeye 
State,  with  instructions  to  find  some  record  of  the  boyish  escapades  of  young 
William.  The  writer  found  a  number  of  men  who  had  known  the  nominee 
in  his  boyhood,  and  asked  one  of  them: 

"Was  he  never  in  mischief — like  robbing  orchards,  or  stealing  water- 
melons, or  carrying  away  gates  on  'Hallowe'en?'  " 

The  old  man  thought  for  a  moment,  apparently  passed  the  lad's  life  in 
review  before  the  judge  that  abided  in  his  memory,  and  then  he  said: 

"I  don't  remember  that  William  was  e-  er  in  any  scrape  of  any  kind." 

Then  he  waited  for  a  moment,  filled  his  pipe,  lighted  it  reflectively  and 
added  as  he  pinched  out  the  flame  before  throwing  the  match  away: 

"And  if  I  did  I  wouldn't  tell  it." 

The  incident  proves  one  of  two  things.  Either  young  William  had  all 
his  life  the  studious  regard  for  the  rights  of  others  which  has  marked  his 
manhood,  or  he  had  unconsciously  enrolled  this  staunch  old  man  among 
the  friends  who  could  not  possibly  be  induced  to  "tell  on  him."  And  either 
view  shows  the  subject  of  their  conversation  in  a  very  creditable  light. 

From  infancy  until  he  had  attained  the  age  of  ten  years,  the  family  lived 
at  Niles.  The  removal  from  there  to  Poland,  where  the  Academy  could 
offer  better  educational  advantages  to  the  children,  was  the  last  breaking 
up  of  home  the  boy  knew.  He  retained  the  latter  city  as  his  home  until 
after  his  return  from  the  army,  until  after  the  completion  of  his  law  studies, 
when  he  cast  about  for  a  location  that  promised  best  for  the  life  he  had 
planned  for  himself. 

But  about  the  old  town  of  Poland  are  still  resident  many  men  and  women 
who  knew  him  as  a  child,  who  watched  him  grow  up  to  sturdy  boyhood, 
and  who  learned  to  love  him  through  the  years  that  were  adding  to  his 
stature  and  his  wisdom.  Those  friendships  he  held  to  the  very  end.  And 
there  is  no  place  in  the  United  States  where  the  blow  that  came  with  the 
news  of  his  assassination  fell  more  heavily  than  in  the  boyhood  home  of 
William  McKinley. 


CHAPTER  XL 

McKINLEY  AS  A  SOLDIER  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

William  McKinley  was  but  eighteen  years  old  when  the  war  of  the  rebel- 
lion began. 

His  enlistment  was  in  every  way  typical  of  the  man,  and  representative 
of  the  motive  and  action  of  the  American  volunteer.  With  his  cousin, 
William  McKinley  Osborne,  now  United  States  .Consul  General  at  London, 
he  drove  to  Youngstown,  Ohio,  in  the  early  summer  of  1861,  to  watch  a 
recently  enlisted  company  of  infantrymen  at  their  drill,  preparatory  to  march- 
ing away  for  the  field  of  battle.  William  McKinley,  Sr.,  was  a  union  man, 
a  Republican,  and  had  been  a  supporter  of  both  Fremont  and  Lincoln  at 
the  polls.  Of  course  the  son  had  voted  for  neither,  as  he  still  lacked  several 
years  of  that  age  at  which  American  youth  may  exercise  the  elective  fran- 
chise. But  no  man,  of  any  age,  had  taken  a  more  intense  interest  in  the 
progress  of  affairs.  He  felt  the  need  of  supporting  the  President,  and  the 
necessity  of  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  nation  in  all  its  borders.  Nothing 
could  exceed  the  avidity  with  which  he  watched  the  swiftly  accumulating 
clouds  of  war  and  disaster.  The  love  of  human  freedom,  of  personal  liberty 
and  loyalty  to  his  country  were  cardinal  virtues  in  the  young  man's  com- 
position. And  when  war  really  began  he  felt  a  strong  desire  to  give  his 
labor  and  even  his  life,  if  necessary,  in  the  cause  which  he  was  certain  was 
the  right. 

The  streets  of  Youngstown  were  filled  with  people,  who  had  gathered 
to  watch  the  soldiers  at  their  drill,  nearly  the  entire  company  had  been  re- 
cruited at  Poland,  and  young  McKinley  personally  knew  every  one  of  them. 
After  the  little  band  of  recruits  had  gone  through  their  evolutions,  and 
had  marched  away  from  Youngstown  to  the  state  rendezvous,  young  Will- 
iam and  his  cousin  Osborne  returned  to  Poland,  sobered  and  inspired  to  a 
heroic  deed. 

The  former  stated,  calmly  but  firmly,  that  he  felt  his  duty  was  to  enlist. 

"It  seems  to  me  the  country  needs  every  man  who  can  go,"  he  said, 
"and  I  can." 

He  laid  the  matter  before  his  mother,  and  she  did  not  oppose  him. 
That  wise  woman  understood  the  nature  of  her  son  too  well  to  thwart  in 

129 


130  McKINLEY   AS   A    SOLDIER    IN   THE    CIVIL    WAR. 

this  day  of  his  greatest  experience  that  advance  which  she  herself  had  so 
notably  assisted  him  in  making. 

So  that  he,  with  his  cousin  Osborne,  went  to  Columbus,  as  soon  as 
they  could  set  their  little  affairs  in  order,  and  at  Camp  Chase — named  in 
honor  of  a  man  whose  genius  had  already  made  him  famous  and  powerful 
— they  enlisted  in  Company  E,  of  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  Volunteer  In- 
fantry. When  one  reflects  how  promptly  Ohio  sprang  to  arms  in  response 
to  President  Lincoln's  call  for  troops,  it  will  be  observed  that  William  Mc- 
Kinley  embraced  a  very  early  opportunity  to  serve  his  country.  For  he 
enlisted  July  30,  1861. 

W.  S.  Rosecrans  was  the  first  Colonel  of  that  Twenty-third  Ohio,  and 
it  had  such  men  as  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  and  Stanley  Matthews  on  its 
roster. 

Here  in  the  camp,  on  the  march,  and  in  battle  young  William  found 
the  value  of  his  earlier  training.  His  splendid  strength,  his  calm  self-control 
— which  made  him  capable  of  controlling  other  men;  his  better  education, 
and  his  manly,  honorable  bearing  were  all  elements  in  the  guaranty  of  his 
advancement.  At  the  very  first  he  was  chosen  a  corporal.  And  at  the  time 
of  the  battle  of  Antietam,  Sept.  17,  1862,  he  had  been  promoted  to  the 
position  of  sergeant,  and  had  received  the  added  honor  of  selection  to  have 
charge  of  the  commissary  stores.  So  high  an  authority  as  General  Ruther- 
ford B.  Hayes,  later  Governor  of  Ohio,  and  still  later  Presider  t  of  the  United 
States,  has  left  the  following  tribute  upon  record: 

"Young  as  he  was,  we  soon  found  that  in  business,  in  executive  ability, 
young  McKinley  was  a  man  of  rare  capacity,  of  unusual  and  unsurpassed 
capacity,  especially  for  a  boy  of  his  age.  When  battles  were  fought  or 
service  was  to  be  performed  in  warlike  things  he  always  took  his  place.  The 
night  was  never  too  dark;  the  weather  was  never  too  cold;  there  was  no 
sleet,  or  storm,  or  hail,  or  snow,  or  rain  that  was  in  the  way  of  his  prompt 
and  efficient  performance  of  every  duty." 

The  bloodiest  day  of  the  war,  the  day  on  which  more  men  were  killed 
or  wounded  than  on  any  other  one  day — was  Sept.  17,  1862,  in  the  battle 
of  Antietam. 

The  battle  began  at  daylight.  Before  daylight  men  were  in  ths  ranks 
and  preparing  for  it.  Without  breakfast,  without  coffee,  they  went  into  the 
fight,  and  it  continued  until  after  the  sun  had  set.  The  commissary  depart- 
ment of  that  brigade  was  under  Sergeant  McKinley's  administration  and 
personal  supervision.  From  his  hands  every  man  in  the  regiment  was  serve4 


McKINLEY   AS   A    SOLDIER   IN   THE    CIVIL   .WAR.  x31 

with  hot  coffee  and  warm  meats,  a  thing  that  had  never  occurred  under 
similar  circumstances  in  any  other  army  in  the  world.  He  passed  under  fire 
and  delivered,  with  his  own  hands,  these  things,  so  essential  for  the  men 
for  whom  he  was  laboring.  General  Hayes,  then  a  Lieutenant  Colonel,  was 
himself  wounded  at  Antietam,  and  went  home  on  sick  leave  to  recover. 
While  there  he  related  to  Governor  Tod  that  circumstance  illustrating  the 
cool  courage  and  genuine  heroism,  and  said  to  the  Governor:  "Let  Mc- 
Kinley  be  promoted  from  Sergeant  to  Lieutenant."  And  it  was  done  with- 
out a  moment's  delay.  When  Colonel  Hayes  returned  to  the  field  he 
assigned  Lieutenant  McKinley  to  duty  on  his  staff,  and  the  young  man 
looked  back  at  eighteen  months  of  active  service  in  the  ranks  as  of  the 
greatest  possible  value  to  him. 

McKinley  was  still  on  General  Hayes'  staff  when  the  battle  of  Kerns- 
town,  July  24,  1864,  was  fought.  Crook's  corps  had  been  expecting  an 
easy  time  when  it  appeared  that  the  enemy  was  in  force  at  Kernstown, 
about  four  miles  from  Winchester,  where  Crook's  troops  were.  There  had 
been  some  misinformation  regarding  the  Confederate  General  Early's  move- 
ments, and  the  force  about  to  be  met  was  that  of  Early,  which  outnum- 
bered Crook's  corps  three  to  one.  When  the  battle  began  one  of  the  regi- 
ments was  not  in  position,  and  Lieutenant  McKinley  was  ordered  to  bring 
it  in.  The  road  to  the  regiment  needed  was  through  open  fields  and  right 
in  the  enemy's  line  of  fire.  Shells  were  bursting  on  his  right  and  left,  but  the 
boy  soldier  rode  on.  He  reached  the  regiment,  gave  the  orders  to  them, 
and  at  his  suggestion  the  regiment  fired  on  the  enemy  and  slowly  withdrew 
to  take  the  position  where  they  were  assigned.  It  was  a  gallant  act  of  the 
boy  soldier,  and  General  Hayes  had  not  expected  him  to  come  back  alive. 

He  distinguished  himself  for  gallantry,  for  good  judgment,  and  military 
skill  at  the  battle  of  Opequan.  He  had  been  ordered  to  bring  General 
Puval's  troops  to  join  the  first  division,  which  was  getting  into  the  battle. 
There  was  a  question  of  which  route  to  take,  and  upon  the  choice  depended 
the  very  existence  of  General  Duval  and  his  brave  men.  Lieutenant  Mc- 
Kinley weighed  the  chances  swiftly,  decided  instantly,  and  on  his  own 
responsibility  pointed  out  the  direction  as  he  gave  his  superior  officer's  com- 
mand to  move.  The  troops  followed  his  instructions,  and  came  up  gallantly 
and  in  excellent  style,  with  the  smallest  possible  loss  or  injury.  His  own 
regiment,  the  Twenty-third  Ohio,  was  less  skillfully  directed,  and  suffered 
the  very  severe  loss  of  150  men  and  officers. 


132  McKINLEY   AS   A    SOLDIER    IN   THE    CIVIL   WAR. 

The  work  accomplished  on  that  day  marked  young  Lieutenant  McKinley 
as  both  modest  and  brave. 

Early  in  1863,  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  first 
lieutenant,  but  was  retained  on  staff  duty,  as  his  superior  ability,  coolness 
and  rare  judgment  made  him  invaluable  to  the  regimental  commander. 
That  year  the  regiment  saw  service  almost  exclusively  in  West  Virginia, 
engaged  in  the  scouting  duty  which  alone  preserved  that  territory  from 
falling  into  the  possession  of  the  enemy.  It  was  a  wearying  year,  trying  on 
the  men  without  giving  them  opportunity  to  share  the  glory  that  more 
active  soldiering  would  have  brought.  They  were  marched  east  and  west, 
north  and  south.  It  was  a  year  of  inaction,  so  far  as  achieving  results  were 
concerned.  And  in  this  severer  test  Lieutenant  McKinley  proved  him- 
self a  soldier  of  the  best  ability.  He  kept  up  that  esprit  du  corps  through- 
out the  regiment,  without  which  it  would  have  been  ill  prepared  for  service 
when  the  time  for  action  came. 

This  hour — this  opportunity — came  in  late  midsummer,  when  Morgan's 
raiders  swept  that  terrifying  march  to  the  north  of  the  Ohio  river — that  raid 
which  struck  the  great  North  with  the  shock  of  a  war  experience  which 
they  had  so  happily  escaped.  The  Twenty-third  was  just  near  enough  to 
hear  the  summons  and  fly  to  the  confronting  of  Morgan  and  his  men.  And 
it  was  his  engagement  with  McKinley's  regiment  at  Buffington's  Island, 
Ohio,  which  so  crippled  the  raiders  as  to  completely  disarrange  their  entire 
plan  of  campaign,  and  pave  the  way  for  that  hopeless  march  from  which 
they  never  returned.  In  that  engagement  the  young  Ohio  officer  bore 
himself  with  all  bravery,  and  won  a  generous  share  in  the  honor  of  crush- 
ing the  advance  of  a  force  which  was  seriously  affecting  the  moral  tone  of 
the  whole  loyal  North. 

In  the  spring  of  1864  the  Twenty-third  marched  to  Brownstown,  on  ths 
Kanawha  river,  where  it  became  a  part  of  the  force  of  General  Crook,  who 
was  then  preparing  for  his  celebrated  raid  on  the  Virginia  and  Tennessee 
Railroad.  The  expedition  differed  little  in  experience,  in  danger  and  in 
hardship  from  the  everyday  service  in  West  Virginia  through  the  previous 
year.  On  June  20  the  rear  of  the  Union  forces,  consisting  of  Hayes'  brigade, 
held  Buford  Gap  against  the  enemy's  advance,  and  then  made  a  hasty  night 
retreat  for  the  van,  supposed  to  be  at  Salem.  But  Hunter  was  not  at 
Salem.  The  enemy  had  attacked  and  cut  off  his  trains,  and  had  forced 
him  beyond  the  city.  Crook's  rear  guard  was  in  a  manner  surrounded,  and 
it  was  only  by  rare  strategy  and  brave  fighting  that  he  extricated  his  com- 


McKINLEY  AS  A    SOLDIK*.   *N   THE   CIVIL  WAR.  133 

mand  from  the  dilemma.  There  can  be  no  question  the  service  of  Lieutenant 
William  McKinley  that  day  saved  the  little  army,  and  prevented,  in  a  time 
when  reverses  were  costly,  the  recurrence  of  a  Confederate  victory. 

The  retreat  before  a  superior  force  was  kept  up  without  opportunity 
for  rest,  and  with  an  insufficient  supply  of  food  and  ammunition  till  June 
27th,  when  a  safe  spot  was  reached  on  Big  Sewell  Mountain.  It  had  been  a 
continuous  fight  and  march  for  nearly  180  miles.  It  need  not  be  recited  here 
how  General  Early's  success  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley  at  this  time  em- 
boldened him  to  carry  his  invasion  to  the  very  front  of  Washington,  and 
to  challenge  a  fight  for  the  national  capital.  It  wras  all  too  plain  that  the 
Union  forces  under  command  of  Hunter  in  the  valley  were  unable  to  cope 

with  the  augmented  forces  of  Early.  So  General sent  two  corps 

from  the  James  River  country  to  the  rescue  of  the  capital.  And  it  was  on 
that  trip  that  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  got  his  first  glimpse  of  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, the  capital  of  the  country  for  which  he  hoped  and  prayed,  for  which 
he  cheerfully  imperiled  his  life. 

But  Lee  had  withdrawn  from  Early's  support  a  body  of  reinforcements, 
and  the  dashing  commander  of  the  threatening  force  was  compelled  to 
retreat  southward  into  farther  Virginia.  It  was  Lee's  one  mistake,  for  he 
had  the  capital  captured,  and  might  have  watched  the  stars  and  bars  in  tem- 
porarily triumphal  progress  down  Pennsylvania  avenue  had  he  backed  up 
the  advance  on  the  Potomac.  And  the  glance  which  Lieutenant  McKinley 
had  of  the  capitol  dome  that  morning  in  1864  would  have  been  the  last;  for 
an  army  of  invasion,  checked  and  forced  to  retire,  finds  fighting  from  cover 
and  the  consequent  burning  of  buildings  one  of  the  inescapable  incidents  of 
war. 

After  the  battle  of  Kernstown — less  accurately  known  as  the  battle  of 
Winchester — the  young  soldier  from  Poland,  Ohio,  was  again  promoted,  this 
time  to  the  rank  of  captain.  The  document  dates  his  advance  from  July  25, 
the  day  after  his  wise  and  heroic  conduct  in  delivering  orders  under  fire,  and 
in  piloting  the  imperiled  regiment  to  its  place  in  the  battle  formation. 

His  last  battle  of  importance,  and  one  in  which  he  fittingly  crowned  a 
career  of  gallantry  and  devotion  to  duty,  was  that  of  Cedar  Creek,  October 
19,  1864.  Toward  the  close  of  that  month  the  regiment  was  ordered  to 
Martinsburg.  On  its  march  to  that  point  the  men  voted  at  the  Presidential 
election.  The  votes  were  collected  by  the  judges  of  election  as  the  column 
was  in  march,  from  among  the  wagons.  It  was  there  McKinley  cast  his  first 
vote.  An  ambulance  was  used  as  an  election  booth,  and  an  empty  candle- 


134  McKINLEY    AS    A    SOLDIER    IN    THE    CIVIL    WAR. 

box  did  duty  as  a  ballot-box.  At  the  same  time  and  place  Generals  Sheridan, 
Crook  and  Hayes  cast  their  ballots,  and  it  was  the  first  vote  ever  cast  by 
Sheridan  or  Crook. 

Early  the  following  spring  the  Twenty-third  returned  to  Camp  Cumber- 
land and  on  July  26,  1865,  a  little  more  than  four  years  from  the  time  of 
enlistment,  the  regiment  was  mustered  out  and  the  scarred  veterans  who 
had  experienced  four  years  of  dangers  and  hardships  returned  to  their  homes. 

The  records  show  that  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  enlisted  as  a  private  in 
Company  E  of  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry  on  June  n,  1861; 
that  he  was  promoted  to  commissary  sergeant  on  April  15,  1862;  that  he  was 
promoted  to  Second  Lieutenant  of  Company  D  on  September  23,  1862; 
that  he  was  promoted  to  First  Lieutenant  of  Company  E  on  February  7, 
1863;  that  he  was  promoted  to  Captain  of  Company  G  on  July  25,  1864;  that 
he  was  detailed  as  Acting  Assistant  Adjutant  General  of  the  First  Division, 
First  Army  Corps,  on  the  staff  of  General  Carroll;  that  he  was  brevetted 
Major  on  March  13,  1865,  and  that  he  was  mustered  out  of  service  on  July 
26,  1865. 

"For  gallant  and  meritorious  services  at  the  battles  of  Opequan,  Cedar 
Creek  and  Fisher's  Hill,"  reads  the  document  commissioning  young  McKin- 
ley as  Brevet  Major,  signed  "A.  Lincoln." 

This  is  the  brief  statement  of  four  years  of  such  activity  as  are  hardly 
comprehensible  by  the  sedate  citizen  in  these  "piping  times  of  peace;"  but 
they  were  years  which  tried  and  tested  the  material  of  which  William  Mc- 
Kinley was  formed,  and  years  in  which  that  symmetrical  development  of  his 
whole  being  went  majestically  on.  As  it  ripened  and  quickened  his  judg- 
ment, teaching  him  self-confidence  and  the  power  of  rallying  resources;  as 
it  planted  deep  in  his  nature  the  love  of  country  and  the  sense  of  sacrifice 
which  proves  all  patriotism;  as  it  brought  him  into  closer  communion  with 
his  fellow  men  in  camp  and  battle,  on  the  march  or  in  the  agonies  of  the 
field  hospital. — so  it  developed  the  physical  powers  of  the  vigorous  young 
man.  He  has  since  said,  looking  at  some  photographs  of  himself,  taken  at 
the  time  of  his  enlistment:  "I  was,  indeed,  a  raw  recruit." 

And  he  was.  The  portrait  shows  him  rather  slender,  and  with  features 
which  indicate  a  certain  delicacy  and  refinement  which  were  far  from  the 
appearance  of  the  ideal  soldier  of  books — the  powerful  frame,  the  flashing 
eye,  the  weatherbeaten  cheeks  "bearded  like  a  pard."  And  yet  he  stood  that 
day  of  his  enlistment,  a  raw  recruit,  as  the  type  of  millions  of  his  country- 
men, as  the  expression  of  the  best  that  was  in  the  nation  either  for  peace  or 


McKINLEY  AS  A   SOLDIER   IN   THE   CIVIL   WAR.  135 

war.  And  the  four  years  of  his  slow  advance  to  a  major's  commission  was 
the  most  necessary  and  the  most  valuable  process  of  development  that  could 
possibly  have  come. 

And  whether  for  peace  or  war,  it  was  the  work  his  nature  needed  for 
the  service  of  his  nation,  for  the  labors  of  most  value  to  his  people.  The 
beardless  boy,  delicate  in  physique,  grew  to  be  a  rugged,  powerful  man. 
The  outdoor  life,  the  exposure  and  hardship,  the  struggles  and  suffering 
and  self-control,  the  planning,  the  quick  decisions,  the  control  of  other  men 
had  all  worked  together  for  the  development  of  a  splendid  citizen.  So  that  he 
was  mustered  out  of  the  service  at  the  end  of  the  war  with  beard  on  the  lips 
that  had  been  smooth  when  he  took  up  the  musket  of  a  private  soldier,  and 
called  back  to  President  Lincoln,  in  the  chorus  of  marching  Americans: 
"We  are  coming,  Father  Abraham — three  hundred  thousand  strong!"  And 
his  shoulders  were  broader,  and  his  muscles  were  harder,  and  his  view  of 
the  whole  world  was  essentially  that  of  a  man  who  had  been  tried  by  fire  and 
not  found-  wanting. 

It  is  fair  and  proper  in  this  connection  to  present  the  testimony  of  those 
who  occupied  position  above  him,  and  who  related  in  after  years  the  impres- 
sions which  young  McKinley  made  upon  them  in  his  army  days.  For  one 
thing,  he  was  is  no  sense  an  ambitious  man.  Had  he  been  stung  with  the 
asp  of  ambition  he  might  easily  have  passed  those  who  commanded  at  the 
beginning.  His  was  the  education,  the  training  of  the  brain  and  the  body, 
the  judgment  and  the  patriotic  zeal  out  of  which  great  leaders  are  made. 
But  he  was  not  a  self-seeker.  He  simply  accepted  his  duty  when  it  presented, 
and  discharged  it  perfectly.  Nothing  was  illy  done.  Nothing  was  half 
accomplished.  His  task  was  fully  discharged  in  every  instance,  and  he  was 
never  the  man  to  thirst  for  power,  to  maneuver  for  promotion.  The  ad- 
vances which  marked  his  soldier  life  came  to  him  unsought,  the  well-earned 
rewards  of  a  merit  which  none  could  deny,  coupled  with  a  modesty  which  all 
could  admire. 

General  Russell  Hastings  watched  him  through  a  number  of  battles,  and 
at  Cedar  Creek  saw  him  tried  beyond  all  ordinary  measure.  General  Hast- 
ings, then  with  the  rank  of  captain,  was  on  the  same  staff  with  young  Lieu- 
tenant McKinley,  a  member  of  the  same  regiment,  the  Twenty-third  Ohio. 
They  were  close  friends  through  the  war,  and  remained  so  throughout  their 
later  life.  They  ate  at  the  same  mess,  slept  under  the  same  blanket,  and — 
when  they  had  a  tent' — occupied  the  same  tent  together.  It  was  in  1892, 
when  William  McKinley  loomed  large  because  of  his  loyalty  to  a  friend  in 


136  McKINLEY    AS    A    SOLDIER    IN    THE    CIVIL   WAR. 

political  life,  that  General  Hastings  placed  upon  record  his  recollections — 
forever  stamped  upon  the  pages  of  his  memory — of  an  incident  from  the 
soldier  life  of  his  friend  in  that  battle  which  began  with  "Sheridan  twenty 
miles  away." 

On  the  Union  side  was  only  Crook's  corps,  some  6,000  strong,  while 
opposed  to  it  was  the  full  force  of  Early 's  army.  The  odds  were  too  great; 
so,  after  some  severe  righting,  Hayes'  brigade,  which  was  engaged,  drew 
back  in  the  direction  of  Winchester.  "Just  at  that  moment,"  says  General 
Hastings,  "it  was  discovered  that  one  of  the  regiments  was  still  in  an  orchard 
where  it  had  been  posted  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle.  General  Hayes, 
turning  to  Lieutenant  McKinley,  directed  him  to  go  forward  and  bring 
away  that  regiment,  if  it  had  not  already  fallen.  McKinley  turned  his  horse 
and,  keenly  spurring  it,  pushed  it  at  a  fierce  gallop  obliquely  toward  the 
advancing  enemy. 

"A  sad  look  came  over  Hayes'  face  as  he  saw  the  young,  gallant  boy  riding 
rapidly  forward  to  almost  certain  death.  *  *  *  None  of  us  expected  to 
see  him  again,  as  we  watched  him  push  his  horse  through  the  open  fields, 
over  fences,  through  ditches,  while  a  well-directed  fire  from  the  enemy  was 
poured  upon  him,  with  shells  exploding  around,  about,  and  over  him. 

"Once  he  was  completely  enveloped  in  the  smoke  of  an  exploding  shell, 
and  we  thought  he  had  gone  down.  But  no,  he  was  saved  for  '  >etter  work 
for  his  country  in  his  future  years.  Out  of  this  smoke  emerged  h..;  wiry  little 
brown  horse,  with  McKinley  still  firmly  seated,  and  as  erect  as  a  hussar. 

"McKinley  gave  the  Colonel  the  orders  from  Hayes  to  fall  back,  saying, 
in  addition,  'He  supposed  you  would  have  gone  to  the  rear  without  orders.' 
The  Colonel's  reply  was,  'I  was  about  concluding  I  would  retire  without 
waiting  any  longer  for  orders.  I  am  now  ready  to  go  wherever  you  shall 
lead,  but,  Lieutenant,  I  "pintedly"  believe  I  ought  to  give  those  fellows  a 
volley  or  two  before  I  go/  McKinley's  reply  was,  'Then  up  and  at  them  as 
quickly  as  possible/  and  as  the  regiment  arose  to  its  feet  the  enemy  came 
on  into  full  view.  Colonel  Brown's  boys  gave  the  enemy  a  crushing  volley, 
following  it  up  with  a  rattling  fire,  and  then  slowly  retreated  toward  some 
woods  directly  in  their  rear.  At  this  time  the  enemy  halted  all  along  Brown's 
immediate  front  and  for  some  distance  to  his  right  and  left,  no  doubt  feeling 
he  was  touching  a  secondary  line,  which  should  be  approached  with  all  due 
caution.  During  this  hesitancy  of  the  enemy  McKinley  led  the  regiment 
through  these  woods  on  toward  Winchester. 

"As  Hayes  and  Crook  saw  this  regiment  safely  off,  they  turned,  and, 


McKINLEY    AS    A    SOLDIER   IN    THE   CIVIL    WAR.  137 

foMowing  the  column,  with  it  moved  slowly  to  the  rear,  down  the  Winchester 
pike.  At  a  point  near  Winchester,  McKinley  brought  the  regiment  to  the 
column  and  to  its  place  in  the  brigade.  McKinley  greeted  us  all  with  a 
happy,  contented  smile — no  effusion,  no  gushing  palaver  of  words,  though 
all  of  us  felt  and  knew  one  of  the  most  gallant  acts  of  the  war  had  been 
performed. 

"As  McKinley  drew  up  by  the  side  of  Hayes  to  make  his  verbal  report,  I 
heard  Hayes  say  to  him,  'I  never  expected  to  see  you  in  life  again.'  " 

And  when  Sheridann  galloped  along  the  "good  broad  highway  leading 
down"  from  Winchester,  shouting  his  jubilant  order:  "Face  the  other  way, 
boys.  We're  going  back!"  the  whole  of  Hayes'  brigade,  thanks  to  young 
Lieutenant  William  McKinley,  was  in  position,  and  ready  for  that  advance 
which  ended  in  another  splendid  Union  victory. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  once  his  colonel,  then  his  general  and  later  his 
President,  has  declared  of  William  McKinley:  "At  once  it  was  found  that  he 
had  unusual  character  for  the  mere  business  of  war.  There  is  a  quarter- 
master's department,  which  is  a  very  necessary  and  important  department 
in  every  regiment,  in  every  brigade,  in  every  division,  in  every  army.  Young 
as  he  was,  we  soon  found  that  in  business,  in  executive  ability,  young  Mc- 
Kinley was  a  man  of  rare  capacity,  of  unusual  and  unsurpassed  capacity, 
especially  for  a  boy  of  his  age.  When  battles  were  fought  or  service  was 
to  be  performed  in  warlike  things,  he  always  took  his  place.  The  night  was 
never  too  dark;  the  weather  was  never  too  cold;  there  was  no  sleet  or  storm, 
or  hail  or  snow,  or  rain  that  was  in  the  way  of  his  prompt  and  efficient  per- 
formance of  every  duty." 

In  an  old  note  book  of  the  war-time  period,  kept  by  General  Hayes,  is 
another  interesting  entry  which  was  given  to  the  world  in  the  course  of  an 
address  at  a  political  meeting  in  Ohio  in  1891.  By  way  of  premise  it  should 
be  stated  that  General  George  Crook  in  1862  called  Lieutenant  McKinley 
to  service  on  his  staff,  where  he  remained  through  the  activities  of  the  sum- 
mer campaign,  and  until  the  Union  army  went  into  winter  quarters.  In 
the  last  month  of  the  year  General  Hayes  made  that  entry  which  seemed 
like  a  prophecy.  Here  it  is: 

"Saturday,  December  13,  1862. — Our  new  Second  Lieutenant,  McKin- 
ley, returned  to-day — an  exceedingly  bright,  intelligent,  and  gentlemanly 
young  officer.  He  promises  to  be  one  of  the  best." 

And  he  added,  while  the  thousands  broke  forth  in  tumultuous  applause: 

"He  has  kept  the  promise  in  every  sense  of  the  word." 


138  McKINLEY    AS    A    SOLDIER   IN    THE   CIVIL   WAR. 

That  famous  battle  of  Cedar  Creek  virtually  ended  the  active  military 
career  of  Captain  McKinley.  .  On  March  13,  1865,  he  was  brevetted  major. 
In  the  spring  of  1865  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  was  ordered  to  Camp  Cumber- 
land, where  it  was  mustered  out  of  service,  July  26,  1865,  closing  a  four-year 
career  of  war  with  honor,  leaving  a  host  of  brave  comrades  beneath  the  turf 
of  the  battlefields,  returning  home  to  receive  the  congratulations  of  loyal 
friends  and  to  enter  once  more  the  occupations  of  peace.  The  soldier  boy  of 
eighteen  years  was  now  a  man  of  twenty-two.  The  private  of  1861  was  now 
a  major.  The  education  and  aspirations  of  youth  had  been  supplemented 
by  such  an  experience  in  the  cause  of  country  as  few  could  claim  at  his  age, 
and  such  as  would  meet  the  most  exalted  purposes  of  after  life. 


JOHN   D.   LONG,    SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
McKINLEY  IN  CONGRESS. 

No  man  ever  approached  the  gates  of  public  life  under  circumstances 
more  discouraging  than  those  which  confronted  William  McKinley  when, 
in  1876,  his  friends  suggested  him  as  a  candidate  for  congress.  Yet  no  man 
ever  achieved  a  more  signal  triumph  at  the  polls,  nor  a  more  glorious  career 
in  the  halls  of  legislation.  He  served  fourteen  years  in  Congress.  In  that 
time  he  passed  from  the  modest  position  of  a  "first  termer" — one  of  the 
majority  which  never  returns — to  the  chairmanship  of  the  Ways  and  Means 
committee,,  a  place  that  has  been  described  as  more  powerful  than  that  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  Certainly  in  the  effecting  of  legislation, 
in  the  expression  of  national  policy,  in  raising  revenues  and  shaping  the 
course  of  government  there  is  no  position  comparable  to  it  in  the  United 
States — probably  in  any  country  on  earth. 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  in  the  beginning  that  Major  McKinley's 
start  in  congressional  life  was  in  itself  a  tribute  to  his  popularity.  When 
he  first  launched  into  the  profession  of  the  law  at  Canton  he  won  early 
prominence  among  his  brethren  of  the  bar,  and  a  position  of  influence  in 
his  party.  And  when  the  managers  of  that  party  came  to  make  up  their 
county  ticket  in  1868,  they  selected  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  as  their  candi- 
date for  prosecuting  attorney.  The  county  was  strongly  Democratic,  and  it 
was  only  on  occasion,  even  through  the  years  of  the  war,  that  Republican.5 
could  capture  a  county  office.  Anything  like  sagacity  on  the  part  of  the 
county  Democrats  in  naming  their  candidates  had  been  certain  to  preclude 
the  possibility  of  electing  a  Republican.  It  seemed  quite  hopeless  that 
young  McKinley  could  capture  the  office  of  prosecuting  attorney  from  his 
opponent — a  man  of  experience  and  ability. 

But  in  the  few  years  Major  McKinley  had  lived  in  Stark  county  he  had 
been  constantly  winning  friends.  And  one  reason  he  won  them  was  that  he 
deserved  them.  And  the  chief  reason  that  he  held  them  was  because  he 
deserved  their  adhesion.  For  while  he  was  making  acquaintances  all  over 
the  county,  widening  his  circle  of  acquaintance  in  the  city,  always  urbane, 
courteous,  affable  and  yet  dignified,  he  was  preparing  to  discharge  the  duties 
they  would  lay  upon  him. 

141 


148  McKINLEY    IN     CONGRESS. 

It  has  been  stated  in  another  part  of  this  work  that  Major  McKinley 
won  in  the  election.  He  became  prosecuting  attorney,  though  not  another 
man  on  his  ticket  was  elected.  His  victory  surprised  most  of  the  people; 
but  there  were  some,  both  in  his  own  party  and  in  the  opposition,  who 
recognized  the  promise  of  a  man  of  power,  and  prepared  the  way  for  him. 

So,  in  1876,  when  his  friends  cast  about  for  a  congressional  candidate, 
this  man  who  had  led  a  forlorn  hope  for  them  in  a  less  notable  fight  eight 
years  before  seemed  the  man  most  likely  to  make  a  creditable  showing. 

There  was  little  hope  of  electing  him.  The  district,  the  old  Ohio  Eigh- 
teenth, was  i, 800  strong  Democratic.  The  Democratic  nominee  was  the 
then  incumbent,  and  he  had  made  a  record  which  pleased  his  constituents. 
Besides,  the  tariff  was  largely  the  issue  of  the  campaign  and  Mr.  Tilden's 
slogan:  "A  tariff  for  revenue  only"  was  regarded  as  expressing  a  popular 
sentiment.  That  other  slogan,  "Tilden  and  Reform"  had  lost  some  of  its 
effectiveness  in  the  light  of  the  Erie  canal  investigation  at  Albany;  but  the 
tariff  had  more  than  taken  its  place  in  the  popular  thought. 

Besides,  Major  McKinley  was  one  of  the  very  few  men  in  the  nation  who 
boldly,  and  without  apology  or  subterfuge,  contended  for  the  principle  of 
protection.  It  has  been  said  elsewhere  in  this  book  that  he  engaged  in  a 
debate  on  the  tariff  shortly  after  returning  from  the  army,  and  before  he 
left  his  old  home  town  of  Poland.  He  had  studied  the  question  even  then, 
a.nd  had  become  convinced  that  the  present  prosperity  and  future  welfare  of 
the  nation  demanded  a  policy  of  high  tariff,  and  would  for  a  number  of 
years. 

He  lost  that  debate  because  the  judges,  smarting  under  the  burden  of 
war  taxes,  accepted  the  popular  clamor  for  a  reduction — and  decided,  with- 
out regard  to  the  facts  presented  or  argument  deduced,  that  Major  McKin- 
ley's  opponent  had  won. 

It  had  been  observed  in  Stark  county,  since  his  location  at  Canton,  that 
Major  McKinley  held  to  his  daring  theory  of  protection  in  all  his  political 
speeches.  Most  other  Republicans  felt  the  need  of  trimming,  and  conceded 
that  protection  was  bad  in  policy,  if  not  wrong  in  morals;  and  promised  the 
people  that  it  would  be  abolished. 

That  was  the  condition  in  the  Eighteenth  District  in  the  summer  of 
1876,  when  Major  William  McKinley  was  nominated  to  run  against  Judge 
L.  D.  Woodsworth,  a  wheelhorse  of  Democracy  in  Ohio. 

As  in  1868,  when  he  was  candidate  for  prosecuting  attorney  of  Stark 
county,  so  now,  there  was  little  hope  of  his  election.  The  majority  seemed 


McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS.  143 

too  great  to  be  overcome.  But  it  was  overcome.  And  when  the  votes  were 
counted  it  was  found  that  the  Republican  nominee  had  a  clear  majority  of 
1,300 — a  change  of  3,100  votes  from  the  preceding  congressional  election. 

And  it  will  be  remembered  that  this  was  in  the  face  of  Major  McKinley's 
contention  for  the  policy  of  protection.  He  met  every  sophistry  of  his  op- 
ponents with  arguments  which  showed  him  a  thorough  master  of  his  sub- 
ject, and  with  a  skill  in  debate  which  disarmed  enmity  even  among  his 
opposers. 

So  significant  a  victory  won  for  the  young  man  the  attention  of  the  na- 
tion; and  the  arrival  in  Washington  of  this  strong,  courageous  champion  of 
a  great  public  policy  was  occasion  for  gratulation  among  the  men  who  saw 
beyond  the  immediate  present,  and  were  building  for  the  future  of  the  na- 
tion— preparing  the  Republic  for  that  day  when  it  must  abandon  its  hermi- 
tage, and  take  place  among  the  mighty  nations  of  the  earth.  And  they 
gave  him  every  encouragement.  But  even  they — even  Judge  Kelley,  of 
Pennsylvania,  whose  protectionism  was  less  genuine  because  more  a  matter 
of  personal  interest — found  at  the  very  beginning  that  they  could  give  Wil- 
liam McKinley  nothing,  and  that  they  would  shortly  be  asking  favors  of 
him. 

Sociologists  may  interest  themselves  with  speculations  on  the  influences 
which  contributed  to  William  McKinley's  success  as  a  statesman.  But  it  is 
doubtful  if  they  find  anything  more  significant  than  the  sorrow  which  came 
to  him  at  this  period.  His  two  daughters  were  dead.  His  wife  had  suffered 
the  blow  from  which  she  was  never  to  recover;  and  this  man's  entry  upon 
national  legislation  was  through  the  gates  of  a  great  sorrow.  Maybe  it  re- 
fined him,  and  purified  his  nature  of  whatever  dross  it  contained.  Maybe 
it  intensified  his  thought,  and  added  the  sense  of  a  sacred  responsibility  to 
him  as  a  public  man.  He  had  no  children.  He  knew  he  never  again  would 
hear  the  lisping  call  of  "Father."  And  in  the  holy  bereavement  of  that 
hour,  he  must — perhaps  unconsciously — have  devoted  himself  to  the  service 
of  his  country.  There  was  no  need  to  "trim,"  to — 

"Crook  the  pregnant  hinges  of  the  knee, 
That  thrift  might  follow  fawning." 

He  had  but  one  ambition  now,  and  that  was  so  to  live  as  a  public  man 
that  the  verdict  of  the  nation  might  be:  "Well  done,  good  and  faithful 
servant." 

That  first  term  in  Congress  was   judiciously   utilized  by   William  Me- 


144  McKINLEY    IN    CONGRESS. 

Kinley.  He  knew,  with  that  prescience  which  belongs  to  the  truly  great,  that 
this  was  his  field,  that  he  would  return  to  it,  that  no  small  considerations  of 
oppositions  and  repeated  elections  could  keep  him  from  the  fulfillment  of 
that  duty,  the  discharge  of  that  task,  for  which  all  his  life  had  been  but  pre- 
paration. 

In  the  first  session  he  made  no  speech.  He  was  not  even  on  a  committee 
of  importance.  But  his  known  position  as  a  protectionist  made  him  a  man 
to  be  consulted,  and  his  quickly  recognized  ability  made  him — a  first 
termer — share  in  the  shaping  of  legislation. 

That  was  a  Democratic  Congress,  with  Samuel  J.  Randall  in  the 
speaker's  chair.  And  the  young  man  from  Ohio  waited  at  the  portals  of 
opportunity,  making  himself  ready  for  the  day  when  they  should  open  and 
admit  him. 

He  made  a  speech  on  the  floor  of  the  house.  He  was  little  considered  by 
the  superficial  and  unthinking.  Yet  they  confessed  in  committee  the  influ- 
ence of  his  quiet  power.  He  made  himself  master  of  every  detail.  He  knew 
all  that  was  to  be  known  about  the  subjects  that  came  before  him  and  his 
confreres.  And  in  a  courteous,  dignified  but  effective  manner  he  said  the 
right  word  in  due  season,  and  every  man  of  them  felt  the  presence  of  great- 
ness. 

His  first  speech  was  delivered  in  the  spring  of  1878.  The  question  of 
tariff  had  loomed  large  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation.  It  had  been  made  an 
issue.  No  man  could  escape  it.  Seekers  for  popular  applause,  for  the  pres- 
ent profits  that  might  be  secured,  exhausted  themselves  coining  verbal  as- 
saults on  the  policy  of  protection.  The  men  on  the  Democratic  side,  east 
and  west,  were  almost  a  unit  for  a  revision  which  meant  a  repeal.  The  time 
came  later  when  most  eastern  Democrats  took  issue  with  their  brothers  from 
the  West,  as  to  the  wisdom  of  protection.  But  in  that  day  the  strongest 
assault  was  made  by  a  New  York  man — Fernando  Wood. 

He  was  one  of  the  ablest  Democrats  in  Congress.  A  sharp,  shrewd  man, 
plausible  in  his  address,  skillful  in  his  arraignment,  and  attractive  as  a  de- 
bater. He  had,  in  his  bill,  reflected  well  the  popular  clamor  of  demagogues 
throughout  the  country  who  could  not  see  the  demands  or  the  possibilities  of 
the  future.  And  the  Wood  tariff  bill  was  sailing  serene  through  the  lower 
house,  its  friends  jubilant,  its  supporters  becoming  jealous  of  the  lucky  New 
Yorker — when,  one  day  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  got  the  floor,  and  be- 
gan an  argument  against  the  bill.  That  frightened  no  one.  They  wanted 


McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS.  145 

some  opposition.  They  wanted  the  sport  of  a  game  fight,  since  they  were 
sure  they  could  not  be  defeated. 

But  when  they  had  listened  fifteen  minutes  they  saw  this  young  man, 
this  unconsidered  legislator,  was  master  of  the  province  upon  which  they 
had  entered.  He  knew  far  more  about  the  industrial  and  commercial  con- 
ditions of  the  country  than  did  they.  He  was  infinitely  better  equipped  than 
they  in  the  matter  of  economics.  And  he  coined  his  ideas  in  sentences  so 
impressive  that  the  jealous  men  were  comforted.  They  were  not  frightened 
on  account  of  the  bill,  for  they  were  confident  in  the  possession  of  an  in- 
vincible majority.  But  they  saw  Fernando  Wood  at  last  had  a  foeman 
worthy  of  his  steel. 

At  the  end  of  half  an  hour  a  movement  was  made  to  silence  him.  But 
other  debaters  on  the  Republican  side  saw  an  advocate  had  arisen  more 
powerful  than  they.  They  gave  him  their  time  and  he  went  on.  Friends  oi 
the  bill  tried  to  badger  him  with  questions.  But  he  met  every  thrust  with 
a  dignity  which  disarmed  and  a  reply  which  silenced  them. 

And  when  William  McKinley  sat  down,  the  Wood  bill  was  defeated,  and 
nothing  like  it  was  ever  again  offered  in  the  American  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 

It  was  a  significant  part  of  his  work  that  day— a  characteristic  of  his 
labors  through  life — that  results  were  felt  in  the  future.  From  that  day  the 
freetrade  army  was  divided.  The  West,  neither  possessing  considerable  in- 
dustries nor  at  the  time  appreciating  their  value,  found  itself  divided  from 
the  East.  From  that  day  no  great  opponent  of  protection  has  come  from 
the  East  to  the  halls  of  Congress.  And — what  is  more  to  the  point — no 
strong  popular  sentiment  supporting  free  trade  has  flourished  in  the  popu- 
lous Atlantic  states. 

"A  house  divided  against  itself  can  not  stand."  How  then  shall  an  army 
divided  against  itself  hope  to  march  victorious? 

But  "tariff  reform"  still  looked  good  as  an  issue,  and  the  opponents  of 
protection  continued  their  crusade  against  it.  They  could  not  believe  they 
would  be  defeated.  They  insisted  that  three  thousand  miles  of  ocean  was 
enough  protection  for  the  American  manufacturer.  They  pointed  out  that 
the  price  of  each  protected  article  was  increased  to  the  American  consumer 
by  just  the  amount  of  the  protection  tax.  They  refused  to  see  that  the  con- 
sumer would,  under  a  national  policy  which  should  strengthen  industries,  be 
better  able  to  pay  the  increased  price  than  the  lower  price  under  free  trade. 
They  were  short-sighted.  And  they  were  confident  the  masses  of  the  people 


146  McKINLEY    IN    CONGRESS. 

were  as  short-sighted  as  themselves,  and  would  overwhelmingly  sustain 
them. 

So  their  clamor  continued. 

So  the  Republicans  in  1882,  advised  and  counselled  by  Congressman 
McKinley,  provided  for  a  tariff  commission  which  should  investigate  the 
whole  question  and  recommend  legislation  that  should  settle  the  national 
policy  once  and  for  all.  The  commission  was  appointed  by  President 
Arthur,  but  before  it  could  report  the  tacit  agreement  was  broken,  and  Wil- 
liam R.  Morrison,  of  Illinois,  brought  forward,  in  1884,  his  remarkable  bill 
for  a  20  per  cent  "horizontal  reduction"  of  the  tariff.  The  house  was  again 
Democratic,  but  William  McKinley,  overcoming  successive  gerrymanders  in 
Ohio,  was  still  in  the  house,  now  advanced  to  a  position  of  influence  and 
importance;  and  no  "horizontal  reduction"  could  take  place  while  he  was 
there,  no  matter  what  the  political  complexion  of  the  House  might  be. 
Against  a  hostile  majority,  he  led  the  forces  of  protection's  friends.  A  part 
of  his  address  on  that  occasion  is  as  follows: 

"What  can  be  said  of  the  capacity  of  the  majority  of  the  Committee  on 
Ways  and  Means  as  evidenced  by  the  bill  now  before  us?  It  is  a  confession 
upon  its  face  of  absolute  incapacity  to  grapple  with  the  great  subject.  The 
Morrison  bill  will  never  be  suspected  of  having  passed  the  scrutiny  of  in- 
telligent experts  like  the  Tariff  Commission.  This  is  a  revision  by  the  cross- 
cut process.  It  gives  no  evidences  of  the  expert's  skill.  It  is  the  invention 
of  indolence — I  will  not  say  of  ignorance,  for  the  gentlemen  of  the  majority 
of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  are  competent  to  prepare  a  tariff  bill. 
I  repeat,  it  is  not  only  the  invention  of  indolence,  but  it  is  the  mechanism  of 
a  botch  workman.  A  thousand  times  better  refer  the  question  to  an  intelli- 
gent Commission,  which  will  study  the  question  in  its  relations  to  the 
revenues  and  industries  of  the  country,  than  to  submit  to  a  bill  like  this. 

"They  have  determined  upon  doing  something,  no  matter  how  mischiev- 
ous, that  looks  to  the  reduction  of  import  duties;  and  doing  it,  too,  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  not  a  single  request  has  come  either  from  the  great  produc- 
ing or  great  consuming  classes  of  the  United  States  for  any  change  in  the 
direction  proposed.  With  the  power  in  their  hands  they  have  determined 
to  put  the  knife  in,  no  matter  where  it  cuts  nor  how  much  blood  it  draws. 
It  is  the  volunteer  surgeon,  unbidden,  insisting  upon  using  the  knife  upon 
a  body  that  is  strong  and  healthy;  needing  only  rest  and  release  from  the 
quack  whose  skill  is  limited  to  the  horizontal  amputation,  and  whose  science 
f,s  barren  of  either  knowledge  or  discrimination.  And  then  it  is  not  to  stop 


McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS.  147 

with  one  horizontal  slash;  it  is  to  be  followed  by  another  and  still  another, 
until  there  is  nothing  left  either  of  life  or  hope.  And  the  doctrinaires  will 
then  have  seen  an  exemplification  of  their  pet  science  in  the  destruction  of 
the  great  productive  interests  of  the  country,  and  "the  starving  poor,"  as 
denominated  by  the  majority,  will  be  found  without  work,  shelter  or  food. 
The  sentiment  of  this  country  is  against  any  such  indiscriminate  proposition. 
The  petitions  before  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  from  twenty  to  thirty 
States  of  this  Union  appeal  to  Congress  to  let  the  tariff  rest  where  it  is,  in 
general,  while  others  are  equally  importunate  to  have  the  duties  on  two  or 
three  classes  of  American  products  raised.  The  laboring  men  are  unanimous 
against  this  bill.  These  appeals  should  not  go  unheeded.  The  farmers  for 
whom  you  talk  so  eloquently,  have  not  asked  for  it.  There  is  no  appeal  from 
any  American  interest  for  this  legislation. 

"It  is  well,  if  this  bill  is  to  go  into  force,  that  on  yesterday  the  other 
branch  of  Congress,  the  Senate,  passed  a  Bankruptcy  bill.  It  is  a  fitting 
corollary  to  the  Morrison  bill;  it  is  a  proper  and  a  necessary  companion. 
The  Senate  has  done  wisely,  in  anticipation  of  our  action  here,  in  providing 
legal  means  for  settling  with  creditors,  for  wiping  out  balances,  and  rolling 
from  the  shoulders  of  our  people  the  crushing  burdens  which  this  bill  will 
impose." 

And  in  spite  of  a  Democratic  majority  the  Morrison  bill  failed.  That 
thrust — "the  invention  of  indolence" — went  home;  and  the  nation  resented 
the  slipshod  manner  in  which  its  public  servants  had  done  their  work.  And 
the  Representative  from  Illinois  brought  from  the  wreck  of  his  losing  battle 
no  more  than  the  comfort  of  realizing  that  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  would  be 
known  by  the  appropriate  title,  "Horizontal  Bill  Morrison." 

But  the  crusade  against  protection  was  too  attractive  to  abandon.  In 
1888,  the  House  being  again  Democratic,  Roger  Q.  Mills  of  Texas,  was 
made  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  he  brought  in  a 
bill  that  expressed  really  all  that  was  best  in  the  opposition's  case.  But  he 
made  the  fatal  mistake  of  presenting  a  bill  prepared  by  his  political  associates 
alone.  It  was  more  fair,  more  broad  in  its  scope,  more  statesmanlike  than 
anything  that  had  previously  emanated  from  the  camp  of  free  traders.  But 
he  had  invited  no  Republican  member  of  the  committee  to  its  preparation, 
and  excluded  all  who  would  advise  or  instruct  him.  He  might  have  wel- 
comed them  in  safety,  for  he  had  the  votes  at  his  back  to  defeat  every  recom- 
mendation they  might  make,  and  adopt  every  paragraph  that  commended 
itself  to  him.  But  he  saw  fit  to  refuse  audience  to  representatives  of  in- 


148  McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS. 

dustrial  concerns  who  knew  far  more  of  the  subject  than  did  Mr.  Mills  or 
his  advisers,  and  an  opposition  suddenly  sprung  up  which  could  not  be  over- 
come. Mr.  McKinley  made  his  most  telling  point  against  the  Mills  bill,  in 
these  burning  words: 

"The  industries  of  the  country,  located  in  every  section  of  the  Union, 
representing  vast  interests  closely  related  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country, 
touching  practically  every  home  and  fireside  in  the  land,  which  were  to  be 
affected  by  the  bill,  were  denied  a  hearing;  the  majority  shut  the  doors  of 
the  committee  against  all  examinations  of  producers,  consumers  and  experts, 
whose  testimony  might  have  enlightened  the  committee.  The  farmers, 
whose  investments  and  products  were  to  be  disastrously  dealt  with,  were 
denied  an  opportunity  to  address  the  committee.  The  workingmen  of  the 
country,  whose  wages  were  at  stake,  were  denied  audience.  The  Repre- 
sentatives on  the  floor  of  the  House  were  not  permitted  to  voice  the  wants 
of  their  constituents.  Proposing  a  grave  measure,  which  would  affect  all 
of  the  people  in  their  employments,  their  labor  and  their  incomes,  the  ma- 
jority persistently  refused  the  people  the  right  of --hearing  and  discussion; 
denied  them  the  simple  privilege  of  presenting  reasons  and  arguments 
against  their  proposed  action." 

The  report  of  the  minority  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  was  ^16- 
pared  and  presented  by  Mr.  McKinley.  He  had  come  to  be  recognized  as 
the  best  equipped  and  most  formidable  protectionist  in  Congress,  and  the 
report  he  submitted  fully  sustained  that  opinion.  From  that  report  the  fol- 
lowing extract  will  still  be  read  with  profound  interest: 

"The  bill  is  a  radical  reversal  of  the  tariff  policy  of  the  country  which  for 
the  most  part  has  prevailed  since  the  foundation  of  the  Government,  and 
under  which  we  have  made  industrial  and  agricultural  progress  without  a 
parallel  in  the  world's  history.  If  enacted  into  law,  it  will  disturb  every 
branch  of  business,  retard  manufacturing  and  agricultural  prosperity,  and 
seriously  impair  our  industrial  independence.  It  undertakes  to  revise  our 
entire  revenue  system;  substantially  all  of  the  tariff  schedules  are  affected; 
both  classification  and  rates  are  changed.  Specific  duties  are  in  many  cases 
changed  to  ad  valorem,  which  all  experience  has  shown  is  productive  of 
frauds  and  undervaluations.  It  does  not  correct  the  irregularities  of  the 
present  tariff;  it  only  aggravates  them.  It  introduces  uncertainties  in  inter- 
pretation, which  will  embarrass  its  administration,  promote  contention  and 
litigation,  and  give  to  the  customs  officers  a  latitude  of  construction  which 
will  produce  endless  controversy  and  confusion.  It  is  marked  with  a  section- 


McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS.  149 

alism  which  every  patriotic  citizen  must  deplore.  Its  construction  takes  no 
account  of  the  element  of  labor  which  enters  into  production,  and  in  a 
number  of  instances  makes  the  finished  or  advanced  product  free,  or  dutiable 
at  a  less  rate  than  the  material  from  which  it  is  made.  "The  poor  man's 
blanket,'  which  the  majority  has  made  a  burning  issue  for  so  many  years,  is 
made  to  bear  the  same  rate  of  duty  as  the  rich  man's.  More  than  one-third 
of  the  free  list  is  made  up  from  the  products  of  the  farm,  the  forest  and  the 
mine;  from  products  which  are  now  dutiable  at  the  minimum  rates,  ranging 
from  seven  to  twenty-five  per  cent,  and  even  this  slight  protection,  so 
essential,  is  to  be  taken  from  the  farmers,  the  lumbermen  and  the  quarry- 
men." 

But  it  was  not  until  the  bill  was  put  upon  its  passage  that  he  rose  to  his 
greatest  height  as  a  debater  and  as  a  statesman.  Men  old  in  public  life  con- 
cede that  the  speech  he  made,  May  18,  1888,  was  the  greatest  ever  delivered 
on  a  purely  economic  question  in  the  halls  of  the  American  Congress.  It 
did  more  to  fix  the  policy  of  protectionism  unalterably  upon  the  country 
than  any  other  one  influence.  It  did  more  to  justify  the  protectionists  of 
the  past,  and  to  pave  the  way  for  whatever  great  policy  might  come  after 
when  new  occasions  brought  new  duties,  when  a  subsequent  era  should 
arise,  than  all  the  campaigning  and  all  the  labors  in  or  out  of  Congress  that 
the  nation  had  known.  Here  are  some  extracts  from  that  notable  address: 

"What  is  a  protective  tariff?  It  is  a  tariff  upon  foreign  imports  so  ad- 
justed as  to  secure  the  necessary  revenue,  and  judiciously  imposed  upon 
those  foreign  products  the  like  of  which  are  produced  at  home,  or  the  like 
of  which  we  are  capable  of  producing  at  home*  It  imposes  the  duty  upon 
the  competing  foreign  product;  it  makes  it  bear  the  burden  or  duty,  and, 
as  far  as  possible,  luxuries  only  excepted,  permits  the  noncompeting  foreign 
product  to  come  in  free  of  duty.  Articles  of  common  use,  comfort  and 
necessity,  which  we  cannot  produce  here,  it  sends  to  the  peeple  untaxed  and 
free  from  custom-house  exactions.  Tea,  coffee,  spices  and  drugs  are  sueh 
articles,  and  under  our  system  are  upon  the  free  list.  It  says  to  our  foreign 
competitor:  If  you  want  to  bring  your  merchandise  here,  your  farm  pro- 
ducts here,  your  coal  and  iron  ore,  your  wool,  your  salt,  your  pottery,  your 
glass,  your  cottons  and  woolens,  and  sell  alongside  of  our  producers  in  our 
markets,  we  will  make  your  product  bear  a  duty;  in  effect,  pay  for  the 
privilege  of  doing  it.  Our  kind  of  tariff  makes  the  competing  foreign  article 
carry  the  burden,  draw  the  load,  supply  the  revenue;  and  in  performing  this 
essential  office  it  encourages  at  the  game  time  our  own  industries  and  pro- 


150  McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS. 

tects  our  own  people  in  their  chosen  employments.  That  is  the  mission  and 
purpose  of  a  protective  tariff.  That  is  what  we  mean  to  maintain,  and  any 
measure  which  will  destroy  it  we  shall  firmly  resist;  and  if  beaten  on  this 
floor,  we  will  appeal  from  your  decision  to  the  people,  before  whom  parties 
and  policies  must  at  last  be  tried.  We  have  free  trade  among"  ourselves 
throughout  thirty-eight  States  and  the  Territories,  and  among  sixty  millions 
of  people.  Absolute  freedom  of  exchange  within  our  own  borders  and 
among  our  own  citizens,  is  the  law  of  the  Republic.  Reasonable  taxation 
and  restraint  upon  those  without  is  the  dictate  of  enlightened  patriotism  and 
the  doctrine  of  the  Republican  party. 

"Free  trade  in  the  United  States  is  founded  upon  a  community  of  equali- 
ties and  reciprocities.  It  is  like  the  unrestrained  freedom  and  reciprocal  re- 
lations and  obligations  of  a  family.  Here  we  are  one  country,  one  language, 
one  allegiance,  one  standard  of  citizenship,  one  flag,  one  Constitution,  one 
Nation,  one  destiny.  It  is  otherwise  with  foreign  nations,  each  a  separate 
organism,  a  distinct  and  independent  political  society,  organized  for  its  own, 
to  protect  its  own,  and  work  out  its  own  destiny.  We  deny  to  those  foreign 
nations  free  trade  with  us  upon  equal  terms  with  our  own  producers.  The 
foreign  producer  has  no  right  or  claim  to  equality  with  our  own.  He  is  not 
amenable  to  our  laws.  There  are  resting  upon  him  none  of  the  obligations 
of  citizenship.  He  pays  no  taxes.  He  performs  no  civil  duties;  he  is  sub- 
ject to  no  demands  for  military  service.  He  is  exempt  from  State,  county 
and  municipal  obligations.  He  contributes  nothing  to  the  support,  the 
progress  and  glory  of  the  Nation.  Why  should  he  enjoy  unrestrained  equal 
privileges  and  profits  in  our  markets  with  our  producers,  our  labor  and  our 
taxpayers?  Let  the  gentleman  who  follows  me  answer.  We  put  a  burden 
upon  his  productions,  we  discriminate  against  his  merchandise,  because  he 
is  alien  to  us  and  our  interests,  and  we  do  it  to  protect  our  own,  defend  our 
own,  preserve  our  own,  who  are  always  with  us  in  adversity  and  prosperity, 
in  sympathy  and  purpose,  and,  if  necessary,  in  sacrifice.  That  is  the  principle 
which  governs  us.  I  submit  it  is  a  patriotic  and  righteous  one.  In  our 
country  each  citizen  competes  with  the  other  in  free  and  unresentful  rivalry, 
while  with  the  rest  of  the  world  all  are  united  and  together  in  resisting  out- 
side competition  as  we  would  foreign  interference. 

"Free  foreign  trade  admits  the  foreigner  to  equal  privileges  with  our  own 
citizens.  It  invites  the  product  of  foreign  cheap  labor  to  this  market  in  com- 
petition with  the  domestic  product,  representing  higher  and  better  paid 
labor.  It  results  in  giving  our  money,  our  manufactures  and  our  markets  to 


McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS.  .       151 

other  nations,  to  the  injury  of  our  labors,  our  trades  people  and  our  farmers. 
Protection  keeps  money,  markets  and  manufactures  at  home  for  the  benefit 
of  our  own  people.  It  is  scarcely  worth  while  to  more  than  state  the  pro- 
position that  taxation  upon  a  foreign  competing  product  is  more  easily  paid 
and  less  burdensome  than  taxationn  upon  the  noncompeting  product.  In 
the  latter  it  is  always  added  to  the  foreign  cost,  and  therefore  paid  by  the 
consumer,  while  in  the  former,  where  the  duty  is  upon  the  competing  pro- 
duct, it  is  largely  paid  in  the  form  of  diminished  profits  to  the  foreign  pro- 
ducer. It  would  be  burdensome  beyond  endurance  to  collect  our  taxes 
from  the  products,  professions  and  labor  of  our  own  people. 

"There  is  no  conflict  of  interests  and  should  be  none  between  the  several 
classes  of  producers  and  the  consumers  in  the  United  States.  Their  in- 
terests are  one,  interrelated  and  interdependent.  That  which  benefits  one 
benefits  all;  one  man's  work  has  relation  to  every  other  man's  work  in  the 
same  community;  each  is  an  essential  part  of  the  grand  result  to  be  attained, 
and  that  statesmanship  which  would  seek  to  array  the  one  against  the  other 
for  any  purpose,  is  narrow,  unworthy  and  unpatriotic.  The  President's 
message  is  unhappily  in  that  direction.  The  discussion  had  on  this  floor 
takes  that  turn.  Both  have  been  calculated  to  create  antagonisms  where 
none  existed.  The  farmer,  the  manufacturer,  the  laborer,  the  tradesman,  the 
producer  and  the  consumer  all  have  a  common  interest  in  the  maintenance  of 
a  protective  tariff.  All  are  alike  and  equally  favored  by  the  system  which 
you  seek  to  overthrow.  It  is  a  National  system,  broad  and  universal  hi  its 
application;  if  otherwise,  it  should  be  abandoned.  It  cannot  be  invoked  for 
one  section  or  one  interest,  to  the  exclusion  of  others.  It  must  be  general 
in  its  application  within  the  contemplation  of  the  principle  upon  which  the 
system  is  founded.  We  have  been  living  under  it  for  twenty-seven  continu- 
ous years,  and  it  can  be  asserted  with  confidence  that  no  country  in  the 
world  has  achieved  such  industrial  advancement,  and  such  marvelous  pro- 
gress in  art,  science  and  civilization,  as  ours.  Tested  by  its  results,  it  has 
surpassed  all  other  revenue  systems. 

"From  1789  to  1888,  a  period  of  ninety-nine  years,  there  has  been  forty- 
seven  years  when  a  Democratic  revenue-tariff  policy  has  prevailed,  and  fifty- 
two  years  under  the  protective  policy,  an^  :t  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that  the 
most  progressive  and  prosperous  periods  of  our  history  in  every  department 
of  human  effort  and  material  development  were  during  the  fifty-two  years 
when  the  protective  party  was  in  control  and  protective  tariffs  were  main- 
tained; and  the  most  disastrous  years — years  of  want  and  wretchedness,  ruin 


152  McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS. 

and  retrogression,  eventuating  in  insufficient  revenues  and  shattered  credits, 
individual  and  National — were  during  the  free-trade  or  revenue-tariff  eras 
of  our  history.  No  man  lives  who  passed  through  any  of  the  latter  periods 
but  would  dread  their  return  and  would  flee  from  them  as  he  would  escape 
from  fire  and  pestilence;  and  I  believe  the  party  which  promotes  their  return 
will  merit  and  receive  popular  condemnation.  What  is  the  trouble  with  our 
present  condition?  No  country  can  point  to  greater  prosperity  or  more  en- 
during evidences  of  substantial  progress  among  all  the  people.  Too  much 
money  is  being  collected,  it  is  said.  We  say,  stop  it;  not  by  indiscriminate 
and  vicious  legislation,  but  by  simple  business  methods.  Do  it  on  simple, 
practical  lines,  and  we  will  help  you.  Buy  up  the  bonds,  objectionable  as  it 
may  be,  and  pay  the  Nation's  debt,  if  you  cannot  reduce  taxation.  You 
could  have  done  this  long  ago.  Nobody  is  chargeable  for  the  failure  and 
delay  but  your  own  administration. 

"Who  is  objecting  to  our  protective  system?  From  what  quarter  c^es  the 
complaint  come?  Not  from  the  enterprising  American  citizen;  not  from 
the  manufacturer;  not  from  the  laborer,  whose  wages  it  improves;  not  from 
the  consumer,  for  he  is  fully  satisfied,  because  under  it  he  buys  a  cheaper 
and  better  product  than  he  did  under  the  other  system;  not  from  the  farmer, 
for  he  finds  among  the  employes  of  the  protected  industries  his  best  and 
most  reliable  customers;  not  from  the  merchant  or  the  tradesman,  for  every 
hive  of  industry  increases  the  number  of  his  customers  and  enlarges  the 
volume  of  his  trade.  Few,  indeed,  have  been  the  petitions  presented  to  this 
House  asking  for  any  reduction  of  duties  upon  imports.  None,  that  I  have 
ever  seen  or  heard  of,  and  I  have  watched  with  the  deepest  interest  the 
number  and  character  of  these  petitions,  that  I  might  gather  from  them  the 
drift  of  public  sentiment.  I  say  I  have  seen  none  asking  for  the  passage  of 
this  bill,  or  for  any  such  departure  from  the  fiscal  policy  of  the  Government 
so  long  recognized  and  followed,  while  against  this  legislation  there  has  been 
no  limit  to  petitions,  memorials,  prayers  and  protests,  from  the  producer  and 
consumer  alike.  This  measure  is  not  called  for  by  the  people;  it  is  not  an 
American  measure;  it  is  inspired  by  importers  and  foreign  producers,  most 
of  them  aliens,  who  want  to  diminish  our  trade  and  increase  their  own;  who 
want  to  decrease  our  prosperk-  and  augment  theirs,  and  who  have  no  in- 
terest in  this  country  except  what  they  can  make  out  of  it.  To  this  is  added 
the  influence  of  the  professors  in  some  of  our  institutions  of  learning,  who 
teach  the  science  contained  in  books,  and  not  that  of  practical  business.  I 
would  rather  have  my  political  economy  founded  upon  the  every-day  ex- 


McKINLEY    IN    CONGRESS.  153 

periences  of  the  puddler  or  the  potter,  than  the  learning  of  the  professor, 
or  the  farmer  and  factory  hand  than  the  college  faculty.  Then  there  is  an- 
other class  who  want  protective  tariffs  overthrown.  They  are  the  men  of 
independent  wealth,  with  settled  and  steady  incomes,  who  want  everything 
cheap  but  currency;  the  value  of  everything  clipped  but  coin — cheap  labor 
but  dear  money.  These  are  the  elements  which  are  arrayed  against  us. 

"Men  whose  capital  is  invested  in  productive  enterprises,  who  take  the 
risks  of  business,  men  who  expend  their  capital  and  energy  in  the  develop- 
ment of  our  resources,  are  in  favor  of  the  maintenance  of  the  protective 
system.  The  farmer,  the  rice-grower,  the  miner,  the  vast  army  of  wage- 
earners  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other,  the  chief  producers  of 
wealth,  men  whose  capital  is  their  brain  and  muscle,  who  aspire  to  better 
their  condition  and  elevate  themselves  and  their  fellows;  the  young  man 
whose  future  is  yet  before  him,  and  which  he  must  carve  out  with  his  hand 
and  head,  who  is  without  the  aid  of  fortune  or  of  a  long  ancestral  line — these 
are  our  steadfast  allies  in  this  great  contest  for  the  preservation  of  the 
American  system.  Experience  and  results  in  our  own  country  are  the  best 
advisers,  and  they  vindicate  beyond  the  possibilities  of  dispute  the  worth  and 
wisdom  of  the  system." 

But  the  bill  passed  the  House. 

There  were  members  enough  on  the  Democratic  side  of  carry  it  through, 
though  by  a  perilously  small  majority. 

The  senate,  however,  could  not  be  brought  to  an  approval,  and  the  Mills 
bill  failed  there. 

That,  however,  was  but  the  beginning  of  William  McKinley's  victory. 
So  strong  a  case  had  he  made  for  protection  that  in  1888  his  party  leaders 
had  been  roused  to  appreciate  the  stupendous  interests  involved  in  the  issue. 
They  ceased  to  temporize,  to  avoid,  to  "trim.-'  They  had  been  on  the  de- 
fensive for  twenty  years.  They  took  in  1888  the  aggressive,  made  protection 
the  issue,  named  General  Harrison  as  their  candidate,  and  echoing  William 
McKinley's  arguments  in  every  school  district  of  the  nation,  achieved  a 
splendid  victory. 

But  it  was  wholly  due  to  the  wisdom  and  foresight,  the  ability  and  elo- 
quence of  Major  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio. 

Then  came  his  crowning  work.  That  was  the  measure  which  has  taken 
its  place  in  the  history  of  the  nation  as  "the  McKinley  Tariff  Law."  It  was 
adopted  in  May,  1890,  and  took  effect  October  6  of  the  same  year. 

There  is  no  royal  road  to  success,  no  short  cut-off  to  eminence.    What- 


154  McKlNLEY    IN     CONGRESS. 

ever  is  of  great  worth  must  cost  great  labor.  William  McKinley  had  put 
into  his  preparation  for  that  work  all  the  years  of  his  adult  life.  He  knew 
the  subject  as  no  other  man  in  the  nation  knew  it.  And  when,  as  chairman 
of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  at  last  he  was  commissioned  to  write  a 
tariff  bill,  he  gave  himself  wholly  and  utterly  to  the  task.  No  laborer  in  the 
mills  which  his  policy  safeguarded  put  in  so  many  hours  daily  as  did  William 
McKinley  in  the  preparation  of  that  great  measure.  He  worked  all  day  in 
Committee  or  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  consuming  nervous  force  in  a  man- 
ner which  would  have  utterly  broken  down  a  less  magnificent  physique  than 
his  own.  And  then  every  night  he  received  representatives  of  various  in- 
dustries from  all  over  the  nation — from  the  farms,  from  the  mines,  from  the 
mills,  from  the  stores,  from  the  offices  of  transportation  companies.  And 
they  testified  a  thousand  times  that  he  knew  their  case  far  better  than  did 
they.  Yet  he  heard  them  patiently,  respectfully,  discussed  the  schedules 
with  them,  and  out  of  all  the  information  he  could  gather  produced  that  bill 
which  stands  for  the  highest  expression  of  statesmanship  any  republic  has 
ever  known. 

It  was  characteristic  of  the  man  that  he  should  in  the  very  van  of  his 
argument  place  a  statement  that  would  challenge  the  general  attention  of 
the  public,  regardless  of  party.  No  reader  who  recognizes  the  significance 
of  effective  work  in  debate  can  fail  to  catch  the  value  of  these  calm,  deliberate 
sentences: 

"If  any  one  thing  was  settled  by  the  election  of  1888,  it  was  that  the  pro- 
tective policy,  as  promulgated  in  the  Republican  platform,  and  heretofore 
inaugurated  and  maintained  by  the  Republican  party,  should  be  secured  in 
any  fiscal  legislation  to  be  had  by  the  Congress  chosen  in  that  great  contest 
and  upon  that  mastering  issue.  I  have  interpreted  that  victory  to  mean,  and 
the  majority  in  this  House  and  in  the  Senate  to  mean,  that  a  revision  of  the 
tariff  is  not  only  demanded  by  the  votes  of  the  people,  but  that  such  revision 
should  be  on  the  line  and  in  full  recognition  of  the  principle  and  purpose  of 
protection.  The  people  have  spoken;  they  want  their  will  registered  and 
their  decree  embodied  in  public  legislation.  The  bill  which  the  Committee 
on  Ways  and  Means  have  presented  is  their  answer  and  interpretation  of 
that  victory,  and  in  accordance  with  its  spirit  and  letter  and  purpose.  We 
have  not  been  compelled  to  abolish  the  internal-revenue  system  that  we 
might  preserve  the  protective  system,  which  we  were  pledged  to  do  in  the 
event  that  the  abolition  of  the  one  was  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the 
other.  That  was  unnecessary. 


McKINLEY    IN    CONGRESS.  155 

"The  bill  does  not  amend  or  modify  any  part  of  the  internal-revenue 
taxes  applicable  to  spirits  or  fermented  liquors.  It  abolishes  all  the  special 
taxes  and  licenses,  so  called,  imposed  upon  the  manufacture  of  tobacco, 
cigars  and  snuff,  and  dealers  thereof,  reduces  the  tax  upon  manufactured 
tobacco  from  eight  to  four  cents  per  pound,  and  removes  all  restrictions  now 
imposed  upon  the  growers  of  tobacco.  With  these  exceptions,  the  internal- 
revenue  laws  are  left  undisturbed.  From  this  source  we  reduce  taxation 
over  $70,000,000,  and  leave  with  the  people  this  direct  tax  which  has  been 
paid  by  them  upon  their  own  products  through  a  long  series  of  years. 

"The  tariff  part  of  the  bill  contemplates  and  proposes  a  complete  revision. 
It  not  only  changes  the  rates  of  duty,  but  modifies  the  general  provisions  of 
the  law  relating  to  the  collection  of  duties.  These  modifications  have  re- 
ceived the  approval  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and  are  set  forth  jn  detail 
in  the  report  of  the  committee,  and  I  will  not  weary  you  by  restating  them. 

"We  propose  this  advanced  duty  to  protect  our  manufacturers  and  con- 
sumers against  the  British  monopoly,  in  the  belief  that  it  will  defend  our 
capital  and  labor  in  the  production  of  tin  plate  until  they  shall  establish  an 
industry  which  the  English  shall  recognize  has  come  to  stay,  and  then  com- 
petition will  insure  regular  and  reasonable  prices  to  consumers.  It  may  add 
a  little,  temporarily,  to  the  cost  of  tin  plate  to  the  consumer,  but  will  event- 
uate in  steadier  and  more  satisfactory  prices.  At  the  present  prices  for  foreign 
tin  plate,  the  proposed  .duty  would  not  add  any  thing  to  the  cost  of  the 
heavier  grades  of  tin  to  the  consumer.  If  the  entire  duty  was  added  to  the 
cost  of  the  can,  it  would  not  advance  it  more  than  one-third,  or  one-half  of 
one  cent,  for  on  a  dozen  fruit  cans  the  addition  would  properly  only  be 
about  three  cents. 

"We  have  now  enjoyed  twenty-nine  years  continuously  of  protective 
tariff  laws — the  longest  uninterrupted  period  in  which  that  policy  has  pre- 
vailed since  the  formation  of  the  Federal  government — and  we  find  our- 
selves at  the  end  of  that  period  in  a  condition  of  independence  and  pros- 
perity the  like  of  which  has  never  been  witnessed  at  any  other  period  in  the 
history  of  our  country,  and  the  like  of  which  had  no  parallel  in  the  recorded 
history  of  the  world.  In  all  that  goes  to  make  a  nation  great  and  strong  and 
independent,  we  have  made  extraordinary  strides.  In  arts,  in  science,  in 
literature,  in  manufactures,  in  invention,  in  scientific  principles  applied  to 
manufacture  and  agriculture,  in  wealth  and  credit  and  National  honor  we 
are  at  the  very  front,  abreast  with  the  best,  and  behind  none. 

"In  1860,  after  fourteen  years  of  a  revenue  tariff,  just  the  kind  of  a  tariff 


156  McKINLEY    IN    CONGRESS. 

that  our  political  adversaries  are  advocating  to-day,  the  business  of  the 
country  was  prostrated,  agriculture  was  deplorably  depressed,  manufactur- 
ing was  on  the  decline,  and  the  poverty  of  the  government,  itself,  made  this 
Nation  a  by-word  in  the  financial  centers  of  the  world.  We  neither  had 
money  nor  credit.  Both  are  essential;  a  nation  can  get  on  if  it  has  abundant 
revenues,  but  if  it  has  none  it  must  have  credit.  We  had  neither  as  the 
legacy  of  the  Democratic  revenue  tariff.  We  have  both  now.  We  have  a 
surplus  revenue  and  a  spotless  credit.  I  need  not  state  what  is  so  fresh  in 
our  minds,  so  recent  in  our  history,  as  to  be  known  to  every  gentleman  who 
hears  me,  that  from  the  inauguration  of  the  protective  tariff  laws  of  1861,  the 
old  Morrill  tariff — which  has  brought  to  that  veteran  statesman  the  highest 
honor  and  will  give  to  him  his  proudest  monument — this  condition  changed. 
Confidence  was  restored,  courage  was  inspired,  the  government  started  upon 
a  progressive  era  under  a  system  thoroughly  American. 

"With  a  great  war  on  our  hands,  with  an  army  to  enlist  and  prepare  for 
service,  with  untold  millions  of  money  to  supply,  the  protective  tariff  never 
failed  us  in  a  single  emergency,  and  while  money  was  flowing  into  our  treas- 
ury to  save  the  government,  industries  were  springing  up  all  over  the  land — 
the  foundation  and  cornerstone  of  our  prosperity  and  glory.  With  a  debt 
of  over  $2,750,000,000  when  the  war  terminated,  holding  on  to  our  protec- 
tive laws,  against  Democratic  opposition,  we  have  reduced  that  debt  at  an 
average  rate  of  more  than  $62,000,000  each  year,  $174,000  every  twenty- 
four  hours  for  the  last  twenty-five  years,  and  what  looked  like  a  burden 
almost  impossible  to  bear  has  been  removed  under  the  Republican  fiscal 
system,  until  now  it  is  less  than  $1,000,000,000,  and  with  the  payment  of  this 
vast  sum  of  money  the  Nation  has  not  been  impoverished,  the  individual 
citizen  has  not  been  burdened  or  bankrupted,  National  and  individual  pros- 
perity have  gone  steadily  on,  until  our  wealth  is  so  great  as  to  be  almost  in- 
comprehensible when  put  into  figures. 

"The  accumulations  of  the  laborers  of  the  country  have  increased,  and 
the  working  classes  of  no  nation  in  the  world  have  such  splendid  deposits  in 
savings  banks  as  the  working  classes  of  the  United  States.  Listen  to  their 
story:  The  deposits  of  all  the  savings  banks  of  New  England  in  1886 
equaled  $554,532,434.  The  deposits  in  the  savings  banks  of  New  York  in 
1886  were  $482,686,730.  The  deposits  in  the  savings  banks  of  Massa- 
chusetts for  the  year  1887  were  $302,948,624,  and  the  number  of  depositors 
was  944,778,  or  $320.67  for  each  depositor.  The  savings  banks  of  nine 
States  have  in  nineteen  years  increased  their  deposits  $628,000,000.  The 


McKIXLEY     IX     CONGRESS.  3™ 

English  savings  banks  have  in  thirty-four  years  increased  theirs  $350,000. 
ooo.     Our  operative  deposits  $7  to  the  English  operative's  $i.    These  vast 
sums  represent  the  savings  of  the  men  whose  labor  has  been  employed  under 
the  protective  policy  which  gives,  as  experience  has  shown,. the  largest 
possible  reward  to  labor. 

"Free  trade,  or  as  you  are  pleased  to  call  it,  'revenue  tariff,'  means  the 
opening  up  of  this  market,  which  is  admitted  to  be  the  best  in  the  world,  to 
the  free  entry  of  the  products  of  the  world.  It  means  more — it  means  that 
the  labor  of  this  country  is  to  be  remitted  to  its  earlier  condition,  and  that 
the  condition  of  our  people  is  to  be  leveled  down  to  the  condition  of  rival 
countries,  because  under  it  every  element  of  cost,  every  item  of  production, 
including  wages,  must  be  brought  down  to  the  level  of  the  lowest  paid  labor 
of  the  world.  No  other  result  can  follow,  and  no  other  result  is  anticipated 
or  expected  by  those  who  intelligently  advocate  a  revenue  tariff.  We  cannot 
maintain  ourselves  against  unequal  conditions  without  the  tariff,  and  no  man 
of  affairs  believes  we  can.  Under  the  system  of  unrestricted  trade  which 
you  gentlemen  recommend,  we  will  have  to  reduce  every  element  of  cost 
down  to  or  below  that  of  our  commercial  rivals,  or  surrender  to  them  our 
own  market.  No  one  will  dispute  that  statement;  and  to  go  into  the 
domestic  market  of  our  rivals  would  mean  that  production  here  must  be  so 
reduced  that  with  transportation  added  we  could  undersell  them  in  their  own 
market;  and  to  meet  them  in  neutral  markets  and  divide  the  trade  with  them 
would  mean  that  we  could  profitably  sell  side  by  side  with  them  at  their 
minimum  price. 

"First,  then,  to  retain  our  own  market  under  the  Democratic  system  of 
raising  revenue,  by  removing  all  protection,  would  require  our  producers  to 
sell  at  as  low  a  price  and  upon  as  favorable  terms  as  our  foreign  competitors. 
How  could  that  be  done?  In  one  way  only — by  producing  as  cheaply  as 
those  who  would  seek  our  markets.  What  would  that  entail?  An  entire 
revolution  in  the  methods  and  conduct  of  business  here,  a  leveling  down 
through  every  channel  to  the  lowest  line  of  our  competitors,  our  habits  of 
living  would  have  to  be  changed,  our  wages  cut  down  fifty  per  cent,  or  more, 
our  comfortable  homes  exchanged  for  hovels,  our  independence  yielded  up. 
our  citizenship  demoralized.  These  are  conditions  inseparable  to  free  trade : 
these  would  be  necessary,  ii  we  would  command  our  own  market  among  our 
own  people;  and  if  we  would  invade  the  world's  markets,  harsher  conditions 
and  greater  sacrifices  would  be  demanded  of  the  masses.  Talk  about  de- 
pression— we.  would  then  have  it  in  its  fulness.  We  would  revel  in  unre- 


luU  McKINLEY     IN     CONGRESS. 

strained  trade.  Everything'  would  indeed  be  cheap,  but  how  costly  when 
measured  by  the  degradation  which  would  ensue!  When  merchandise  is 
the  cheapest,  men  are  the  poorest;  and  the  most  distressing  experiences  in 
the  history  of  our  country — aye,  in  all  human  history — have  been  when 
everything  was  the  lowest  and  cheapest  measured  by  gold,  for  everything 
was  the  highest  and  the  dearest  measured  by  labor.  We  have  no  wish  to 
adopt  the  conditions  of  other  nations.  Experience  has  demonstrated  that 
for  us  and  ours,  and  for  the  present  and  the  future,  the  protective  system 
meets  our  wants,  our  conditions,  promotes  the  national  design,  and  will  work 
out  our  destiny  better  than  any  other. 

"With  me,  this  position  is  a  deep  conviction,  not  a  theory.  I  believe  in 
it  and  thus  warmly  advocate  it,  because  enveloped  in  it  are  my  country's 
highest  development  and  greatest  prosperity;  out  of  it  come  the  greatest 
gains  to  the  people,  the  greatest  comforts  to  the  masses,  the  widest  encour- 
agement for  manly  aspirations,  with  the  largest  rewards,  dignifying  and 
elevating  our  citizenship,  upon  which  the  safety  and  purity  and  perma- 
nency of  our  political  system  depend." 

But  the  year  of  his  supreme  success  was  also  the  year  of  his  enemies* 
seeming  triumph.  His  congressional  district  in  Ohio,  three  times  vainly 
gerrymandered  with  the  aim  of  throwing  him  out,  had  finally  been  so  ar- 
ranged as  to  make  his  re-election  impossible.  It  was  the  end  of  his  career 
in  the  House.  Yet  it  was  only  the  vestibule  of  a  greater  eminence.  The 
people  of  Ohio  made  him  their  Governor.  And  when  the  lighter  duties  of 
four  years  in  the  state  executive  mansion  had  recuperated  his  powers,  the 
nation  made  him  its  candidate  for  President,  and  elected  him  on  an  issue 
that  meant  bravery,  progress  and  wise  statesmanship. 

This  closes  the  chapter  of  his  life  which  was  concerned  in  legislation.  It 
is  the  end  of  his  congressional  career.  If  any  man  shall  ask  what  was  the 
greatest  achievement  of  those  fourteen  years,  the  answer  must  be:  "William 
McKinley's  triumph  for  Protection!"  He  was  the  champion  of  that  doctrine, 
the  first  man  to  advocate  it  as  a  principle  to  be  preserved  until  the  need 
should  pass,  the  first  to  put  a  conscience  in  the  discussions  of  a  tariff.  And 
he  was'  without  exception,  the  ablest  man  that  ever  defended  it,  the  bravest 
man  that  ever  advocated  it,  the  most  successful  man  that  ever  supported  it. 
Protection  was  by  no  means  his  one  accomplishment.  He  was  active  in  all 
legislation,  neglectful  of  none.  But  his  position  on  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee,  so  long  held,  made  this  master  issue  his  chief  concern. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

McKINLEY'S  LIFE  WAS  PROTECTION'S  ERA. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  public  service  of  William  McKinley  began 
\vlch  the  rise  of  the  protective  era,  and  ended  with  the  passing  of  that  system 
as  a  dominant  and  paramount  policy  in  the  history  of  the  American  republic. 

His  life  embraces  the  era  of  protection  to  American  industry.  As  he 
waj  its  most  sagacious  and  successful  champion,  as  he  in  his  labors  expressed 
that  thought  as  the  controlling  motive  in  governmental  policy,  so  his  death 
falls  in  the  year  when  a  protective  tariff  is  recognized  on  all  hands  as  having 
accomplished  its  great  and  useful  mission.  And  the  passing  of  McKinley 
is  the  retiring-time  of  that  issue  which  has,  more  than  anything  else,  made 
a  mighty  nation  on  the  western  continent. 

It  may  bf,  fairly  said  that  there  was  no  protective  tariff,  as  such,  until 
the  close  of  tl'xc  war.  Such  efforts  in  that  direction  as  had  been  made  under 
the  leadership  of  Henry  Gay  and  the  earlier  theorists  among  statesmen 
never  rose  to  t>«  magnitude  of  impressing  a  national  policy,  for  the  reason 
that  the  country  was  not  ripe  for  them.  In  that  formative  period  which  pre- 
ceded the  election  of  Lincoln,  men  might  speculate  and  debate  and  prophesy 
about  free  trade  -<nd  protection,  but  the  Union  as  a  nation  was  growing: 
and  it  needed  the  j'reat  issue  no  more  than  a  boy  of  fifteen  needs  the  book 
called  "Every  JVlaii  His  Own  Lawyer."  The  nation  was  growing.  It  wanted 
farmers  to  broaden  the  plowland  area,  to  lay  the  wide  and  deep  foundation 
of  agriculture,  which  must  be  the  first  step  toward  the  construction  of  a 
great  and  permanent  country. 

Of  course  the  Mo  trill  tariff  bill  was  not  a  measure  of  protection.  It 
was  a  war  measure.  The  question  of  economics  was  by  no  means  neces- 
sary, and  by  no  means  Invoked  in  that  debate  which  preceded  the  enactment 
of  the  great  tariff  meayire  of  1861,  or  the  supplementary  bills  which  suc- 
ceeded it  in  the  process  of  raising  revenue  for  the  struggling  nation.  But 
when  the  war  was  over  *nen  of  all  parties  and  of  every  section  were  face  to 
face  with  the  greatest  problem  that  has  ever  affected  civil  government. 

The  time  had  come  when  a  burdened  people  demanded  a  reduction  of 
taxes.  It  was  no  wonder.  They  had  suffered  grievously  and  with  a  splen- 
did patriotic  patience  throxigh  four  years  of  war;  had  paid  the  mighty  de- 

161 


102  McKINLEY'S   LIFE   WAS   PROTECTION'S   ERA. 

mands  of  a  government  which  needed  the  sacrifices  of  its  people  if  it  were 
to  escape  sacrifice  itself,  and  now,  in  the  relaxation  which  followed  a  cli?- 
bandment  of  the  armies,  the  public  expected  a  lightening  of  their  burdens 

The  tendency  of  thoughtless  men  was  to  return  to  the  free  trade  sched- 
ules of  that  formative  period  when  the  God  of  Destinies  helped  the  farmer 
and  bade  the  manufacturer  "Wait!"  There  were  few  men  wise  enough  to 
see  the  peril  in  that  transition.  Lot  Morrill  had  said  the  tariff  was  a  war 
measure,  and  it  was.  But  free  trade  would  have  been  a  peace  measure  more 
disastrous  than  war.  And  Major  William  McKinley,  returning  from  four 
years*  service  for  a  nation  worth  saving,  knew  that  protection  was  none  the 
less  the  policy  demanded  by  all  the  best  interests  of  the  nation,  now  no  less 
than  when  the  national  expenses  were  millions  a  day. 

It  required  a  brave  man  to  face  the  storm  of  protest  against  a  policy 
of  protection,  and  an  able  man  to  prove  arguments  for  the  fortifying  of  that 
position.  But  William  McKinley  was  both  brave  and  capable,  and  he  was 
hardly  home  from  the  army  when  he  was  entangled  in  a  debate  with  a  free- 
trade  resident  of  Poland.  It  was  a  public  occasion,  and  the  speakers  were 
allowed  half  an  hour  each,  with  a  board  of  judges  to  decide  as  to  who  had 
won  the  debate.  No  election  or  other  observable  political  significance 
hung  on  the  issue,  but  none  the  less  it  was  a  notable  night,  a  stupendous 
incident  in  the  life  of  William  McKinley.  He  knew  the  nation  needed  a 
policy  of  protective  tariff  for  the  building  up  of  an  industrial  empire  on  the 
broad  and  deep  foundation  of  agriculture  which  three  quarters  of  a  century 
had  laid.  He  knew  that  the  time  had  come  when  the  mills  were  important 
if  the  nation  would  grow  strong" — and  that  the  mills  could  be  summoned 
into  existence  only  by  the  adoption  of  a  policy  of  encouragement  and  fos- 
tering care. 

So  far  as  the  decision  of  the  judges  was  concerned,  William  McKinley 
lost  the  debate.  Two  of  the  three  held  to  the  untaught  sentiment  that  free 
trade  was  holy  and  the  tariff  a  curse.  The  third  saw  and  apprehended  the 
logic  and  the  argument  of  Major  McKinley;  but  he  was  outvoted,  and  the 
public  decision  was  that  a  protective  tariff  was  impolitic  and  unjust,  and 
should  be  abandoned. 

Probably  no  event  in  the  life  of  this  advancing  young  man  is  more  im- 
portant than  that.  Probably  no  night  of  his  life  is  so  crowded  with  national 
interest  as  was  this  when  he  gave  his  mature  thought  and  the  rare  powers  of 
his  young  manhood  to  the  discussion  of  this  great  question.  He  could  easily 
smile  at  the  verdict  in  that  little  room,  in  that  little  Ohio  town  by  two  linle 


McKINLEY'S    LIFE    WAS   PROTECTION'S   ERA.  103 

men  who  arc  now  dead  and  forgotten.  For  he  knew  that  a  greater  verdict 
in  a  greater  arena,  by  a  nation  that  shall  never  die  and  be  forgotten,  would 
abundantly  and  triumphantly  and  gloriously  sustain  him. 

And  he  worked  harder  after  that,  finding  support  for  the  position  which 
he  recognized  as  essentially  right  and  wise.  He  had  enjoyed  debates  in  the 
old  days  of  his  boyhood,  of  his  school  and  college  experience;  and  now  he  felt 
the  impulse  of  a  national  summons  to  service  as  sacred  as  that  which  led 
liirn  into  the  career  of  a  soldier.  In  the  confusion  which  followed  war, 
men  of  all  parties  and  from  every  part  of  the  nation,  and  of  every  degree  of 
influence,  were  either  openly  declaring  or  tacitly  confessing  that  the  pro- 
tective tariff  must  and  would  be  repealed.  There  was  an  element  wise  as 
McKinley,  which  recognized  the  error  of  the  doctrine,  but  there  were  very 
few  as  brave.  And  the  result  was  that  in  the  first  ten  years  after  the  war  a 
public  sentiment  was  formed  which  led  inevitably  toward  absolute  free  trade. 
And  even  twenty  years  after  the  war  the  courage  of  this  strong  young  son 
of  Ohio  was  so  largely  wanting  in  the  public  men  of  his  party  that  they 
dodged  the  issue;  that  they  continued  to  promise  a  reduction  or  a  repeal; 
that  they  appointed  by  presidential  act,  authorized  by  congressional  action 
a  tariff  commission  which  should  devise  ways  and  means  for  the  reduction  or 
obliteration  of  the  protective  tariff.  It  is  small  credit  to  those  men  to  add 
that  the  general  motive  was  delay — temporizing;  that  they  felt  the  wisdom 
of  retaining  the  protective  feature,  and  hoped  "something  would  happen" 
to  convince  the  country  without  sacrificing  the  growing  industries.  Braver 
men  would  have  faced  the  truth  as  William  McKinley  faced  it,  and  have 
fought  for  a  high  protective  policy  as  a  matter  of  principle. 

Meantime,  he  went  to  the  Albany  Law  School;  for  he  had  resisted  the 
temptation  to  adopt  a  military  life,  and  had  declined  with  thanks  the  offer 
of  a  commission  in  the  regular  army.  And  at  the  Albany  Law  School  he 
studied  with  diligence,  and  fitted  himself  for  the  successful  career  at.  the 
bar,  and  for  that  wider  career  as  an  advocate  in  the  court  of  the  nation, 
toward  which  he  had  been  unwaveringly  moving  from  his  earliest  boyhood. 

He  came  back  from  the  institution  which  had  developed  the  talents  of 
some  of  America's  ablest  jurists,  and  looked  about  him  for  a  good  location. 
He  chose  Canton,  the  seat  of  Stark  County,  as  offering  the  best  opportuni- 
ties for  a  young  lawyer.  And  because  he  had  been  a  soldier,  because  he 
was  as  modest  as  able,  and  as  industrious  as  orderly,  he  received  recognition 
at  the  hands  of  that  portion  of  the  public  which  finds  litigation  necessary. 

He  had  all  his  life  kept  up  his  connection  with  the  Methodist  Church, 


1G-1  McKINLEY'S  LIFE  WAS  PROTECTION'S   ERA. 

and  the  denomination  at  Canton  was  in  a  flourishing1  condition.  He  was 
possessed  of  a  pleasing  address,  and  easily  made  and  retained  friendships. 
He  was  a  Republican,  and  while  never  fanatical,  regarded  the  success  of 
that  party  as  best  for  the  prosperity  of  the  nation.  And  as  he  was  in  all 
ways  deserving,  he  won  favor  in  the  eyes  of  Stark  County  Republicans.  The 
county  was  Democratic  by  more  than  a  thousand  majority.  But  when  the 
county  convention  was  held  at  Canton  in  1868,  William  McKinley,  "as  a 
mark  of  recognition,"  was  placed  upon  the  ticket  as  a  candidate  for  prose- 
cuting attorney. 

And  he  was  elected.  He  had  a  genius  for  politics,  and  became  a  cam- 
paigner whom  his  political  opponents  recognized  as  embodying  danger  to 
him.  So,  when  he  had  completed  his  first  term,  and  was  honored  by  his 
party  with  a  renomination,  the  opposing  forces  perfected  their  lines,  and 
he  was  defeated  at  the  polls.  That  year  of  1870  was  not  a  Republican  year  in 
Ohio-,  anyway.  It  certainly  was  not  a  favorable  time  for  a  young  man  of 
ability,  who  sturdily  held  that  the  policy  of  a  protective  tariff  was  theoreti- 
cally right  and  practically  a  national  necessity.  So  he  continued  his  private 
practice  after  the  expiration  of  his  term. 

In  1871  William  McKinley  was  married.  His  wife  was  the  young  and 
beautiful  daughter  of  J.  A.  Saxton,  editor  of  the  Canton  Repository,  a  weekly 
newspaper,  who  had  made  enough  money  out  of  his  business,  and  out  of 
his  talent  for  trading"  and  real  estate  speculation,  to  establish  a  bank  in  the 
thriving  and  growing  town.  The  daughter,  Miss  Ida  Saxton,  had  received 
a  good  education,  had  enjoyed  all  the  advantages  that  a  prosperous  and 
generous  father  could  provide,  and  had  traveled  abroad,  which  was  an  unu- 
sual privilege  even  for  wealthy  women  in  the  middle  west.  Two  children, 
both  daughters,  were  born  of  this  union,  but  the  privilege  of  bringing  them 
up  was  denied  the  man  who  in  all  else  realized  the  accomplishment  of  all  his 
purposes.  For  the  children  died. 

But  it  was  a  natural  outgrowth  of  this  period  of  his  life  that  William  Mc- 
Kinley should  follow  with  a  still  mor^  assiduous  energy  the  path  opening 
before  him.  And  in  1876  he  had  won  a  place  of  sufficient  prominence  in 
the  party  to  be  nominated  for  congress.  It  was  the  old  Eighteenth  district, 
and  was  represented  by  L.  D.  Woodsworth,  of  Mahoning,  a  strong  Demo- 
crat and  an  able  man.  But  his  young  rival  had  won  a  host  of  friends  in 
Stark  County.  He  could  "carry  his  own  party"  to  the  last  man.  And  there 
were  hundreds  of  Democrats  who,  on  personal  grounds,  gave  him  their 
support.  Added  to  that,  Poland  was  in  the  second  county  of  his  district, 


McKIXLEY'S  LIFE  WAS  PROTECTION'S   ERA.  165 

and  Poland  people  without  regard  to  politics,  had  a  pride  in  William  Mc- 
Kinley.  He  had  been  one  of  them.  He  had  gone  to  the  war  from  their  town. 
He  had  come  back  there  on  his  furloughs  through  the  four  busy  years.  And 
he  had  lived  among  them  after  laying  down  the  sword  and  uniform  of  a 
soldier,  preparing  himself  for  that  wider  field  to  which  they  knew  they  must 
resign  him.  And  so  Poland  people  were  for  William  McKinley;  and  the 
Democratic  majority  of  1872  was  more  than  erased.  For  William  McKinley 
was  elected  congressman  by  a  majority  of  1,300.  And  his  career  as  a  states- 
man had  begun. 

'Probably  no  one  thing  contributed  so  much  to  his  success  in  this  instance 
as  the  rise  and  development  of  manufacturing  interests  in  and  about  his 
home.  Because  of  the  encouragement  afforded  by  the  protective  tariff,  the 
mills  there  had  started;  and  already  the  impetus  of  a  wise  economic  policy 
was  felt  in  his  native  state.  And  he  had  but  to  point  to  the  smoke  from 
multiplied  chimneys,  to  summon  the  laboring  men  who  were  busy  and  well 
paid,  to  remind  the  farmers  of  their  better  market  and  higher  prices — he 
had  but  to  present  these,  his  credentials,  and  his  fight  was  won.  He  was 
a  young  man. — a  congressman  at  thirty-three.  But  he  was  recognized  from 
the  first  as  one  of  the  best  informed  and  least  timid  of  the  advocates  of  the 
Republican  policies.  James  A.  Garfield  was  the  member  of  the  Ways  and 
Means  committee  from  Ohio,  and  the  younger  man  was  at  first  assigned 
to  positions  of  less  importance.  But  there  never  was  'an  hour  from  William 
McKinley's  appearance  on  the  floor  of  the  House  at  Washington  when  his 
counsel  was  not  sought.  Fresh  from  the  people,  rooted  and  grounded  in 
the  soundest  policy,  able  to  express  himself  in  a  forcible,  convincing  and 
yet  pleasing  manner,  he  occupied  from  the  start  a  position  of  importance  in 
congressional  circles. 

So  that  it  was  with  a  sense  of  genuine  loss  that  his  confreres  learned  he 
had  failed  of  re-election  in  1878.  But  the  Ohio  legislature: was  Democratic 
at  the  time,  and  it  redistricted  the  state,  so  that  Stark  County  was  placed 
in  a  district  hopelessly  opposed  in  politics;  and  he  could  but  make  a  losing 
fight. 

Yet  the  hope  that  this  rising  prophet  of  protection  for  protection's  sake 
was  removed  from  the  field  of  political  activity  was  destined  to  disappoint- 
ment. In  1880  he  accomplished  the  impossible,  and  was  returned  to  Con- 
gress, where  he  resumed  his  labors,  and  renewed  his  march  to  the  very 
leadership  of  the  greatest  legislative  body  in  the  world.  In  1882  he  was 
re-elected,  but  by  only  eight  votes.  And  it  will  be  remembered  that  1882 


ItiC,  McKIXLEY'S   LIFE   WAS   PROTECTION'S    ERA. 

was  not  a  Republican  year.  The  Republicans,  on  the  one  great  national 
policy  which  should  have  inspired  them,  were  apologetic,  defensive,  full  of 
excuses  and  promises.  They  could  not  catch  the  bravery  of  William  Me- 
Kinley's  policy,  nor  adopt  the  frank  straightforwardness  which  seemed  to 
him  not  only  the  best  policy  but  the  most  creditable  statesmanship.  And 
in  1882  the  Democrats,  rising  to  a  courage  and  vigor  hardly  to  be  expected 
and  rarely  found  in  that  organization,  with  a  unity  of  purpose  in  its  assaults 
on  the  tariff,  had  carried  the  country  by  storm.  Cleveland  was  made  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York  State  by  the  astounding  majority  of  192,000  against 
Folger,  a  consistent  Republican  of  the  most  unexceptional  character.  Fac- 
tional quarrels  between  the  "Stalwart"  and  "Mugwump"  branches  of  the 
party  had  given  the  opposition  its  opportunity.  Congress  was  Democratic, 
and  McKinley's  opponent  in  the  campaign  of  1882  brought  a  contest  into  the 
house,  for  the  elimination  of  those  eight  votes.  And  toward  the  end  of  the 
session  the  Canton  man  was  unseated,  and  his  place  was  given  to  th'  .Dem- 
ocrat. 

But  it  was  the  destiny  of  this  man  to  do  a  great  national  work,  to  correct 
the  national  conscience,  to  fix  a  national  policy  of  economic  truth.  And 
when  his  party  in  the  Eighteenth  district  met  in  congressional  convention  in 
1884  no  name  but  that  of  "Major  McKinley"  was  thought  of.  He  was 
elected  by  the  greatest  majority  ever  accorded  to  a  candidate  there.  He 
remained  in  the  House  through  the  Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth  and  Fifty-first  Con- 
gresses. In  1890  his  district  had  again  been  gerrymandered  with  a  view  to 
his  overthrow,  and  he  was  defeated  at  the  polls  for  the  Fifty-second. 

But  his  work  in  the  Lower  House  was  done,  and  nothing  could  undo  it. 
He  had  made  a  record  as  the  champion  of  the  protective  tariff,  had  called 
back  the  leaders  of  his  party  to  their  duty,  and  had  reinspired  them  with  a 
courage  which  has  never  since  faltered  nor  diminished.  In  his  second  term 
he  made  a  national  reputation  as  a  tariff  debater,  and  when  James  A.  Gar- 
field  was  advanced  from  the  House,  William  McKinley  succeeded  him  on 
the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  the  most  valuable  man  on  the  most  im- 
portant group  of  men  in  the  nation. 

In  1882  he  began  a  systematic  movement  for  the  enactment  of  a  tariff 
law  which  should  be  the  expression  of  "the  American  idea,"  and  four  years 
later  that  idea  took  form  and  effectiveness  in  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  which 
went  into  effect  Oct.  6,  1886. 

His  enemies  tried  to  see  the  rejection  of  his  policy  when  he  was  defeated 
for  re-election,  after  his  bill  became  a  law;  but  his  return  to  Congress  two 


McKiXLEY'S    LIFE    WAS   PROTECTION'S    ERA.  107 

years  later  was  sufficient  answer  to  that.  And  the  law  which  he  imprinted 
on  the  statute  books  of  the  nation  was  the  crystallization  of  his  people's 
sober  judgment  as  to  a  national  policy,  as  to  the  wisest  course  in  an  economic 
system. 

Remember  that  no  tariff  before  that  of  the  bill  of  1890  had  been  openly 
and  frankly  advocated  and  adopted  as  an  expression  of  the  policy  of  pro- 
tection to  American  industries.  Every  other  bill  of  like  nature  had  been 
devised  with  a  view  to  raising  revenue  simply.  Protection,  the  encourage- 
ment of  industries,  was  a  mere  incident. 

But  this  man  stood  for  the  policy  which,  he  was  confident,  would  bring- 
the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number;  would,  both  for  the  present  and 
the  future,  be  of  most  benefit  to  the  nation. 

The  two  systems  are  essentially  different,  though  the  purpose  in  each 
case,  both  by  protectionists  and  free  traders,  was,  of  course,  the  good  of  the 
country.  The  aim  of  all  men  contending  in  that  twenty-year  debate  was  to 
achieve  the  best  results  for  the  people  of  the  United  States.  But  the  forces 
for  which  William  McKinley  spoke  held  that  the  era  of  agriculture  had 
passed,  and  that,  while  the  farming  interests  might  in  no  wise  be  neglected, 
the  period  of  the  factory  had  arrived..  This  man  recognized  the  fact 
that  a  nation  has  definite  eras  in  its  life,  as  there  are  distinctive  periods  in 
the  life  of  a  man.  St.  Paul  said:  "When  I  was  a  child,  I  thought  as  a  child. 
But  now  I  am  a  man,  and  have  put  away  childish  things."  The  childish 
things  are  none  the  less  needful  and  important  IN  THAT  PERIOD;  but 
when  another  period  comes  a  different  treatment  will  appeal.  And  as  the 
ante-bellum  era  was  the  era  of  opening  the  new  land,  of  reducing  the  forests 
and  reclaiming  the  prairies,  so  now  had  arrived  the  era  of  manufacturing  the 
raw  material  produced.  And  for  this  era  of  the  mills,  a  protective  tariff  was 
an  absolute  essential. 

That  bill  increased  the  tariff  rate  on  most  articles  of  foreign  manufacture, 
with  a  view  to  discourage  their  importation  and  insure  a  market  for  the 
goods  of  American  making.  It  was  prophesied  by  his  opponents  that  the 
result  of  that  bill,  which  went  into  effect  in  1890,  would  be  the  instant  paraly- 
sis of  all  the  industries  of  the  nation,  the  crushing  of  labor  and  the  impover- 
ishment of  trade.  But  an  exactly  opposite  effect  resulted.  Though  the 
McKinley  bill  was  permitted  to  remain  in  its  entirety  through  but  four  years 
of  life,  the  industrial  interests  of  the  nation  went  forward  with  an  amazing 
advance,  and  the  material  wealth  of  the  country — farming,  manufacturing. 


108  McKlXLEY'S   LIFE   WAS   PROTECTION'S   ER£. 

labor,  both  skilled  and  unskilled,  together  with  commerce  by  both  land  and 
sea — was  vastly  increased.  It  was  the  master  work  of  William  McKinley's 
life.  It  was  the  crowning  achievement  of  his  labors.  It  was  the  expression 
of  his  best  statesmanship.  It  stands  to-day  and  it  will  stand  to  the  end  of 
time  as  the  wisest  revenue  measure  within  the  possible  power  of  the  coun- 
try's securing.  He  had  fixed  upon  the  world  a  recognition  of  "the  American 
policy."  And  the  commerce  of  the  world  demonstrates  to-day  the  wisdom 
of  that  schedule. 

It  was  said  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter  that  William  McKinley's 
public  life  embraced  the  whole  era  of  protection.  It  began  with  his  first 
election  to  Congress.  It  closed  with  the  sudden  and  lamentable  closing  of 
his  career  by  the  bullet  of  an  assassin  at  Buffalo.  The  existence  of  the  era 
of  protection  was  co-extensive  with  his  civil  service  to  the  nation.  It  is 
identified  with  him,  and  will  so  remain  forever.  When  the  passing  years 
evolved  new  issues — when  "new  occasions  brought  new  duties" — William 
McKinley  was  ready  for  them.  He  had  finished  his  earlier  work,  and  was 
ready  for  the  newer  demands. 

No  one  who  witnessed  that  session  of  the  House  in  1890,  when  William 
McKinley  was  at  the  height  of  his  congressional  career,  .and  no  one  who 
followed  the  published  accounts  of  it  can  ever  forget  the  great  occasion. 
The  sentiment  in  favor  of  protection  was  clearly  the  dominant  sentiment  of 
the  nation.  But  there  were  conflicting  interests.  And  the  man's  masterly 
leadership  was  never  more  signally  shown  than  when  he  won  over  all  opposi- 
tion within  his  party  by  summoning  representatives  of  each  industry,  and 
skillfully  guiding  them  into  agreement  upon  a  series  of  schedules  which 
should  be  fair  to  all  interests,  and  just  to  the  people  of  the  country.  That 
essential  unity  of  support  having  been  secured,  the  McKinley  bill  became  a 
law.  Men  said  no  agreement  could  be  arrived  at — that  the  rival  interests 
were  too  strong  and  insistent  to  be  adjusted.  But  the  man  who  saw  in  1866 
the  justness  and  wisdom  of  tariff  protection  as  a  national  policy,  won  in 
1890  the  victory  toward  which  his  best  abilities  had  been  guiding  him  for 
twenty-four  years. 

Ten  years  more,  and  the  policy  he  had  supported,  defended  and  glorified 
with  his  genius  had  accomplished  its  work.  And  with  the  transition  into 
another  era,  this  great  man  .laid  down  his  life. 

There  is  something  approaching  the  sacred  in  that  view  of  the  case  which 
marks  him  as  the  alpha  and  omega,  the  beginning  and  the  end,  the  prophet 
and  the  champion  of  "the  American  system." 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
McKINLEY  AS  GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO. 

Major  McKinley's  defeat  for  Congress  in  1890  resulted  in  his  nomination 
snd  triumphant  election  as  governor  of  the  State  of  Ohio.  The  passage  of 
the  "McKinley  Bill"  made  the  major  the  target  for  the  vilest  abuse  from  the 
free  traders  of  the  country,  and  from  those  whose  mental  range  would  never 
qualify  them  to  judge  of  statecraft.  But  at  the  same  time  it  stimulated  his 
friends  in  his  own  State,  and  they  determined  not  to  lose  his  valuable  serv- 
ices. The  Republican  press  of  the  State  clamored  for  his  election  as  gov- 
ernor, and  the  Republican  papers  of  other  States  agreed  that  no  more  fitting 
reward  could  be  bestowed  on  Major  McKinley  than  to  make  him  chief  execu- 
tive of  his  State. 

When  the  matter  was  broached  to  Major  McKinley  he  expressed  his  will- 
ingness to  accept  the  nomination  for  the  office  if  it  came  spontaneously,  but 
declared  he  would  not  enter  into  a  contest  for  the  honor.  Though  Ohio  had 
numerous  distinguished  sons,  many  of  whom  were  deserving  of  reward  at  the 
hands  of  the  electors,  there  was  really  only  one  candidate  for  governor  before 
the  Republican  convention,  which  was  held  in  June,  1891.  Major  McKinley 
was  nominated  by  acclamation,  and  he  began  a  campaign  that  was  typical 
of  the  man.  He  proposed  that  everybody  should  be  informed  on  the  eco- 
nomic questions  of  the  day,  and  that  every  argument  in  opposition  to  the 
expediency  and  justice  of  the  McKinley  bill  should  be  fairly  met.  With  this 
object  in  view  he  started  on  a  campaign  of  education,  and  during  the  can- 
vass spoke  in  86  out  of  88  counties  in  the  State.  He  made  130  speeches  and 
won  the  admiration  of  Democrats  as  well  as  the  heartiest  support  of  his  party- 
followers. 

In  one  of  his  speeches,  while  discussing  the  McKinley  bill,  he  said: 

'The  law  of  1890  was  enacted  for  the  American  people  and  the  American 
home.  Whatever  mistakes  were  made  in  it  were  all  made  in  favor  of  the  oc- 
cupations and  the  firesides  of  the  American  people.  It  didn't  take  away  a 
single  day's  work  from  a  solitary  American  workingman.  It  gave  work  and 
wages  to  all  such  as  they  had  never  had  before.  It  did  it  by  establishing  new 
and  great  industries  in  this  country,  which  increased  the  demand  for  the  skill 
and  handiwork  of  our  laborers  everywhere.  It  had  no  friends  in  Europe.  It 

169 


HO  McKINLEY   AS   GOVERNOR   OF   OHIO. 

gave  their  industries  no  stimulus.  It  gave  no  employment  to  their  labor  at 
the  expense  of  our  own. 

"During  more  than  two  years  of  the  administration  of  President  Harri- 
son, and  down  to  its  end,  it  raised  all  the  revenue  necessary  to  pay  the  vast 
expenditures  of  the  government,  including  the  interest  on  the  public  debt 
and  the  pensions.  It  never  encroached  upon  the  gold  reserve,  which  in  the 
past  had  always  been  sacredly  preserved  for  the  redemption  of  outstanding 
paper  obligations  of  the  government. 

"During  all  its  operations  down  to  the  change  and  reversal  of  its  policy 
by  the  election  of  1892,  no  man  can  assert  that  in  the  industries  affected  by  it 
wages  were  too  high,  although  they  were  higher  than  ever  before  in  this  or 
any  other  country.  If  any  such  can  be  found,  I  beg  that  they  be  named.  I 
challenge  the  enemies  of  the  law  of  1890  to  name  a  single  industry  of  that 
kind.  Further,  I  assert  that  on  the  industries  affected  by  that  law,  which 
that  law  fostered,  no  American  consumer  suffered  by  the  increased  cost  of 
any  home  products  that  he  bought.  He  never  bought  them  so  low  before, 
nor  did  he  ever  enjoy  the  benefit  of  so  much  open,  free,  home  competition. 
Neither  producer  nor  consumer,  employer  or  employe  suffered  by  that  law."' 
As  governor  of  the  State,  Major  McKinley  was  animated  by  the  broadest 
and  most  patriotic  motives.  His  long  legislative  experience  had  equipped 
him  admirably  to  meet  the  responsibilities  of  his  office,  and  to  its  duties  he 
gave  the  same  painstaking  care  that  marked  his  career  as  Congressman. 
When  his  first  term  as  governor  was  drawing  to  a  close,  the  Republicans  re- 
nominated  him,  and  after  a  vigorous  and  exciting  campaign  he  was  re-elected 
by  a  majority  of  80,000  votes. 

During  his  incumbency  as  chief  executive  of  Ohio,  Major  McKinley  en- 
deavored to  improve  in  every  way  the  institutions  of  the  State,  to  accelerate 
industry,  and  to  conserve  in  every  way  the  interests  of  the  people.  The  canal 
interests  of  the  State  were  improved;  tax  reforms  agitated,  and  brought  to 
the  attention  of  the  legislature;  labor  questions  received  his  earnest  attention, 
and  through  his  initiative  the  State  Board  of  Arbitration  was  established  in 
Ohio.  Laws  providing  for  the  better  protection  of  the  lives  and  limbs  of 
those  engaged  in  industrial  pursuits  were  passed  during  his  rule. 

His  sympathy  with  the  just  complaints  of  the  workingmen  was  further 
exemplified  by  his  use  of  tlje  State  troops  in  turbulent  periods.  Many  times 
during  his  term  of  office  it  became  necessary  to  call  out  the  militia  to  quell 
disturbances  and  to  maintain  order,  but  never  was  any  abuse  of  power  per- 
mitted. During  the  great  railroad  strike,  sometimes  called  the  "Debs  Rebel- 


McKlXLi;V    AS    GOVERNOR    OF    OHIO.  171 

lion,"  which  occurred  in  1894,  the  State  troops  were  on  duty  for  three  weeks 
guarding  property  and  protecting  citizens.  There  was  at  no  time  on  the  part 
of  the  soldiers  any  undue  display  of  authority,  nor  any  oppression  of  the  strik- 
ers. The  governor  had  long  before  given  evidence  of  his  honest  regard  for  the 
welfare  of  the  workingman.  As  early  as  1886,  when  the  O'Neill  bill  for  the 
adjustment  of  controversies  between  inter-State  common  carriers  and  their  em- 
ployes by  arbitration  was  before  the  House  of  Representatives,  he  said,  speak- 
ing on  the  subject: 

"I  believe  in  the  principle  and  tendency  of  the  bill.  It  confers  no  rights 
or  privileges  touching  arbitration  which  are  not  now  enjoyed  by  common  car- 
riers and  those  engaged  in  their  service.  It  leaves  them  where  it  finds  them, 
with  the  right  of  voluntary  arbitration  to  settle  their  differences  through  a 
peaceful,  orderly  tribunal  of  their  own  selection.  It  only  follows  the  principle 
recognized  in  many  States  of  the  Union,  notably  in'  Ohio  and  Massachusetts, 
and  gives  national  sanction  and  encouragement  to  a  mode  of  settlement  of 
grievances  between  employer  and  employe  which  is  approved  by  the  best  judg- 
ment of  the  country  and  the  enlightened  sentiment  of  all  civilized  people. 
While  the  bill  does  not  compel  arbitration,  its  passage  here  will  not  be  without 
influence  as  a  legislative  suggestion  in  commending  the  principle  to  both  capital 
and  labor  as  the  best  and  most  economic  way  of  composing  differences  and  set- 
tling disagreements,  which  experience,  has  uniformly  shown,  in  the  absence  of 
an  amicable  adjustment,  results  in  loss  to  all  classes  of  the  community,  and  to 
none  more  than  i  '-«  workingmen  themselves.  If  by  the  passage  of  this  sim- 
ple measure  arbitration  as  a  system  shall  be  aided  to  the  slightest  extent  or  ad- 
vanced in  private  and  public  favor,  or  if  it  shall  serve  to  attract  the  thoughtful 
attention  of  the  people  to  the  subject,  much  will  have  been  accomplished  for 
the  good  order  of  our  communities  and  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the 
people.'' 

He  declared  that  the  bill  placed  both  parties  on  an  equality,  in  pursuing  an 
investigation,  and  permitted  the  humblest  and  poorest  to  send  for  persons  and 
papers  "without  incurring  an  expense  which  very  often  they  can  illy  bear."  He 
closed  his  speech  as  follows  : 

"I  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  arbitration  as  a  principle.  I  believe  it  should 
prevail  in  the  settlement  of  international  differences.  It  represents  a  higher 
civilization  than  the  arbitrament  of  war.  I  believe  it  is  in  close  accord  with  the 
test  thought  and  sentiment  of  mankind ;  I  believe  it  is  the  true  way  of  settling 
the  differences  between  labor  and  capital ;  I  believe  it  will  bring  both  to  a  better 
understanding,  uniting  them  closer  in  interests,  and  promoting  better  relations, 


172  McKIXLEY   AS    GOVERNOR   OF   OHIO. 

avoiding  force,  avoiding  unjust  exactions  and  oppression,  avoiding  loss  of 
earnings  to  labor,  avoiding  disturbances  to  trade  and  transportation ;  and  if  this 
House  can  contribute  in  the  smallest  measure,  by  legislative  expression  or 
otherwise,  to  these  ends,  it  will  deserve  and  receive  the  gratitude  of  all  men  who 
love  peace,  good  order,  justice  and  fair  play." 

The  bill  was  passed  with  amendments  which  made  it  conform  more  fully 
than  it  did  originally  to  the  views  of  Major  McKinley. 

It  was  logical  to  assume  therefore  that  as  governor  he  would  give  to  work- 
ingmen  in  all  their  acts  the  largest  license  which  the  security  of  society  would 
permit.  During  the  trying  days  of  the  summer  of  1894  it  is  related  that  a  man 
who  employed  a  large  number  of  men  went  to  the  governor  and  inquired  what 
he  would  do  about  ordering  out  the  militia  in  case  certain  contingencies  arose. 
Governor  McKinley  promptly  answered : 

"It  is  needless  to  ask  what  a  public  officer  in  Ohio  will  do.  He  does  hi> 
duty.  The  practical  question  is,  what  can  you  do,  and  what  will  your  em- 
ployes do,  what  can  we  all  do  properly,  to  divert  the  necessity  of  using  force  ? 
That  is  the  question  for  immediate  solution,  at  which  I  have  been  engaged 
for  some  days." 

The  same  day,  July  17,  1894,  there  was  a  meeting,  called  at  his  instance,  in 
the  governor's  office,  between  the  employer,  the  State  Board  of  Arbitration  and 
citizens  and  business  men  concerned.  Before  midnight  that  same  day  the  gov- 
ernor received  a  dispatch  from  Nelsonville,  the  headquarters  of  the  strikers,  an- 
nouncing the  end  of  the  great  American  Railway  Union  ^  .2  on  the  Hocking 
Valley  Railway. 

In  1895  he  gave  another  evidence  of  his  deep  concern  for  the  welfare  of  the 
workingmen.  January  7  of  that  year  the  Trades  and  Labor  Union  of  the 
Hocking  Valley  mining  district  held  a  meeting  at  Nelsonville  for  the  purpose 
of  effecting  an  organization  and  formulating  plans  for  the  relief  of  the  distress 
and  destitution  existing  among  the  miners  and  their  families.  For  months  the 
miners  had  been  at  war  with  their  employers,  and  the  continued  loss  of  income 
had  reduced  them  to  a  state  of  great  wretchedness.  A  memorial  was  adopted 
at  the  meeting  and  a  committee  appointed  to  present  it  to  the  governor.  They 
performed  the  duty  imposed  on  them,  and  the  governor,  after  hearing  what 
they  had  to  say,  requested  them  to  return  to  Nelsonville  and  ask  the  mayor  to 
call  a  meeting  of  citizens  to  consider  the  question  of  relief.  He  promised  that 
when  advised  of  the  result  of  that  meeting  he  would  take  immediate  action 
looking  to  the  carrying  out  of  their  wishes.  The  meeting  was  called,  and  the 
action  of  the  miners  at  their  previous  meeting  approved.  At  1 1 145  p.  m.,  Janu- 


McKIXLEY   AS    GOVERNOR   OF    OHIO.  173 

ary  9,  the  governor  received  a  message  from  the  chairman  of  the  Relief  Com- 
mittee, saying*:  "Immediate  relief  needed."  He  at  once  sent  messengers  to  the 
proprietor  of  a  wholesale  grocery,  a  dealer  in  vegetables,  flour,  etc.,  a  transfer 
company  and  the  officials  of  the  Hocking  Valley  Railroad  Company  to  meet 
him  immediately  at  his  rooms.  The  object  of  the  meeting  was  for  the  purchase 
of  a  carload  of  provisions  and  to  arrange  for  the  shipment  early  in  the  morning. 
The  supplies  were  purchased  and  loaded  in  the  car  before  5  o'clock  a.  m.,  and 
within  nine  hours  after  the  receipt  of  the  message  the  carload  of  provisions  was 
in  Nelsonville  ready  to  be  distributed  to  the  hungry. 

McKinley  not  only  purchased  the  supplies,  but  also  assumed  the  payment  of 
the  same.  It  was  not  his  purpose  to  ask  the  people  to  provide  for  the  payment 
of  this  car  of  provisions,  amounting  to  nearly  $1,000,  but  some  of  his  friends 
learned  that  he  had  assumed  the  obligation  and  they  at  once  took  the  matter  in 
hand  and  secured  from  State  officers  and  heads  of  departments  the  larger  pro- 
portion of  the  amount,  which  they  turned  over  to  him,  this  being  added  to  his 
own  liberal  subscription,  thus  meeting  the  obligation  assumed  by  him. 

Several  times  afterwards  he  was  called  upon  for  assistance,  and  he  re- 
sponded in  every  instance  with  alacrity.  He  was  called  away  from  the  capital 
on  seVeral  occasions  during  the  progress  of  the  relief  work,  but  each  time  before 
leaving  he  gave  positive  instructions  that  in  the  event  of  appeals  being  made 
for  help,  to  see  that  every  demand  was  met  and  not  allow  any  one  to  go  hungry. 
These  instructions  were  adhered  to,  and  the  chairman  of  the  General  Commit- 
tee reported  at  the  close  of  the  work  that  the  promptness  with  which  McKinley 
acted,  and  the  liberal  contributions  made,  prevented  hunger  and  suffering. 
The  result  of  his  efforts,  as  shown  by  the  report  of  the  chairman  of  the  Relief 
Committee,  was  that  2,723  miners  and  their  families  had  been  made  com- 
fortable at  an  expenditure  of  $32,796.95. 

Another  marked  characteristic  of  Governor  McKinley  vvas  his  respect  for 
law.  He  never  wavered  in  his  belief  in  the  institutions  of  his  country,  and  de- 
sired always  that  the  law  be  upheld,  and  that  every  man,  no  matter  how  hum- 
ble, or  for  what,  or  by  whom  accused,  should  have  the  benefit  of  all  the  safe- 
guards that  civilized  society  had  erected.  This  was  shown  in  October,  1894. 
during  a  lawless  outbreak  at  Washington  Court  House.  A  man  accused  of  a 
heinous  crime  had  been  apprehended,  tried  and  sentenced  to  undergo  the  full 
penalty  of  the  law.  He  was  in  jail  when  a  mob  gathered  for  the  purpose  of 
lynching  him.  The  militia  was  sent  to  the  scene  under  command  of  Colonel 
Coit  for  the  protection  of  the  prisoner,  and  the  preservation  of  order.  A  con- 
flict ensued  between  the  troops  and  the  populace,  and  three  people  were  killed. 


1T4  ,  McKIXLKY"    AS    GOVERNOR    OF    OHIO. 

At  once  a  great  cry  arose  against  Colonel  Coit,  the  claim  being  set  up  that  he 
should  not  have  allowed  his  men  to  fire.  A  court  was  ordered  to  inquire  i':to 
his  action,  and  he  was  exonerated.  The  governor  sustained  him  throughout, 
and  said  concerning  the  occurrence : 

"The  law  \vas  upheld  as  it  should  have  beeiVancl,  as  I  believe,  it  always  will 
be  in  Ohio — but  in  this  case  at  fearful  cost.  Much  as  the  destruction  of  life 
which  took  place  is  deplored  by  all  good  citizens,  and  much  as  we  sympathize 
with  those  who  suffered  in  this  most  unfortunate  affair,  surely  no  friend  of  law 
and  order  can  justly  condemn  the  National  Guard,  under  command  of  Colonel 
Coit,  for  having  performed  its  duty  fearlessly  and  faithfully,  and  in  the  face 
of  great  danger,  for  the  peace  and  dignity  and  honor  of  the  State. 

"Lynching  cannot  be  tolerated  in  Ohio.  The  law  of  the  State  must  be 
supreme  over  all,  and  the  agents  of  the  law-,  acting  within  the  law,  must  be 
sustained. 

"The  proceedings  and  findings  of  the  court  of  inquiry  have  been  carefully 
considered  by  me.  I  hereby  announce  my  approval  of  the  conclusions  of  said 
court,  which  find  that  Colonel  Coit  and  his  officers  and  enlisted  men  of  the 
Fourteenth  Infantry,  O.  N.  G.,  acted  with  prudence  and  judgment  and  within 
the  law,  supporting  the  civil  authority  of  Fayette  county,  and  in  the  aid  of  it, 
and  acting  in  pursuance  of  lawful  orders,  and  that  they  performed  their  duty 
with  singular  fidelity,  and  that  through  them  the  majesty  of  the  law  and  gov- 
ernment by  law  was  vindicated  and  sustained." 

Other  mobs  were  met  in  like  manner  by  the  governor,  and  it  became  known 
that  under  his  administration,  at  least,  there  could  be  no  recurrence  of  such 
scenes  as  had  been  witnessed  in  Cincinnati  ten  years  before,  when  an  unre- 
strained mob  burned  the  court  house,  destroyed  much  other  property,  and 
caused  the  sacrifice  of  many  lives  before  order  was  restored. 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  AS  GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

McKINLEY  AS  A  CAMPAIGNER. 

It  does  not  appear  that  William  McKinley,  at  the  beginning  of  his  career 
as  a  politician,  or  at  any  other  time  in  his  life,  endeavored  to  project  himself 
into  any  sort  of  leadership.  His  forcefulness  was  innate,  it  is  true,  but  the 
motive  power,  always,  that  surcharged  his  work  was  the  demand  of  occasion. 
When  he  became  a  candidate  for  Congress  for  the  first  time,  it  was  because 
he  was  needed  from  his  district  to  do  something.  That  he  did  earnestly, 
energetically  and  thoroughly  for  his  immediate  constituents.  But,  in  Con- 
gress, the  environment  of  national  affairs  brought  to  him  national  work.  It 
presented  itself  to  him  as  being  the  man  for  that,  and  he  took  it  up  with  the 
same  earnestness  of  purpose  and  the  same  commendable  self-reliance  that 
possessed  his  nature  in  all  things.  He  went  at  it  thinking  only  of  what  was 
needed,  his  duty  in  the  premises  being  a  matter  of  course,  just  as  he  quietly 
became  a  private  soldier  when  the  country  needed  every  able  bodied  and 
faithful  man  that  it  could  get  to  do  the  work  of  war. 

In  the  harness  McKinley  did,  simply,  always  that  which  was  for  the  best, 
as  he  saw  it,  and  always  in  the  strongest  and  best  manner  possible  to  him, 
and  his  career  has  exhibited  the  fact  that  what  he  thought  was  best,  and  what 
he  was  able  to  do,  was  ever  valuable  to  those  interests,  including  himself. 
In  this  he  exemplified  the  principle  that  to  do  right  is  to  do  that  which  is  for 
the  best. 

Being  in  politics  on  the  most  commendable  plane  McKinley  was  a  poli- 
tician of  shrewdness  without  cunning  and  he  campaigned  in  the  strongest 
way  without  descending  to  questionable  methods.  His  power  as  a  cam- 
paigner was  of  the  kind  that  does  its  work  steadily,  unfalteringly  and  irresist- 
ibly, straightforwardly  and  fairly. 

Thus,  in  1876,  when  McKinley  was  first  set  forth  as  a  candidate  for 
Congress,  he  had  three  rivals  from  his  own  county  for  the  nomination,  but 
the  choice  fell  upon  him  at  the  first  ballot,  over  all  other  candidates.  Being 
elected,  he  was  rechosen  at  each  recurring  convention  and  election  for  four- 
teen years,  and  always'  representing  the  district  in  which  his  county  was, 
though  it  was  not  always  the  same  district  otherwise,  for  his  opponents,  not 
relishing  the  prominent  and  important  place  that  he  had  taken  in  Congress, 

177 


178  McKINLEY   AS   A   CAMPAIGNER. 

gerrymandered  the  district  three  times  in  that  fourteen  years  hoping  thus  to 
defeat  him,  but  in  that  they  failed  signally  until  the  last  time  that  game  was 
played,  but  the  defeat  was  only  of  a  temporary  character  and  was  pitifully 
unsuccessful  in  keeping  McKinley  out  of  politics. 

The  first  attempt  to  change  the  McKinley  district  resulted  in  the  forma- 
tion of  a  district  that  would  have  naturally  presented  a  majority  for  the 
opposition  of  1,800.  But  this  McKinley  overcame  with  a  majority  of  1,30x3. 

In  1882,  when  McKinley's  party  suffered  everywhere  and  especially  in 
his  state,  this  resourceful  man  managed  nevertheless  to  hold  his  own  quite 
safely. 

In  1884  the  opposition  gerrymandered  the  district  again,  but  McKinley 
was  not  to  be  downed,  and  came  to  the  front  with  a  majority  of  1,500. 

In  1890,  the  very  year  in  which  the  McKinley  bill  became  a  law,  the  dis- 
trict being  again  gerrymandered,  and  Stark  County — that  in  which  Mc- 
Kinley lived — having  been  districted  with  other  counties  that  gave  a  ma- 
jority for  the  opposition  of  2,000,  and  McKinley's  opponent  being  ex- 
Lieutenant  Warwick,  a  prominent  and  exceedingly  popular  man,  in  the 
fierce  battle  that  ensued  McKinley  was  defeated  by  j63  votes.  The  figures 
showed,  however,  that  the  vote  was  the  fullest  ever  cast  in  the  counties  that 
now  composed  the  district,  and  that  McKinley  received  2,500  more  votes 
than  had  been  cast  for  President  Harrison  in  1888,  when  Harrison  was 
elected. 

This  defeat  took  McKinley  out  of  Congress,  but  not  out  of  public  life. 
McKinley  was  thirty-four  years  old  when  he  entered  Congress.  At  that  time 
Samuel  J.  Randall  was  the  Democratic  leader  and  Speaker  and  James  A. 
Garfield  at  the  head  of  the  Republicans.  The  new  Congressman  from  Ohio 
soon  attracted  attention,  and  when  he  left  the  House  fourteen  years  after- 
wards he  was  the  Republican  leader  by  virtue  of  his  position  as  chairman  of 
the  Ways  and  Means  Committee.  The  McKinley  bill,  which  in  the  latter 
capacity  he  urged  through  Congress,  at  first  met  with  disapproval  by  the 
people  and  was  practically  rejected  at  the  next  Presidential  election  when 
Cleveland  was  successful.  Four  years  afterward,  however,  the  voters  saw 
their  mistake  and  William  McKinley  was  elected  President  on  the  identical 
issue  which  it  was  supposed  had  ended  his  political  fortunes  in  1892. 

With  fair  intent,  youthful  ardor,  a  large  and  valuable  fund  of  informa- 
tion on  economic  problems,  painstaking  industry,  fidelity  to  political  convic- 
tions, commanding  address,  parliamentary  and  diplomatic  tact,  dignified 
demeanor  and  philosophic  turn,  Congress  was  a  wide  and  fertile  field  for 


McKINLEY   AS   A   CAMPAIGNER.  179 

the  work  of  William  McKinley.  Being  always  at  his  best,  because  of 
healthfulness  of  mind,  body  and  motive,  he  grew  rapidly  in  strength,  popu- 
larity and  respect  among  the  members  of  that  body,  and  especially  among 
his  party  associates.  The  appreciation  of  his  ability  and  industry  was  quickly 
and  continuously  illustrated  by  the  assignments  that  came  to  him  of  places 
upon  various  and  important  committees.  On  the  floor  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  he  took  rank  early  -in  his  membership  among  the  ablest 
debaters,  by  reason  of  his  sincere  interest  in  public  questions,  remarkable 
facility  and  power  in  the  marshalling  of  facts,  his  forceful 'logic,  fascinating 
rhetoric,  fairness  to  opposition,  freedom  from  excitement  and  bitterness, 
readiness  and  keenness  in  repartee  and  a  palpable  evidence  at  all  times  of 
cool  reserve  strength.  In  it  all,  however,  he  never  spoke  without  occasion 
nor  without  full  knowledge  of  his  subject.  He  ornamented  and  exhausted 
the  'subject  matter  with  which  he  happened  to  be  occupied.  Depth  and 
honesty  of  conviction  were  apparent  in  his  earnestness  and  his  expression, 
lucidity  of  thought  and  easy  clearness  of  detail  gave  delight  when  he  spoke 
to  friend  and  foes  alike. 

It  was  particularly  fortunate  to  Mr.  McKinley  and  the  country  that 
upon  entering  Congress  as  a  young  man  he  was  placed  upon  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee  that  proved  congenial  as  well  as  specially  adaptable  to 
him.  Here,  under  the  tutelage  of  such  chairmen  as  Kelley  and  Garfield,  it 
was  natural  that  with  his  bent  he  should  reach  the  chairmanship  of  that 
great  committee  himself.  It  was  thus  that  the  opportunity  came  to  him  for 
the  exercise  of  his  special  genius  In  tariff  matters.  His7 first  speech  in  Con- 
gress was  on  the  tariff  and  his  last  discussed  the  same  theme. 

From  the  beginning  of  his  public  career  McKinley  was  the  unfaltering, 
sturdy,  consistent  and  intelligent  advocate  of  the  principle  of  protection  to 
American  industries  by  tariff  duties  imposed  with  the  purpose  of  keeping  the 
cheap  labor  products  of  European  and  Asiatic  countries  out  of  our  vast  and 
desirable  American  markets.  He  was  not,  as  was  Garfield,  for  such  protec- 
tion as  would  lead  to  ultimate  free  trade.  He  believed  that  free  trade  is  a 
dream  of  theorists,  which  would  bring  industrial  ruin  and  poverty  to  the 
United  States  if  it  were  put  into  practice,  benefiting  no  class  but  the  import- 
ing merchants  of  the  seaboard  cities.  He  had  no  patience  with  tariffs  formed 
to  "afford  incidental  protection." 

Tariff  bills,  he  thought,  should  aim  primarily  at  protection,  and  tariff 
legislation  should  be  scientific  and  permanent,  with  a  view  to  the  continuous 
prosperity  of  the  industrial  classes.  This  was  the  chief  aim  of  the  McKinlev 


180  McKINLEY   AS   A   CAMPAIGNER. 

bill,  passed  when  he  was  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee.  No 
doubt  other  minds  in  both  House  and  Senate  helped  to  frame  that  measure, 
but  McKinley's  thought  and  work  were  on  every  page  of  it.  When  the 
Republican  party  was  defeated  in  1892,  largely  through  public  misapprehen- 
sion of  that  measure  and  before  it  had  received  a  fair  trial,  McKinley  was  one 
of  the  few  Republican  leaders  who  continued  to  breast  the  adverse  current 
and  who  never  faltered  a  moment  in  the  faith  that  the  tide  would  set  back  to 
protection. 

Others  wanted  to  change  front  and  abandon  the  high  protection  prin- 
ciple. He  refused,  and,  proceeded  to  realign  his  party  on  the  old  line  of 
battle.  He  set  out  to  educate  public  sentiment  anew,  and  during  his  memor- 
able stumping  tour  of  1894  he  made  367  speeches  and  spoke  in  the  States 
of  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  Kansas,  Nebraska,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  W'scon- 
sin,  Michigan,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  West 
Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  and  Ohio.  For  eight  weeks  he  averaged 
seven  speeches  a  day,  ranging  in  length  from  ten  minutes  to  an  hour. 

In  these  speeches  McKinley  addressed  himself  to  the  country  upon  the 
demerits  of  the  Wilson  tariff  bill,  then  on  its  passage,  which  had  been  de- 
nounced by  President  Cleveland,  who  belonged  to  the  same  political  party 
as  did  its  author,  and  who  was  of  the  opposite  political  party  to  that  of 
McKinley,  as  "a  product  of  perfidy  and  dishonor,"  but  who  permitted  it  to 
become  a  law  without  his  signature.  At  the  same  time  McKinley  spoke  in 
favor  of  the  underlying  principle  of  the  act  of  1880. 

This  latter  bill,  of  which  McKinley  was  the  father  and  which  bore  his 
name,  occupied  the  entire  time  of  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress, 
and  in  all  that  terrific  debate  McKinley  stood  as  the  special  champion  of  the 
measure.  Its  passage  was  a  monument  to  his  ability,  patience  and  endur- 
ance, and  to  his  great  power  as  a  debater. 

By  1884  he  had  won  the  title  of  "Champion  of  American  Protection," 
and  in  1888  his  committee  report  was  delivered,  which  headed  the  "Mills 
Tariff  Bill,"  and  that,  with  the  speech  delivered  by  McKinley  at  the  time, 
became  potent  factors  in  the  campaign  that  followed  and  in  which  Harrison 
was  elected  President  and  the  political  complexion  of  Congress  was  changed 
to  one  of  harmony  with  the  administration. 

After  his  defeat  for  Congress  McKinley  remained  quietly  at  his  home, 
where  he  was  again  called  from  its  privacy  to  consider  the  question  of  his 
nomination  for  the-  Governorship  of  Ohio.  Governor  Campbell  had  fre- 
quently boasted  that  he  had  made  Ohio  a  permanent  Democratic  State,  but 


McKINLEY  AS   A   CAMPAIGNER.  181 

McKinley  dispelled  his  illusion.  Tlie  Republican  State  convention  was  held 
at  Columbus  in  June,  1891,  and  at  it  William  McKinley  was  nominated 
Republican  candidate  for  the  Governorship,  and  the  following  November 
was  elected  Governor  by  21,000  majority. 

It  was  a  typical  "campaign  of  education"  that  McKinley  made  ,at  this 
time  and  in  it  he  visited  eighty-six  counties  and  delivered  one  hundred  and 
thirty  addresses.  In  all  of  that  arduous  campaign,  as  well  as  the  many 
others  that  he  made  during  his  political  life,  McKinley's  speeches  were 
always  models  of  unaffected  art.  There  was  never  anything  that  even,  so 
much  as  gave  a  hint  or  suggestion  of  "playing  to  the  gallery."  There  were 
no  funny  declamations,  no  pandering  to  anything  or  anybody.  He  stood 
strong,  self-reliant,  comfortably  poised,  well  at  ease;  he  spoke  with  an 
evenly-modulated  and  clear  voice;  his  enunciation  was  distinct  and  his 
words  short  and  simple.  There  was  truth  in  sentences  and  sincerity  in  his 
declarations.  Everybody  who  heard  him  believed  what  he  said.  He  had 
the  happy  faculty  of  talking  to  all  manner  of  persons  in  a  way  that  com- 
manded respect  with  awe.  He  was  easily  approached — made  those  who 
spoke  to  him  feel  "at  home."  He  gave  comradeship  naturally  and  com- 
manded perfect  respect  in  such  a  way  that  the  visitor,  the  highest  or  humb- 
lest, never  felt.  Beside  his  magnetism  as  a  politician  and  an  orator,  there 
was  a  personal  charm  about  the  man  that  made  him  as  attractive  to  the  many 
as  he  was  admirable  as  a  leader  among  his  partisans.  He  won  distinction  for 
his  uniform  courtesy  to  men  and  deference  to  women.  He  had  the  same 
power  to  win  men  to  him  that  Napoleon  had  in  making  himself  the  idol  of 
his  soldiers.  Simple  in  his  tastes,  quiet  in  his  manner,  firm  in  his  stand  for  a 
principle  he  believed  to  be  right,  he  was  ever  the  most  courteous  of  men  in 
public  life.  He  made  few  enemies  and  held  all  of  his  friends.  His  patience 
was  equal  to  his  physical  endurance  and  he  could  travel,  speak,  shake  -hands 
all  day  and  yet  sit  down  in  the  evening  and  explain  to  an  associate  the  mys- 
teries or  intricacies  of  a  tariff  schedule  or  be  a  charming  companion  in  a 
social  circle.  But  in  all  his  sociability  there  was  a  purity  of  speech  and 
thought  that  made  it  impossible  for  even  a  thoughtless  man  of  rough  habits 
to  introduce  a  suggestion  of  coarseness,  profanity  or  vulgarity  into  the  con- 
versation. 

In  all  of  the  trials  of  his  political  and  official  life  no  moment  came  when 
he  was  not  plainly  devoted  to  his  invalid  wife.  All  the  world  loves  a  noble, 
trre  lover,  and  such  McKinley  was,  tender  and  gallant  to  his  sweetheart 
wife,  as  he  ever  was  before  they  were  married  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago-. 


183  McKINLEY   AS   A   CAMPAIGNER, 

Illustrative  of  this,  and  exhibiting1  another  phase  of  his  campaigning,  wa» 
an  incident  of  June  18,  1896. 

Major  McKinley  believed,  as  did  nearly  every  other  person  in  the  United 
Statos  at  all  interested  and  informed,  that  he  would  be  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent by  the  National  Republican  convention,  then  in  session  at  St.  Louis, 
and  he  was  in  close  communication  with  his  friends  there  while  seated  in 
his  comfortable  cottage  home  at  Canton,  Ohio.  Here  were  assembled  a 
few  close  friends,  some  newspaper  reporters,  a  telegraph  operator,  with 
Major  McKinley,  his  wife  and  mother.  The  day  had  passed  pleasantly  and 
in  happy  expectancy.  At  last  came  one  telegram  that  brought  a  sparkle  of 
delight  to  the  eyes  of  the  great  man  who  was  most  interested,  personally. 
It  told  of  the  nomination  by  an  enthusiastic  and  overwhelming  vote  of 
McKinley. 

Without  a  word  McKinley  took  the  telegram  across  the  room  to  where 
his  wife  sat,  bent  lovingly  over  her  and  kissed  her  flushed  and  fevered  cheek, 
giving  her  at  the  same  time  the  pleasant  message.  She  did  not  speak.  Her 
heart  was  too  full.  She  who  had  watched  him  through  so  many  years  in 
his  ever  upward  course,  she  who  was  proud  of  him  as  her  husband  and  hero, 
and  whom  she  had  seen  cast  aside  honors,  riches  and  glory,  when  to  accept 
them  would  have  been  to  compromise  his  moral  honor  and  to  stain  his  con- 
science; she  looked  all  her  gratefulness  and  love,  and  then  found  words  to 
say,  affectionately,  "Thank  you,  dear!'* 

The  wisdom  that  had  marked  McKinley's  entire  course  in  politics  was 
destined  to  break  the  way  for  him  to  the  White  House,  and  now  it  had 
already  made  him  the  central  figure  of  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  yet 
unostentatious  campaigns  that  the  republic  has  ever  known. 

'When  his  prominent  rival  announced  that  he  would  travel  over  the 
country  making  his  campaign  of  speeches  from  the  rear  platform  of  a  rail- 
way coach,  Major  McKinley  did  not  become  alarmed,  but  chose  the  oppo- 
site and  more  potent  course.  ^Although  urged  to  do  so,  he  refused  to  enter 
joint  debates,  not  fearing  his  ability  to  cope  with  his  opponents,  but  believ- 
ing that  the  best  interests  of  his  party  would  not  be  subserved  thereby.j  He 
remained  at  home  and  his  popularity  became  so  great  that  large  delegations 
from  every  walk  in  life  visited  him  daily,  making  speeches  which  evinced 
their  faith  in  this  wise  leader  and  their  loyalty  to  him. 

McKinley  was,  of  course,  called  upon  to  reply,  and  then  the  wisdom  of 
his  manner  of  campaign  became  palpably  evident.  The  press  of  the  country 


McKINLEY  AS  A  CAMPAIGNER.  183 

reported  all  the  speeches  of  McKinley  and  his  visitors,  and  Canton  became 
the  political  center  of  the  United  States. 

Trainloads  of  people,  delegations  from  cities  and  clubs,  from  organiza- 
tions of  old  soldiers,  labor  organizations,  social  circles,  and  all  manner  of 
industrial  combinations,  employers  and  employed,  came  day  in  and  day  out, 
through  all  of  the  long  campaign.  These  proceeded  at  once  to  the  McKinley 
cottage,  and  all  were  cordially  received  by  the  future  President.  Such 
unique  scenes  have  never  been  witnessed  in  a  political  campaign,  and  have 
only  been  suggested  by  the  "Log  Cabin  Campaign,"  of  1840,  when  "Tippe- 
canoe  and  Tyler  Too"  was  the  rallying  cry  of  the  elder  Harrison's  confident 
and  enthusiastic  partisans.  Nothing  could  have  more  eloquently  and  ear- 
nestly emphasized  the  faith  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  in  their  loyalty 
and  trust  in  McKinley  and  the  hopeful  expectations  of  the  country,  than  did 
the  Canton  campaign,  which  was  carried  to  a  common  center  rather  than 
scattered  abroad,  and  which  was  conducted  by  the  voters  rather  than  the 
candidate. 

Many  of  the  speeches  delivered  on  the  lawn  at  the  McKinley  home  have 
properly  taken  a  place  in  the  records  of  the  nation's  history,  because  they 
not  only  show  the  earnest  trust  of  the  people  in  McKinley,  but  from  those 
delivered  by  him  have  given  him  the  stamp  of  the  patriot,  statesman  and 
orator,  and  they  will  be  always  valuable  as  edifying  and  instructive  in  their 
dealing  with  American  policies,  and  brilliantly  illustrative  of  the  economics 
involved. 

Three  great  questions — tariff,  currency  and  pensions — were  specially  in- 
volved as  being  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  McKinley's  exact 
position,  with  relation  to  these  important  propositions,  was  a  matter  of  deep 
concern.  No  doubt  seemed  to  exist,  however,  as  to  his  views,  because  all 
through  his  past  life  the  record  had  shown  his  loyalty  to  the  cardinal  principles 
of  which  these  questions  were  phases,  shades  and  details,  and  his  faithfulness 
now  was  accepted,  his  reindorsement  of  it  all  was  simply  a  pleasant  campaign 
ceremony  and  a  reiteration  for  the  benefit  of  misinformed.  The  whole  affair 
was  another  and  a  greater  "campaign  of  education." 

On  the  three  questions  that  were  special  issues  McKinley  gave  forth  no  un- 
certain sound.  Equivocation  was  foreign  to  him  under  any  circumstances,  and 
in  these  he  was  at  all  times  earnestly  the  advocate  of  a  protective  tariff,  sound 
money  and  liberal  pensions  to  the  Union  soldiers  who  had  responded  so  nobly 
to  their  country's  call  when  its  life  and  weal  were  endangered.  Upon  all  ques- 
tions of  national  policy  McKinley  was  clear  and  emphatic,  and  never  in  the 


184  McKINLEY  AS   A  CAMPAIGNER. 

history  of  politics  has  there  been  a  candidate  for  the  exalted  place  of  President 
who  has  been  accepted  with  such  cordiality  and  unanimity  by  his  party. 

The  campaign  progressed  satisfactorily  to  the  managers  of  the  McKinley 
interest  and  the  great  candidate  deeply  endeared  himself  to  the  public  by  ex- 
pressing unbounded  faith  and  unwavering  hope  in  the  judgment  and  good 
will  of  the  common  people.  The  campaign,  however,  presented  many  new 
and  confusing  phases  and  there  were  obstructing  conditions  that  had  never 
before  arisen.  Populism  had  grown  formidable  and  party  alignments  had 
become  much  confused.  A  feeling  of  extreme  anxiety  had  grown  out  of  the 
uncertainties  of  the  business  situation.  The  wheels  of  industry  stood  still, 
and  all  business  was  inert,  alarmed  and  awaiting  the  results  of  the  election 
and  the  developments  that  would  follow.  . 

The  world  was  interested,  for  "Hard  Times"  was  walking  with  it,  arm  in 
arm,  and  holding  it  back.  Europe  preserved  an  anxious  silence,  Asia  felt  the 
unusual  depression  of  uncertainty,  South  America  was  eagerly  listening  for 
the  result.  Election  day  came  and  the  vast  mass  of  voters  in  the  United  States 
arose  early,  impressed  by  the  words  of  William  McKinley  as  to  what  should  be 
done.  Patriotic  duty  was  the  thought  of  the  hour.  Upon  that  day  a  vast  ma- 
jority of  the  sovereign  voters,  throwing  off  all  trammels,  cast  their  ballots  in 
favor  of  industry  and  against  calamity.  The  day  was  bright  throughout  the 
land,  the  friends  of  industrious  prosperity  took  the  color  of  the  day,  and  the 
noiseless  fall  of  ballots  established  and  stamped  the  people's  will.  The  result 
was  quickly  known — McKinley  and  prosperity  were  elected.  The  largest  popu- 
lar majority  ever  given  was  that  by  the  people  for  the  people,  and  William 
McKinley's  power  as  a  campaigner  had  wrought  wondrous  good  to  the  republic 
aad  tfce  world. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

GOVERNOR    McKINLEY'S    FINANCIAL   TROUBLES. 

One  of  the  sad  events  in  the  career  of  President  McKinley  was  the  loss 
of  his  fortune  in  the  year  1893.  It  was  during  his  first  term  as  Governor  of 
Ohio,  and  was  a  period  of  humiliation  and  anguish  to  the  Governor  and  his 
wife,  but  they  met  the  crisis  with  that  quiet  fortitude  that  ever  characterized 
them,  and  found  friends  in  abundance  to  aid  them  in  their  distress.  This 
money  trouble  was  not  brought  about  by  any  wild  speculation  on  the  part 
of  the  Governor.  He  had  never  evinced  any  desire  to  seek  riches  through 
such  agencies,  and  so  faithfully  had  he  applied  himcelf  to  the  people's  inter- 
ests that,  notwithstanding  his  years  of  hard  work,  he  was  worth  not  to  exceed 
$20,000,  which  was  invested  in  securities  and  real  estate. 

The  difficulty  which  swallowed  up  the  Governor's  fortune,  and  that  of 
his  wife,  resulted  from  his  endorsing  notes  for  a  friend.  This  friend  was 
Robert  L.  Walker,  a  capitalist  banker  and  manufacturer,  of  Youngstown. 
Mr.  Walker  was  president  of  the  Farmers'  National  Bank  of  Youngstown, 
the  Girard  Savings  Bank,  a  stamping  mill  company,  a  stove  and  range  com- 
pany, and  was  interested  in  several  coal  mines  in  Western  Ohio  and  Eastern 
Pennsylvania.  He  was  one  of  the  strongest  men  in  the  community,  was 
supposed  to  be  worth  more  than  $250,000,  and  enjoyed  the  confidence  of 
everybody  who  knew  him. 

When  Major  McKinley  returned  from  the  war  and  was  ambitious,  to 
become  a  lawyer,  he  found  the  struggle  a  hard  one.  His  service  as  a  soldier 
had  not  enabled  him  to  save  anything  of  consequence,  and  when  poverty 
pressed  him  he  turned  to  Mr.  Walker  for  aid.  He  was  not  disappointed. 
Mr.  Walker  proved  a  friend  in  need,  and  the  Major  was  not  the  man  to  for- 
get a  kindness.  After  he  entered  political  life,  he  again  had  need  of  financial 
assistance.  In  his  first  congressional  campaign  his  expenses  were  heavy, 
and  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  raise  $2,000  with  which  to  cancel  a  mort- 
gage on  his  wife's  property.  Mr.  Walker  loaned  him  the  money,  and  it  is 
probable  that  at  subsequent  periods  other  loans  were  made  to  the  Major. 
He  was  constantly  under  heavy  expense,  owing  to  the  illness  of  his  wife, 
and  had  no  regular  income  save  his  salary  of  $5,000  as  Congressman. 

The  first  loan  was  repaid  by  Major  McKinley  out  of  his  salary  within 

185 


18G  GOVERNOR   McKINLEY'S   FINANCIAL  TROUBLES. 

two  years,  and  it  is  certain  that  all  of  his  subsequent  financial  obligations 
were  promptly  met  up  to  the  time  of  the  crash. 

Under  such  circumstances  it  was  not  strange  that  Major  McKinley,  hav- 
ing become  Governor,  and  having  become  possessed  of  some  money  of  his 
own,  should  be  called  upon  to  help  out  his  old  friend  when  he  needed  a  little 
accommodation.  Mr.  Walker  applied  to  the  Governor  to  indorse  his  paper 
from  time  to  time  and  the  Governor  willingly  accommodated  him,  never 
questioning  the  amount,  nor  the  circumstances  for  which  the  money  was 
required. 

These  accommodations  were  spread  over  a  considerable  period  of  fime, 
and  it  is  probable  that  in  the  course  of  his  business  Mr.  Walker  took  up 
many  of  the  notes  endorsed  by  the  Governor.  But  his  affairs  became  more 
and  more  involved,  and  early  in  1893  Mr.  Walker  informed  the  Governor 
that  he  was  in  great  need  of  money  and  asked  the  Governor  to  endorse  his 
notes,  which  he  desired  to  have  discounted.  The  Governor  did  not  hesitate 
an  instant.  The  man  who  had  befriended  him  needed  aid,  and  so  far  as  the 
Governor  could  render  it  he  did  so.  Governor  McKinley  understood  at 
the  time  that  the  notes  signed  by  him  aggregated  about  $15,000.  They 
were  good  at  any  bank  in  Ohio,  and  no  trouble  was  experienced  by  Mr. 
Walker  in  discounting  them. 

The  Governor  gave  no  further  thought  to  the  matter  until  February  17, 
1893,  when  Youngstown,  as  well  as  the  commercial  circles  of  Ohio,  were 
startled  by  the  announcement  of  the  assignment  of  Robert  L.  Walker.  A 
judgment  for  $12,000  had  been  entered  against  the  Youngstown  Stamping 
Company,  and  inability  to  meet  it  caused  Mr.  Walker  to  assign.  As  soon 
as  the  fact  became  known  Mr.  Walker's  other  enterprises  began  to  topple, 
and  the  next  day  all  were  swallowed  up  in  the  crash. 

Governor  McKinley  was  on  his  way  to  attend  a  banquet  given  by  the 
Ohio  Society  in  New  York  when  he  was  informed  of  the  disaster  which  had 
overtaken  his  friend.  He  cancelled  his  engagement  in  New  York  by  tele- 
graph and  immediately  started  for  Youngstown.  In  the  meantime  those 
interested  had  been  figuring,  and  it  was  estimated  that  the  liabilities  of  Mr. 
Walker  aggregated  about  $200,000.  His  available  assets  were  figured  at 
about  one-half  that  amount. 

At  Youngstown  the  Governor  began  to  receive  telegrams  from  banks 
all  over  the  state,  announcing  that  they  held  some  of  his  paper.  He  had 
been  led  to  believe  that  the  notes  had  been  discounted  at  only  three  banks, 
and  was  at  a  loss  to  understand  the  situation,  until  it  transpired  that  instead 


GOVERNOR   McKINLEY'S   FINANCIAL  TROUBLES.  187 

cf  a  liability  of  $15,000,  his  name  was  on  paper  amounting  to  nearly  $100,- 
ooo!  The  Governor  was  under  the  impression  that  many  of  the  notes  he 
had  signed  were  executed  for  the  purpose  of  taking  up  notes  previously 
^iven  and  which  had  fallen  due.  It  was  soon  found  that  the  old  notes  had 
not  been  paid,  and  that  the  Governor's  obligations  amounted  to  far  more 
than  he  was  able  to  pay. 

The  Governor  had  not  a  particle  of  interest  in  any  of  Mr.  Walker's  prop- 
erties, and  all  that  he  had  done  for  that  unfortunate  gentleman  was  done  out 
of  pure  gratitude.  After  a  conference  with  his  Youngstown  friends,  in  which 
the  true  state  of  affairs  was  disclosed,  the  Governor  said: 

"I  can  hardly  believe  this,  but  it  appears  to  be  true.  I  don't  know  what 
my  liabilities  are,  but  whatever  I  owe  shall  be  paid  dollar  for  dollar." 

At  this  time  Mrs.  McKinley  owned  property  valued  at  $75,000,  which 
had  been  left  her  by  her  father.  As  there  seemed  no  other  way  of  meeting 
the  crisis,  the  Governor  and  his  wife,  on  February  22,  made  an  absolute 
assignment  of  all  their  property  to  a  board  of  trustees,  to  be  used,  without 
preference,  for  the  equal  payment  of  the  creditors.  The  trustees  were: 
H.  H.  Kohlsaat,  Chicago;  Myron  T.  Herrick,  Cleveland;  and  Judge  Day, 
of  Canton,  Ohio.  Friends  urged  Mrs.  McKinley,  at  this  time,  to  retain  an 
interest  in  her  property,  but  she  refused  to  do  so,  transferring  all  her  fortune 
to  M.  A.  Raima,  of  Cleveland. 

This  calamity  weighed  heavily  upon  the  Governor,  and  he  thought  of 
giving  up  public  life  and  returning  to  the  practice  of  his  profession.  To 
friends  with  whom  he  talked,  he  said: 

"I  did  what  I  could  to  help  a  friend  who  had  befriended  me.  The  result 
is  known.  I  had  no  interest  in  any  of  the  enterprises  Mr.  Walker  was  car- 
rying. The  amount  of  my  endorsements  is  in  excess  of  anything  I  dreamed. 
Thr-e  is  but  one  thing  for  me  to  do — one  thing  I  would  do — meet  this  un- 
locked for  burden  as  best  I  can.  I  have  this  day  placed  all  my  property  in 
the  hands  of  trustees,  to  be  used  to  pay  my  debts.  It  will  be  insufficient, 
but  I  will  execute  notes  and  pay  them  as  fast  as  I  can.  I  shall  retire  from 
politics,  take  up  the  practice  of  law,  and  begin  all  over  again." 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  Governor's  friends  throughout  the  country 
began  to  bestir  themselves  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  him  financially.  The 
Chicago  Inter-Ocean  started  a  popular  fund  for  the  purpose,  and  money 
began  to  roll  in.  Governor  McKinley  refused  to  accept  a  dollar  of  this 
money,  and  it  was  by  his  direction  returned  to  the  donors,  with  his  thanks 
for  their  disinterested  friendship.  His  friends  were  not  to  be  denied,  how- 


1*8  GOVERNOR    McKINLEY'S   FINANCIAL   TROUBLES. 

ever,  and  a  number  of  them  decided  to  subscribe  privately  to  a  fund  to  take 
up  the  Walker  notes.  Among  these  gentlemen  were  M.  A.  Hanna  and 
Myron  T.  Herrick,  Cleveland;  P.  D.  Armour,  Marshall  Field  and  H.  H. 
Kohlsaat,  Chicago;  and  Bellamy  Storer  and  Thomas  McDougall,  Cincin- 
nati. The  management  of  the  fund  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Kohlsaat, 
who  afterwards  said  of  the  matter: 

"One  of  the  chief  reasons  why  the  subscription  plan  was  adopted  was 
because  a  number  of  subscriptions  were  received  anonymously  and  could 
not  be  returned.  There  were  over  4,000  subscriptions  sent  in,  and  when 
the  last  piece  of  paper  was  taken  up  bearing  Major  McKinley's  name,  no 
more  subscriptions  were  received,  and  some  were  returned.  No  list  of  the 
subscribers  was  kept,  and  Governor  McKinley  does  not  know  to  this  day, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  four  or  five  names,  who  contributed  the 
money. 

"When  Governor  McKinley  saw  the  publication  of  the  subscription 
scheme  he  wrote  me  absolutely  declining  to  receive  a  dollar.  Mr.  Hanna 
and  his  other  friends  told  him  to  leave  the  matter  alone,  for  if  his  friends 
wished  to  assist  him  thej  should  have  the  privilege." 

The  indebtedness  having  been  satisfied  in  full,  Mrs.  McKinley's  property 
was  deeded  back  to  her,  and  she  and  the  Governor  were  left  in  the  same 
position  financially  they  were  before  the  crash  occasioned  by  Mr.  Walker's 
failure. 

It  was  a  graceful  and  fitting  act  for  the  people  thus  to  have  relieved  the 
Governor  of  the  burden  resting  upon  him.  He  had  given  practically  all  his 
life  to  the  public  service,  and  was  comparatively  a  poor  man.  If  he  had  given 
to  his  own  interests  the  same  fidelity  which  he  devoted  to  the  interests  of 
the  public  his  financial  reward  would  have  been  such  that  he  would  have  had 
no  need  of  assistance  in  carrying  such  an  indebtedness.  As  it  was,  he  did 
the  only  manly  thing  possible.  He  acknowledged  the  debt,  and  made  such 
preparations  to  pay  it  as  were  within  his  power.  He  did  not  consider  the 
hardship  he  must  endure  in  "beginning  all  over."  People  had  paid  out  their 
money  on  their  faith  in  his  endorsement,  and  he  did  not  intend  they  should 
lose  a  penny.  It  was  no  stain  on  the  Governor's  honor  that  he  had  endeav- 
ored to  help  a  friend  and  been  financially  ruined  in  the  effort;  and  he  was  in 
no  wise  to  be  criticised  when  he  permitted  his  friends,  for  whose  interests 
he  had  so  long  labored,  to  bear  the  burden  his  generosity  had  put  upon  him. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

McKINLEY'S   LOYALTY  TO   SHERMAN,    ELAINE  AND 
HARRISON. 

Governor  McKiniey's  splendid  rec<  >rd  as  a  public  servant  made  him  'a 
presidential  quantity  long  before  he  was  put  forward  for  the  nomination  as 
the  "favorite  son"  of  Ohio;  but  he  was  ever  loyal  to  his  party's  interest,  and 
his  party  associates,  and  at  no  time  allowed  ambition  to  blind  him  to  duty. 
This  was  clearly  evidenced  in  the  Republican  National  conventions  held  in 
1884  and  1888.  It  was  in  these  gatherings  that  Major  McKiniey's  claims 
to  leadership — or  at  least  to  be  considered  as  one  of  the  prominent  men  of 
the  nation  in  the  councils  of  his  party — came  to  be  recognized.  He  was  a 
"Elaine"  man  at  this  convention.  In  supporting  Mr.  Elaine  he  but  repre- 
sented the  overwhelming  sentiment  of  the  Mahoning  valley;  and  yet,  while 
he  favored  Mr.  Elaine,  he  had  the  kindliest  feeling  for  the  illustrious  Senator 
from  Ohio,  John  Sherman,  who  at  that  convention  was  also  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency.  Major  McKinley  was  a  strong  advocate  of  the  sentiment 
that  all  legitimate  means  should  be  sought  to  nominate  Mr.  Elaine,  but  if 
that  was  impossible,  Ohio  should  cast  a  solid  vote  for  Mr.  Sherman. 

The  Ohio  Republican  state  convention  was  held  at  Cleveland  in  April, 
1884.  McKinley  went  to  Cleveland  fresh  from  a  tariff  debate  in  Congress, 
and  was  made  permanent  chairman  of  the  convention.  The  Elaine  follow- 
ing manifestly  was  in  the  majority  at  the  convention,  but  the  Sherman  men 
had  the  best  organization,  and  most  of  the  "old-time"  politicians  of  the 
state  were  pronouncedly  in  favor  of  the  Ohio  Senator.  The  great  struggle 
at  the  convention  was  on  the  election  of  four  delegates-at-large.  Although 
it  was  well  understood  that  Foraker's  first  choice  was  Sherman,  the  Elaine 
men  generously  acquiesced  in  his  election  by  acclamation  as  a  delegate-at- 
large.  A  number  of  names  were  then  presented  for  the  remaining  three 
places,  and  a  sensation  was  created  when  one  delegate  mounted  a  chair  and 
nominated  Major  McKinley. 

Major  McKinley  from  his  place  as  presiding  officer  thanked  the  conven- 
tion, but  said  that  he  could  not  allow  his  name  to  go  before  it  at  that  time, 
as  he  had  promised  that  he  would  not  allow  his  name  to  be  used  while  the 
names  of  certain  candidates  were  before  the  convention.  The  uproar  became 

189 


190  McKINLEY'S  LOYALTY  TO   HJS  FRIENDS. 

tumultuous.  A  majority  of  the  delegates  were  plainly  in  favor  of  the  elec- 
tion of  Major  McKinley  by  acclamation,  although  there  was  some  objection. 
One  of  the  delegates,  assuming  the  prerogatives  of  the  chair,  put  the  motion, 
and  declared  it  carried.  Major  McKinley  ruled  that  the  motion  had  not 
prevailed.  General  Grosvenor  mounted  the  platform  and  the  second  time 
put  the  motion  and  declared  it  carried. 

Again  Major  McKinley  ruled  that  the  motion  had  not  prevailed  and 
insisted  on  the  vote  being  taken  on  the  names  already  submitted,  excluding 
his  own.  Once  more  General  Grosvenor  arose — this  time  to  a  point  of 
order.  He  insisted  that  Major  McKinley  had  been  elected  by  acclamation, 
and  that  the  convention  had  now  to  elect  two  more  delegates-at-large.  The 
chair  overruled  the  point  of  order,  and  amid  tumultuous  confusion  ordered 
the  balloting  to  go  on.  A  delegate  arose  and  asked  the  convention  to  con- 
sider Major  McKinley  as  having  been  put  in  nomination,  despite  his  declina- 
tion. At  this  there  were  thunders  of  cheers.  From  early  in  the  balloting 
it  was  evident  that  Major  McKinley  was  bound  to  be  elected.  Counties 
that  had  favored  other  candidates  abandoned  them  and  voted  solidly  for 
the  Major.  After  between  300  and  400  votes  had  been  cast  for  Major 
McKinley  and  it  was  recognized  by  everybody  that  he  had  already  been 
elected,  a  motion  was  made  that  he  be  elected  by  acclamation.  Further 
contest  was  stopped,  and  Major  McKinley  was  elected  a  delegate-at-large 
by  acclamation. 

In  the  National  Convention  at  Chicago  Major  McKinley  bore  himself 
modestly,  but  his  great  quality  of  leadership  came  to  the  front  by  force  of 
circumstances.  He  only  spoke  two  or  three  times  from  the  floor  of  the 
convention,  but  every  time  he  arose  he  attracted  attention,  and  the  influence 
he  exerted  was  remarkable.  At  the  critical  time  during  the  convention  his 
was  the  voice  that  rallied  the  Elaine  forces.  Three  ballots  had  been  taken. 
Elaine  gained  on  each  ballot.  The  final  and  desperate  effort  was  made  by 
the  other  candidates  under  the  lead  of  the  dashing  Foraker,  in  Sherman's 
behalf,  for  an  adjournment.  There  was  pandemonium,  and  there  threatened 
to  be  a  panic. 

In  the  midst  of  the  storm  Major  McKinley  arose.  He  waved  his  hand  and 
the  tumult  ceased.  Calm  and  like  granite  he  stood  the  master  spirit  of  the 
convention.  His  short  speech  was  carried  in  clarion  tones  all  over  the 
immense  hall.  As  a  friend  of  Elaine,  he  said,  he  recognized  and  respected 
the  rights  of  the  friends  of  other  candidates  to  secure  an  adjournment,  and 
concluded: 


McKIXLEY'S    LOYALTY   TO   HIS   FRIENDS.  191 

"Let  the  motion  be  put  and  let  everybody  favorable  to  the  nomination 
of  Elaine  vote  against  it." 

That  settled  it.  Under  Major  McKinley's  leadership,  assumed  spontan- 
eously and  boldly,  the  Elaine  men  accepted  the  challenge,  the  motion  fcr 
an  adjournment  was  voted  down,  and  the  victory  was  won.  It  was  not 
defeat  that  Major  McKinley  turned  aside — the  situation  was  not  so  serious 
as  that — but  in  a  crisis,  when  the  Elaine  men  were  getting  demoralized 
and  the  convention  was  turning  itself  into  a  mob,  the  Major,  leaping  to  the 
front,  by  one  command  marshaled  the  Elaine  men  into  line  and  pressed 
them  forward  to  their  already  sighted  victory.  Major  McKinley  was  chair- 
man of  the  committee  on  resolutions  at  that  convention,  and  when  he 
appeared  to  read  the  platform  he  received  an  ovation  that  was  one  of  the 
features  of  that  great  event. 

Major  McKinley's  next  appearance  at  a  Republican  national  convention 
was  in  1888,  and  this  time  he  came  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  and 
in  John  Sherman's  behalf.  At  this  convention  Mr.  McKinley  conspicu- 
ously illustrated  his  character  for  loyalty  to  his  friends  and  his  word.  No 
candidate  had  been  able  to  secure  a  majority.  Sherman,  Alger,  Allison, 
Harrison,  Gresham,  and  Depew,  all  had  a  strong  following,  but  none  was 
near  a  nomination.  Major  McKinley,  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio  delegation, 
instructed  to  vote  his  delegation  solidly  for  Sherman,  was  one  of  the  heroes 
of  the  convention.  His  entrance  at  each  session  was  greeted  with  the  wild- 
est enthusiasm.  Day  and  night  he  was  at  work  among  the  various  state 
delegations,  laboring  to  secure  votes  for  Ohio's  great  financier.  On  the 
sixth  ballot  a  delegate  voted  for  William  McKinley,  and  was  greeted  by 
cheers  which  swelled  again  and  again  before  silence  could  be  restored.  The 
next  state  that  was  called  cast  seventeen  votes  for  Major  McKinley,  and 
again  the  cheers  broke  forth.  The  drift  was  unmistakably  setting  toward 
McKinley  like  an  ocean  tide. 

Everyone  expected  to  see  the  Garfield  nomination  of  1880  repeated. 
But  they  were  disappointed.  The  roll  call  was  interrupted  by  the  Major, 
who,  leaping  upon  a  chair  at  the  end  of  the  middle  aisle,  pale,  but  calm  and 
determined,  uttered  a  speech  which,  unpremeditated  as  it  was,  has  seldom 
been  surpassed  for  eloquence,  candor  and  unselfish  loyalty.  In  it  he  declared 
his  inability  to  be  a  candidate  with  honor  to  himself,  and  proclaimed  his 
unswerving  loyalty  to  the  Ohio  chieftain.  The  tide  was  turned.  On  the 
seventh  ballot  Benjamin  Harrison  was  named,  but  McKinley  went  home 
to  Ohio  stronger  than  ever  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow  men. 


192  McKINLEY'S   LOYALTY   TO   HIS  FRIENDS. 

Some  time  before  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1892,  held  in 
Minneapolis,  Minn.,  June  7,  Governor  McKinley  had  privately  and  publicly 
expressed  himself  as  in  favor  of  the  renomination  of  President  Harrison, 
Having  committed  himself,  the  Governor  stood  by  his  declaration.  He  was 
elected  a  delegate-at-large  as  a  Harrison  man,  and  the  understanding  was 
that  Ohio  would  vote  solidly  for  the  President's  nomination. 

The  convention  elected  Governor  McKinley  its  permanent  chairman. 
R.  M.  Nevin  of  Dayton  was  his  alternate.  Before  he  took  the  chair  as 
presiding  officer,  the  Governor  specifically  charged  Mr.  Nevin  to  vote  for 
Harrison.  Only  one  vote  was  taken  on  the  nomination  for  President.  When 
Ohio  was  called  ex-Governor  Foraker  said  Ohio  asked  time  for  a  consulta- 
tion, and  after  a  pause  the  vote  of  the  state  was  announced  as:  Harrison,  2 
votes;  William  McKinley,  44.  Chairman  McKinley  immediately  sprang 
from  his  seat  and  shouted: 

"I  challenge  the  vote  of  Ohio!" 

A  brief  and  animated  debate  then  ensued  between  ex-Governor  Foraker 
and  Governor  McKinley,  in  which  Foraker  told  the  chairman  that  he  had, 
ceased  to  be  a  member  of  the  Ohio  delegation  on  assuming  the  post  of 
presiding  officer,  and  could  not  be  recognized.  Finally  a  toll  call  of  the 
Ohio  delegation  was  ordered,  and  this  resulted,  McKinley,  45;  Harrison,  i. 
The  only  vote  for  Harrison  cast  by  the  Ohio  delegation  was  that  cast  by 
Governor  McKinley's  alternate.  President  Harrison  was  renominated  on 
the  first  and  only  ballot,  but  the  Governor  had  182  votes  cast  for  him  despite 
the  fact  that  he  was  not  a  candidate.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  balloting 
Governor  McKinley  took  the  floor  and  moved  that  the  President's  nomina- 
tion be  made  ^unanimous,  and  the  motion  carried.  The  Governor  was 
chosen  chairman  of  the  commission  that  officially  notified  the  President  of 
his  nomination. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  of  1892  was  a  surprise  to  both  the  leading 
political  parties.  Grover  Cleveland,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  president, 
was  elected,  -md  both  the  house  and  senate  had  large  Democratic  majori- 
ties. The  political  revolution  was  remarkable,  and  was  largely  due  to  the 
Populist  movement,  and  to  fusion  between  the  Populists  and  Democrats 
in  the  South  and  West.  The  clamor  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  at  the 
ratio  of  16  to  i,  and  the  industrial  depression  which  set  in  in  1893,  brought 
Governor  McKinley  into  the  public  eye  as  the  man  calculated  to  restore 
prosperity  to  the  country.  Meanwhile  he  adhered  strictly  to  his  duties  as 
governor  of  Ohio. 


DR.  P.  M.  RIXEY,  PRESIDENT    McKINLEY'S  FAMILY  PHYSICIAN. 


GOVERNOR  McKINLEY  IN  HIS    LIBRARY  GIVING  INSTRUCTIONS 
TO  HIS  POLITICAL  MANAGERS.  (1896.) 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
FIRST  NOMINATION  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

At  no  time  in  the  history  of  the  Republican  party  has  there  been  such  an  ar- 
ray of  brilliant  and  worthy  men  before  the  country  named  for  the  honor  of 
Presidential  candidates  as  at  that  period  when  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention of  1896  was  to  make  a  choice  from  the  shining  list.  That  convention 
was  remarkable  and  unique,  more  so  than  any  other  convention  of  this  organi- 
zation, whose  first  President,  a  pioneer  of  universal  freedom,  a  pathfinder  across 
the  western  wilderness  that  is  now  an  empire,  Colonel  John  Charles  Fremont, 
who  was  presented  for  the  suffrage  of  the  people  forty  years  before.  That 
pioneer  candidate  was  defeated  because  the  day  of  broad  thought  had  not 
arisen.  The  rising  storm  of  civil  strife  swept  the  next  candidate  of  the  party, 
immortal  Lincoln,  to  the  highest  place  in  the  nation,  from  whence  he  guided  the 
Republic  and  its  destinies  through  the  raging  tempest  until  an  assassin's  missile 
laid  him  low,  and  that  at  the  moment  when  the  country  could  least  have  spared 
him,  and  when  it  seemed  that  fate  to  be  just  might  have  been  more  kindly  to 
both  him  and  his  people,  for  he  deserved  to  enjoy  the  fruit  of  his  work,  and 
the  people  would  have  had  pleasure  and  profit  in  his  presence. 

Of  no  other  such  conventions  is  there  a  more  interesting  story  than  that 
which  might  be  given  of  the  convention  at  St.  Louis  in  June,  1896,  which  made 
William  McKinley  its  candidate,  and  who  is  another  martyr  of  the  Republic, 
slain  by  organized  assassination,  because  the  nation  had  placed  him  in  conspicu- 
ous exaltation. 

Of  the  great  ones  whose  personal  partisans  and  whose  high  places  among 
the  people  had  made  them  prominent  in  the  premises,  Thomas  B.  Reed  of 
Maine  was  among  the  foremost.  He  was  without  a  superior  among  that  many 
for  intelligence,  wit  and  general  ability,  and  there  can  be  no  question  that, 
had  he  been  nominated  and  elected  as  Chief  Magistrate,  he  would  have 
given  the  country  a  worthy  and  thoroughly,  even  distinctly,  American  adminis- 
tration. 

William  B.  Allison  of  Iowa,  who  was  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  convention 
of  1860,  that  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  a  Senator,  who  had  made  a 
national  and  well-deserved  fame  for  patriotic  statesmanship,  was  another,  now 

195 


19C  FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDENT. 

demanded  by  a  large  following,  and  he  had  already  been  a  prominent  candidate 
for  President  before  preceding  conventions. 

Levi  P.  Morton,  ex-Vice-President  of  the  United  States  and  governor  of 
the  mighty  State  of  New  York,  a  man  of  glorious  record  and  accepted  ability, 
who  was  honored  and  respected  by  friends  and  foes,  was  also  of  the  array  of 
eligible  men  whose  friends  asked  for  him  the  nomination. 

Quay  of  Pennsylvania,  Alger  of  Michigan,  Sherman  of  Ohio,  Thurston  of 
Nebraska,  all  of  the  best  kind  of  "Presidential  timber,"  and  numerous  others 
of  more  or  less  distinction,  capacity  and  merit,  were  warmly  and  enthusiastic- 
ally urged  by  their  partisans. 

Governor  Morton  quickly  announced  that  he  would  not  allow  himself  to  be 
made  a  candidate  before  the  convention  unless  a  real  one,  meaning  that  he  must 
not  be  placed  in  such  a  position  as  a  compliment  to  himself  and  his  following,  or 
with  the  idea  of  using  him  as  the  means  for  securing  the  nomination  of  some 
one  else.  Hon.  Thomas  Platt,  the  shrewd  and  powerful  manipulator  of  politics 
and  politicians,  had  secured  the  pledge  of  the  New  York  delegation  for  Morton, 
and  with  such  an  array  of  34  electoral  votes  from  such  a  State,  Morton  seemed 
to  be  a  formidable  man  in  the  situation,  with  an  endorsement  to  be  proud  of  and 
one  that  would  command  the  deference  of  that  great  body. 

New  England  was  strong  in  her  pride  and  confidence  in  her  brilliant  son, 
and  had  won  many  promises  for  Reed,  but  small  revolts  here  and  there  made 
his  hold  precarious,  and  the  defection  of  Congressman  Manley  of  Maine  at  the 
very  moment  when  his  influence  and  assistance  was  most  necessary  seriously 
and  dangerously  affected  Reed's  chances.  Appalled  by  the  mighty  array  that 
favored  McKinley,  the  Maine  Congressman  deserted  the  New  England  favorite 
and  dismay  and  disorganization  took  possession  of  their  camp. 

Much  there  was  of  this  preliminary  skirmishing  among  the  partisans  of  all 
the  available  ones,  but  in  it  all  a  potent  fact  was  staring  at  the  fight,  and  be- 
came so  apparent  that  it  was  at  last  candidly  acknowledged. 

The  feeling  for  Governor  William  McKinley  of  Ohio  was  constantly  gath- 
ering strength.  The  pressure  from  outside  was  too  strong  to  withstand.  For 
weeks  before  the  convention  the  Republican  public  had  been  shouting  McKin- 
ley, and  in  a  tone  that  could  not  be  ignored.  The  voice  and  the  force  of  the 
people  pressed  hard  upon  the  convention.  The  newspapers  teemed  with  his 
praise ;  his  face  and  record  were  constantly  being  presented ;  buttons  bearing 
his  portrait  and  mottoes  that  epitomized  his  principles  were  seen  everywhere, 
in  city,  town  and  country,  and  thousands  who  had  been,  theretofore,  but  little 
interested  in  politics  became  enthusiastic  champions  of  the  man  from  Ohio. 


FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDENT.  197 

William  McKinley  had  been  before  the  people,  not  as  a  candidate  for 
President,  but  as  the  ardent  advocate  of  measures  that  intelligent  persons 
thought  more  of  national  prosperity  than  of  partisan  politics.  The  quick- 
seeing  people  had  heard  and  read  of  his  plans  for  redeeming  the  country  and 
casting  off  its  burden  of  distress,  "Hard  Times,"  and  this  had  brought  the  tide 
of  public  favor  and  endorsement. 

With  this  and  all  the  excellent  qualities  of  the  man,  in  which  the  people  had 
been  instructed,  wise,  sagacious,  far-seeing  and  powerful  friends,  adepts  in  the 
science  of  politics,  who  made  no  mistakes,  took  the  matter  in  hand,  before  the 
convention  had  assembled,  and  then  into  it,  at  the  proper  time,  and  they  kept 
the  front  of  the  fight  well  aligned  and  unbroken  to  victory. 

The  movement  for  McKinley  was  skillfully  presented  as  that  of  "the 
masses  against  the  bosses."  In  some  respects  that  was  what  it  was.  The  bosses 
fought  for  others  in  the  convention,  but  the  will  of  the  people  carried.  The 
pressure  of  the  masses  was  for  McKinley,  and  though  the  people  stood  on  the 
outside  the  avalanche  of  popular  opinion  swept  over  all.  The  politicians  op- 
posed the  "Ohio  idea"  and  fought  desperately.  Platt,  the  most  adroit  of  them 
all,  threatened,  cajoled,  combined  and  bluffed.  Reed's  managers  tried  tact, 
diplomacy,  compromise  and  all  else  available,  the  opponents  of  McKinley  of  all 
elements  held  all  sorts  of  "star  chamber"  sessions  time  and  time  again,  and  on 
the  night  before  the  convention  planned  together  until  daylight  endeavoring 
to  fix  some  combination  to  defeat  McKinley,  but  Mark  Hanna,  the  manager 
of  the  McKinley  campaign,  kept  in  the  even  tenor  of  his  way,  doing  his  work 
as  past  master  of  political  strategy,  smiled  and  feared  not.  Certain  safety  gave 
him  ease,  and  masterly  he  held  his  way  with  coolness  and  calculation. 

It  was  evident  from  the  first  that  there  was  only  one  dangerous  rock  upon 
which  the  great  convention  might  split.  There  were  those  in  the  convention 
from  the  far  West,  whose  local  interests  in  silver  would  overcome  party  fealty 
and  the  question  of  a  gold  standard  of  currency  or  unlimited  silver  coinage 
was  one  that  required  strong,  unfailing  nerve  to  face  it.  As  strong  a  factor 
as  the  tariff  always  was  and  always  will  be,  it  was  temporarily  relegated  to  the 
background,  as  there  was  not  a  possibility  of  serious  dissension  upon  the  ques- 
tion of  protection,  for  which  the  party  of  the  convention  naturally  stood,  under 
any  circumstances. 

But  unquestionably  there  was  a  wide  variance  in  many  quarters  between 
the  "gold"  and  "silver"  men.  While  the  East  and  the  older  sections  of  our 
country  were  uncompromising  in  their  demand  for  gold  as  the  single  standard, 
some  of  the  Republicans  beyond  the  Mississippi  insisted  upon  a  plank  acknowl- 


198  FIRST  NOMINATION   FOR  PRESIDENT. 

edging  silver,  and  open  threats  were  made  that  in  case  of  refusal  they  would 
bolt  the  convention  and  affiliate  with  the  party  representing  their  views.  The 
question  was  as  to  how  far  this  disaffection  extended.  The  pages  immediately 
following  will  answer  that  question. 

Meanwhile  Governor  McKinley  at  his  home  in  Canton,  Ohio,  gave  no  sign. 
The  lessons  of  former  candidates  who  had  undone  themselves  by  tongue  or  pen 
were  not  lost  upon  him,  and  h«  remained  resolutely  mute.  He  was  referred  to  as 
the  "wabbling  candidate,"  and  some  of  his  earlier  expressions  were  quoted 
against  him;  but  nothing  sufficed  to  draw  him  out.  He  quietly  bided  his 
time,  and  who  shall  say  he  was  not  wise? 

It  was  about  half  an  hour  past  noon,  on  Tuesday,  June  16,  1896,  that  the 
eleventh  national  convention  of  the  Republican  party  was  called  to  order  by  the 
Hon.  Thomas  Henry  Carter,  chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee. 
The  tremendous  structure,  known  as  the  Auditorium  or  Convention  Hall,  is 
capable  of  accommodating  an  immense  assemblage,  and  it  is  estimated  that 
more  than  40,000  visitors  had  flocked  to  St.  Louis.  Fortunately  the  torrid 
weather  for  which  the  Mound  City  is  noted  and  dreaded  held  off,  though  it 
gave  a  taste  of  its  terrible  power  to  smite  before  final  adjournment  came. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  national  conventions,  the  opening  prayer 
was  made  by  an  Israelite,  in  the  person  of  Rabbi  Samuel  Sale,  pastor  of  the 
Shaare  Emeth  congregation.  His  invocation  was  devout,  and,  at  its  close,  the 
secretary  read  the  call  issued  by  the  National  Committee  for  the  convention. 
He  was  not  heard  fifty  feet  away,  not  so  much  because  of  his  weakness  of 
voice,  as  on  account  of  the  wretched  acoustic  qualities  of  the  building.  Chair- 
man Carter  then  presented  the  name  of  Hon.  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  of  Indiana 
as  temporary  chairman.  No  voice  was  raised  in  opposition,  and  the  tall,  slen- 
der man,  with  close-cropped  beard  and  mustache,  came  forward  and  delivered 
an  address  that  was  frequently  interrupted  by  applause.  It  was  an  arraignment 
of  the  Democratic  administration  for  its  many  shortcomings,  and  an  argument 
that  the  prosperity  of  the  country  at  large  could  be  secured  only  by  the  adoption 
of  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party.  Sound  currency,  protection,  sym- 
pathy for  Cuba,  and  the  certainty  that  the  candidates  about  to  be  named  would 
be  the  next  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  were  the  prin- 
cipal features  of  Chairman  Fairbanks'  speech,  which  was  received  with  many 
expressions  of  approval.  At  its  conclusion  the  necessary  officials  of  the  con- 
vention were  appointed,  the  members  of  the  various  committees  announced, 
and,  after  a  session  of  less  than  two  hours,  an  adjournment  was  had  to  10 
o'clock  Wednesday. 


FIRST   NOMINATION   FOR   PRESIDENT.  199 

Between  the  adjournment  and  the  coming  together  on  the  morrow,  much 
effective  work  was  done.  While  the  sentiment  of  the  delegates  was  overwhelm- 
ingly in  favor  of  "sound  currency,"  or  the  single  gold  standard,  there  was  a 
diversity  of  opinion  in  many  quarters  as  to  whether  the  word  "gold"  should 
be  used  in  the  platform.  A  considerable  number  thought  the  latter  was  suffi- 
ciently explicit  without  the  word,  but  the  insistence  of  others  compelled  a 
yielding  of  the  point :  it  was  decided  that  the  all-potent  word  should  appear. 
Since  adjournment  Mr.  Hanna  has  asserted  that  the  gold  plank  was  agreed 
upon  by  him  or  his  associates  before  the  arrival  of  the  delegates  from  the  East, 
who  were  popularly  credited  with  the  formulation  of  the  clause  in  question. 

The  convention  reassembled  at  a  quarter  to  eleven  on  Wednesday,  and 
was  opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  Dr.  W.  G.  Williams,  after  which  the  real 
work  began.  The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  pre- 
sented the  name  of  Senator  J.  N.  Thurston  of  Nebraska  as  chairman,  made  the 
secretaries,  sergeant-at-arms  and  other  temporary  officers  permanent  officers 
of  the  convention,  and  gave  a  list  of  vice-presidents,  consisting  of  one  from 
each  State.  It  was  accepted  and  Senator  Thurston  was  loudly  applauded  as  he 
took  his  seat. 

The  address  of  Mr.  Thurston  pleased  all  by  its  terseness  and  brevity. 

Awaiting  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  the  convention  ad- 
journed until  2  o'clock,  and  at  3  that  afternoon  Chairman  Thurston  called  the 
body  to  order.  Bishop  Arnett  of  Ohio  offered  the  opening  prayer  and  Mr. 
Madden  of  Chicago  presented  to  the  chairman  a  gavel  made  from  timber  of  a 
house  in  which  Abraham  Lincoln  once  lived.  Another  gavel  was  also  pre- 
sented, carved  from  the  homestead  of  Henry  Clay,  "The  Father  of  Protec- 
tion." 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  then  presented  majority  and  minority  re- 
ports, the  former  of  which  favored  the  seating  of  the  Higgins  delegates  and 
those  at  large  from  Delaware  as  against  the  Addicks  delegates,  and  the  seating 
of  the  list  of  Texas  delegates,  which  was  headed  by  John  Grant.  After  a 
warm  discussion  the  majority  report  was  adopted  by  the  vote  of  545^  to  359^. 
This  vote  was  considered  a  test  one  between  McKinley  and  his  opponents  and 
removed  all  doubts  of  the  invincibility  of  the  O'hio  man. 

The  full  Committee  on  Resolutions  met  at  the  Lindell  Hotel  in  the  evening 
and  went  into  secret  session.  The  proposed  platform  was  read  by  paragraphs, 
the  agreement  being  that  each  paragraph  should  be  voted  on  separately.  There 
was  unanimous  accord  upon  the  tariff  plank  and  the  sugar  plank  was  accepted. 
\  strong  declaration  was  formulated  for  a  protective  duty  on  wools  and  wool- 


200  FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDENT, 

ens  and  a  demand  made  for  the  protection  of  American  shipbuilding  and  the 
development  of  American  commerce. 

When  the  financial  plank  was  reached  Senator  Teller  of  Colorado  presented 
a  minority  report  which  declared  in  favor  of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of 
silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i.  Mr.  Teller,  with  deep  emotion,  declared  that  the 
time  had  come  when,  if  the  single  gold  standard  was  adopted,  he  should  be 
compelled  to  leave  the  party  with  which  he  had  been  associated  for  thirty-five 
years.  There  was  much  sympathy  felt  for  this  able  leader,  whose  association 
with  the  Republican  party  had  earned  for  him  the  respect  of  political  foes 
as  well  as  friends.  Mr.  Cannon  of  Utah  was  hardly  less  agitated  when  he 
announced  a  decision  similar  to  that  of  Teller,  and  Mr.  Dubois  of  Idaho  de- 
clared that,  much  as  he  regretted  the  step,  he  would  follow  Messrs.  Teller  and 
Cannon.  Then,  after  earnest  argument,  Mr.  Hartman  of  Montana  said  that  he 
never  would  support  a  candidate  upon  the  proposed  platform. 

The  substitute  of  Senator  Teller  received  10  votes,  which  included  the  dele- 
gates from  Colorado,  California,  Utah,  Montana,  Idaho,  Wyoming,  Arizona, 
Nevada,  North  Carolina  and  New  Mexico.  The  substitute  was  defeated  by 
41  votes.  After  further  discussion,  the  gold  plank,  as  it  appears  in  the  plat- 
form, was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  yeas  40,  nays  n,  the  member  from  Oklahoma 
having  joined  the  silver  men. 

The  convention  came  together  0*1  Thursday  morning,  only  five  minutes 
late,  with  all  of  the  delegates  in  their  seats,  and  the  galleries  packed  to  suffoca- 
tion, many  ladies  being  among  the  spectators.  Rev.  John  R.  Scott  of  Florida, 
a  negro,  opened  with  a  brief  and  appropriate  prayer. 

The  first  order  of  business  was  the  reception  of  the  report  of  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions.  Senator-elect  Foraker  of  Ohio  was  cheered  as  he  advanced  to 
the  platform  and  said :  "As  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  I  have 
the  honor  to  report  as  follows :" 

He  then  read  the  platform,  as  printed  elsewhere,  in  a  clear,  ringing  voice 
and  with  distinct  enunciation.  He  emphasized  the  endorsement  of  President 
Harrison,  and  was  applauded,  and  when,  in  a  loud  voice  and  with  impressive 
manner,  he  declared:  "The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound 
money,"  the  applause  was  greater  than  ever,  it  rising  to  a  still  more  enthusi- 
astic pitch  when  the  pledge  to  promote  international  agreement  for  free  coin- 
age of  silver  was  read.  Mr.  Foraker  was  compelled  to  stop  reading  and  the 
applause  continued  so  long  that  the  chairman  rapped  repeatedly  for  order. 

The  demand  for  American  control  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  was  warmly 
approved,  but  the  convention  remained  mum  over  the  proposed  building  of  the 


FIRST  NOMINATION   FOR   PRESIDENT.  201 

Nicaragua  Canal  by  the  United  States  and  the  purchase  of  the  Danish 
Islands  for  a  naval  station.  If  any  enthusiasm  was  felt  in  that  direction  it  did 
not  manifest  itself.  But  the  sympathy  of  the  people  found  ardent  expression 
when  the  Cuban  paragraph  was  read,  dropping  again  to  zero  over  the  civil 
service  plank.  The  negro  delegates  applauded  noisily  the  demand  for  a  free 
ballot  and  the  condemnation  of  lynching. 

It  took  twenty-five  minutes  for  the  reading  of  the  platform,  during  which 
the  convention  gave  close  attention,  breaking  out  again  into  cheers  at  the 
close.  When  the  tumult  had  subsided,  Mr.  Foraker  moved  the  adoption  of  the 
report  as  the  National  platform  for  1896. 

As  Mr.  Foraker  reached  the  closing  paragraph  of  the  report,  Senator 
Teller  left  his  place  with  the  Colorado  delegation  and  took  his  seat  on  the 
platform.  He  was  recognized  by  the  chairman  and  sent  to  the  secretary's 
desk  and  had  read  the  following  minority  report:  "We,  the  undersigned 
members  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  being  unable  to  agree  with  that 
part  of  the  majority  report  which  treats  of  the  subjects  of  coinage  and 
finance,  respectfully  submit  the  following  paragraph  as  a  substitute  therefor : 

"The  Republican  party  favors  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  equal 
standard  money,  and  pledges  its  power  to  secure  the  free,  unrestricted  and 
independent  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  our  mints  at  the  ratio  of  16  parts 
of  silver  to  I  of  gold." 

Mr.  Teller  then  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  platform  to  utter  his  "fare- 
well." The  universal  respect  felt  for  him  was  shown  by  the  cordial  greeting 
of  the  twelve  thousand  people,  who  saw  that  the  distinguished  gentleman 
was  almost  overcome  with  emotion.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  there  was 
one  in  that  immense  assemblage  who  did  not  feel  a  sincere  sympathy  for 
the  man  who  was  taking  the  most  painful  step  of  his  public  career. 

Mr.  Teller  asserted  that  we  might  as  well  have  two  flags  in  the  Nation, 
if  the  present  money  system  is  to  be  maintained,  for  the  reason  that  two 
flags  are  not  more  important  than  this  all-absorbing  question  of  gold  and 
silver  money.  He  declared  that  he  was  not  actuated  by  the  fact  that  Colo- 
rado is  a  silver-producing  State,  but  he  had  come  to  the  earnest  conclusion, 
after  twenty  years  of  study,  that  bimetallism  is  the  only  safe  money  doctrine 
for  the  United  States  and  all  other  countries. 

Mr.  Teller  insisted  that  a  protective  tariff  cannot  be  maintained  on  a 
gold  standard.  Then,  with  uplifted  hands,  he  declared:  "When  God 
Almighty  made  these  two  metals,  He  intended  them  for  use  as  money." 

Senator  Teller  said  that  the  years  of  study  which  he  had  devoted  to  this 


202  FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDENT. 

question  had  brought  convictions  to  him  which  were  binding  upon  his  con- 
science, and  it  was  because  he  was  an  honest  man  that  he  could  not  support 
the  gold  money  plank.  The  declaration  was  received  with  cheers  and  hisses, 
and  moisture  gathered  in  the  eyes  of  the  speaker  as  he  looked  out  over  the 
sea  of  faces  and  felt  that  he  had  at  last  reached  the  parting  of  the  ways. 
Then  the  tears  coursed  down  his  cheeks  and  his  handkerchief  went  to  his  eyes. 
The  sight  caused  a  respectful  hush  to  fall  over  the  convention,  while  more 
than  one  friend  wept  in  silent  sympathy. 

Recovering  himself,  Senator  Teller  declared  that  the  best  thoughts  of  the 
world  favored  bimetallism,  and  it  was  advocated  by  the  greatest  teachers  of 
political  economy  in  Europe. 

"Do  you  suppose,"  he  asked,  "that  we  can  take  this  step  and  leave  the 
party  without  distress?  Take  any  methods  you  please  to  nominate  your 
man,  but  put  him  upon  the  right  platform,  and  I  will  support  him.  I  was 
for  free  men,  free  speech,  and  a  free  Government.  I  was  with  the  Republican 
party  when  it  was  born.  I  have  become  accustomed  to  abuse,  but  I  have 
voted  for  every  Republican  candidate  since  the  foundation  of  the  party,  and 
I  have  been  in  close  communication  with  its  distinguished  men  for  forty  years." 

At  this  point,  Senator  Teller  broke  down  again.  The  tears  streamed 
over  his  face  and  he  was  greatly  distressed.  In  a  broken  voice  he  added : 

"But  if  I  am  to  leave  the  Republican  party,  I  do  not  leave  it  in  anger.  I 
believe  that  my  doctrine  is  for  the  good  o>f  the  people.  I  believe  that  the 
Republican  party  will  see  the  error  of  its  way,  and,  although  I  may  never 
be  permitted  again  to  address  a  Republican  National  Convention,  I  shall  live 
in  the  hope  that  before  I  die  this  great  party  will  come  to  a  thorough  under- 
standing of  the  silver  question  and  treat  it  solemnly  and  with  the  keenest 
interest  in  support  of  all  the  people." 

The  vote  to  lay  Senator  Teller's  motion  on  the  table  disclosed  an  interest- 
ing state  of  facts.  It  was  supported  by  seven  friends'  in  Alabama,  fifteen 
in  California,  his  eight  delegates  of  Colorado,  two  from  Florida,  three  from 
Georgia,  the  six  from  Idaho,  and  one  from  Illinois.  In  addition,  his  plank 
received  the  following  support :  Kansas,  four  votes,  Michigan,  one;  Missouri, 
one;  Montana,  six;  Nevada,  six;  South  Carolina,  fourteen  and  one-half; 
South  Dakota,  two;  Tennessee,  one;  Utah,  six;  Virginia,  five;  Wyoming, 
six;  and  in  the  Territories:  Arizona,  six;  New  Mexico,  three,  and  Oklahoma, 
one,  making  one  hundred  and  five  and  one-half  votes  in  all.  The  vote  for  the 
majority  report  was  eight  hundred  and  eighteen  and  one-half. 

Senator  Teller,  who  was  still  on  the  platform,  asked  permission  from  the 


FIRST   NOMINATION   FOR  PRESIDENT.  203 

chairman  to  introduce  Senator  Cannon  of  Utah,  who  desired  to  read  a  state- 
ment from  the  silver  men.  The  manner  of  Senator  Cannon  was  defiant  and 
quickly  stirred  up  impatience.  He  declared  he  would  bow  to  the  majority  in 
the  matter  of  votes,  but  would  never  bow  when  a  question  of  principle  was  at 
stake.  He  said  they  would  withdraw  from  the  convention,  and  he  pre- 
dicted trouble  in  the  future  for  the  Republican  party.  This  was  greeted  with 
hisses  and  urgent  requests  for  him  to  sit  down.  In  the  midst  of  the  storm, 
the  chairman  turned  to  Senator  Cannon  and  shouted:  "The  Republican 
party  do  not  fear  any  declaration." 

This  threw  the  convention  into  a  tumult  of  enthusiasm.  Men  sprang  to 
their  feet,  swung  flags  and  shouted  at  the  top  of  their  voices.  Senator 
Cannon  calmly  awaited  the  subsidence  of  the  storm,  when  he  continued  with 
his  generalities,  and  read  the  list  of  free  silver  men  who  would  leave  the 
convention.  The  names  of  the  signers  were  greeted  with  hisses,  and  some- 
one in  the  rear  called  out,  "Good-by,  my  lover,  good-by,"  as  Senator  Teller 
and  his  associates  filed  out  of  the  hall,  marching  down  the  main  aisle.  The 
whole  convention  was  again  on  its  feet  yelling,  waving  flags,  hats  and  fans, 
while  the  band  played  patriotic  airs  and  the  assemblage  sang  the  chorus, 
"Three  Cheers  for  the  Red,  White  and  Blue." 

The  silver  delegates  who  withdrew  were  Congressman  Hartman  of  Mon- 
tana; Senator  Cannon,  Congressman  Allen  and  Delegate  Thomas  Kearns,  of 
Utah ;  Senator  Pettigrew,  of  South  Dakota ;  Delegates  Cleveland  and  Strother, 
of  Nevada ;  the  entire  Idaho  delegation  of  six,  headed  by  Senator  Dubois ;  the 
whole  Colorado  delegation  of  eight;  including  Senator  Teller,  the  total 
number  of  bolters  being  twenty-one,  including  four  senators  and  two  repre- 
sentatives. 

Waiting  until  the  excitement  had  subsided,  the  chairman  announced  in 
deliberate  fashion :  "Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  there  seem  to  be  enough 
delegates  left  to  do  business.  (Great  cheering.)  The  chair  now  asks  that 
a  gentleman  from  Montana  who  did  not  go  out" — Cheers  drowned  the  rest  of 
the  sentence,  and  cries  were  made  for  Lee  Mantle,  who  was  asked  to  come 
to  the  platform,  but  declined. 

On  the  call  of  states  for  nominations  for  the  Presidency,  the  first  response 
was  from  Iowa.  R.  M.  Baldwin,  of  Council  Bluffs,  nominated  Senator  W. 
B.  Allison,  in  a  glowing  tribute  to  Senator  Allison's  worth  and  services. 

Senator  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  speech  of  characteristic  eloquence, 
nominated  Hon.  Thomas  B.  Reed. 

Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew  received  a  warm  'velcome  as  he  made  his  way  to 


2U4  FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDENT. 

the  platform  to  nominate  Governor  Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York  State,  which 
he  did  in  his  usual  felicitous  style  of  speech. 

Then  came  the  call  of  Ohio.  Amid  intense  interest  and  expectation  Gov- 
ernor Foraker  went  to  the  platform,  and  when  silence  had  been  obtained  he 
said: 

"Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  It  would  be  exceed- 
ingly difficult,  if  not  entirely  impossible,  to  exaggerate  the  disagreeable  situa- 
tion of  the  last  four  years.  The  grand  aggregate  of  the  multitudinous  bad 
results  of  a  Democratic  National  Administration  may  be  summed  up  as  one 
stupendous  disaster.  It  has  been  a  disaster,  however,  not  without,  at  least, 
this  one  redeeming  feature— that  it  has  been  fair;  nobody  has  escaped. 
(Loud  laughter.) 

"It  has  fallen  equally  and  alike  on  all  sections  of  the  country  and  on  all 
classes  of  our  people;  the  just  and  the  unjust,  the  Republican  and  the  Demo- 
crat, the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  high  and  the  low,  have  suffered  in  common. 
Poverty  and  distress  have  overtaken  business:  shrunken  values  have  dissi- 
pated fortunes;  deficiencies  of  revenue  law  have  impoverished  the  Govern- 
ment, while  bond  issues  and  bond  syndicates  have  discredited  and  scandalized 
the  country. 

"Over  against  that  fearful  penalty  is,  however,  to  be  set  down  one  great, 
blessed  compensatory  result — is  has  destroyed  the  Democratic  party.  (  Cheers 
and  laughter.)  The  proud  columns  which  swept  the  country  in  triumph  in 
1892  are  broken  and  hopeless  in  1896.  Their  boasted  principles  when  put  to 
the  test  have  proved  to  be  (delusive  fallacies,  and  their  great  leaders  have 
degenerated  into  warring  chieftains  of  petty  and  irreconcilable  factions.  Their 
approaching  National  Convention  is  but  an  approaching  National  nightmare. 
No  man  pretends  to  be  able  to  predict  any  good  result  to  come  from  it.  And 
no  man  is  seeking  the  nomination  of  that  Convention  except  only  the  limited 
few  who  have  advertised  their  unfitness  for  any  kind  of  a  public  trust  by 
proclaiming  their  willingness  to  stand  on  any  sort  of  a  platform  that  may  be 
adopted.  ( Laughter. ) 

"The  truth  is,  the  party  which  would  stand  up  under  the  odium  of  human 
slavery,  opposed  to  the  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  to  emancipa- 
tion, to  enfranchisement,  to  reconstruction  and  to  specie  resumption,  is  at  last 
to  be  overmatched  and  undone  by  itself.  It  is  writhing  in  the  throes  and 
agonies  of  final  dissolution.  No  human  agency  can  prevent  its  absolute  over- 
throw at  the  next  election,  except  only  this  Convention.  If  we  make  no 
mistake  here,  the  Democratic  party  will  go  out  of  power  on  the  4th  day  of 


FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDED.  205 

March,  1897  (applause),  to  remain  out  of  power  until  God,  in  His  infinite 
wisdom  and  mercy  and  goodness,  shall  see  fit  once  more  to  chastise  His  people. 
(Loud  laughter  and  applause.) 

"So  far  we  have  not  made  any  mistake.  We  have  adopted  a  platform 
which,  notwithstanding  the  scene  witnessed  in  this  hall  this  morning,  meets 
the  demands  and  expectations  of  the  American  people. 

"It  remains  for  us  now,  as  the  last  crowning  act  of  our  work,  to  meet 
again  that  same  expectation  in  the  nomination  of  our  candidates.  What  is 
that  expectation?  What  is  it  that  the  people  want?  They  want  as  their 
candidate  something  more  than  'a  good  business  man'  (an  allusion  to  Mr. 
Depew's  characterization  of  Governor  Morton).  They  want  something  more 
than  a  popular  leader.  They  want  something  more  than  a  wise  and  patriotic 
statesman.  They  want  a  man  who  embodies  in  himself  not  only  all  these 
essential  qualifications,  but  those,  in  addition,  which,  in  the  highest  possible 
degree,  typify  in  name,  in  character,  in  record,  in  ambition,  in  purpose,  the 
exact  opposite  of  all  that  is  signified  and  represented  by  that  free-trade, 
deficit-making,  bond-issuing,  labor-assassinating,  Democratic  Administration. 
(Cheers.)  I  stand  here  to  present  to  this  Convention  such  a  man.  His 
name  is  William  McKinley." 

At  this  point  pandemonium  was  let  loose,  and  the  Convention  gave  up  to 
unrestrained  yelling,  cheering,  horn-blowing,  whistling,  cat-calling  and  all 
the  other  devices  common  to  such  occasions.  A  number  of  red,  white  and 
blue  plumes,  which  (carefully  wrapped  up)  had  been  brought  into  the  Con- 
vention earlier  in  the  proceedings,  were  uncovered  and  waved,  while  almost 
every  delegate  seemed  to  be  wildly  gesticulating  with  either  a  fan  or  a  flag 
in  the  air.  The  band  tried  in  vain  to  compete  with  the  ear-splitting  clamor, 
but  at  last  the  strains  of  "Marching  Through  Georgia"  caught  the  ears  of 
the  crowd,  and  they  joined  in  the  chorus  and  gradually  quieted  down. 

Then  a  portrait  of  McKinley  was  hoisted  on  a  line  with  the  United 
States  flag  on  the  gallery  facing  the  platform,  and  the  cheering  began  over 
again,  to  which  the  band  responded  by  playing  "Rally  Round  the  Flag,"  the 
Convention  joining  in  the  chorus. 

After  at  least  twelve  minutes  of  this  kind  of  proceeding  the  chair  began 
to  rap  for  a  restoration  of  order,  but  without  avail. 

Senator-elect  Foraker  stood  during  all  this  wild  scene  smiling  his  ap- 
proval. Mr.  Hepburn,  of  Iowa,  had  in  the  meantime  been  called  to  the 
chair  by  Senator  Thurston,  but  just  when  he  had  nearly  restored  order,  Mrs. 
H.  W.  R.  Strong,  of  California,  who  had  presented  the  plumes  in  honor  of 


206  FIRST   NOMINATION   FOR   PRESIDENT. 

Ohio's  choice,  made  her  appearance  on  the  floor,  waving  one  of  them,  and 
another  uncontrollable  outbreak  of  wholesale  temporary  insanity  occurred. 
During  the  interval  of  confusion,  a  three-quarter  face,  life-size  sculptured 
bust  of  McKinley  was  presented  to  Mr.  Foraker  by  the  Republican  Club  of 
the  University  of  Chicago.  The  portrait  was  in  a  mahogany  frame,  decorated 
with  red,  white  and  blue  ribbons,  and  with  a  bow  of  maroon-colored  ribbons 
[forming  the  colors  of  the  university.  The  portrait  was  the  work  of  Harris 
Hirsch,  and  was  presented  by  Dr.  Lisston  H.  Montgomery,  of  Chicago,  with 
a  letter  signed  by  H.  L.  Ickes,  president  of  the  club.  It  was  accepted  by 
Senator-elect  Foraker  in  dumb  show. 

After  twenty-five  minutes  of  incessant  turmoil  Mr.  Foraker  was  allowed 
to  resume  his  speech. 

He  spoke  of  the  great  champions  of  Republicanism  in  the  past,  eulogizing 
Mr.  Elaine  particularly,  and  continued : 

"But,  greatest  of  all,  measured  by  present  requirements,  is  the  leader  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  the  author  of  the  McKinley  Bill,  which  gave  to 
labor  its  richest  awards.  No  other  name  so  completely  meets  the  require- 
ments of  the  occasion,  and  no  other  name  so  absolutely  commands  all  hearts. 
The  shafts  of  envy  and  malice  and  slander  and  libel  and  detraction  that  have 
been  aimed  at  him  lie  broken  and  harmless  at  his  feet.  The  quiver  is  empty, 
and  he  is  untouched.  That  is  because  the  people  know  him,  trust  him, 
believe  him,  and  will  not  permit  any  human  power  to  disparage  him  unjustly 
in  their  estimation. 

"They  know  that  he  is  an  American  of  Americans.  They  know  that  he  is 
just  and  able  and  brave,  and  they  want  him  for  President  of  the  United 
States.  (Applause.)  They  have  already  shown  it — not  in  this  or  that  State, 
nor  in  this  or  that  section,  but  in  all  the  States  and  in  all  the  sections  from 
ocean  to  ocean,  and  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Lakes.  They  expect  of  you  to 
give  them  a  chance  to  vote  for  him.  It  is  our  duty  to  do  it.  If  we  dis- 
charge that  duty  we  will  give  joy  to  their  hearts,  enthusiasm  to  their  souls  and 
triumphant  victory  to  our  cause.  (Applause.)  And  he,  in  turn,  will  give  us 
an  administration  under  which  the  country  will  enter  on  a  new  era  of  pros- 
perity at  home  and  of  glory  and  honor  abroad,  by  all  these  tokens  of  the 
present  and  all  these  promises  of  the  future.  In  the  name  of  the  forty-six 
delegates  of  Ohio,  I  submit  his  claim  to  your  consideration."  (More  ap- 
plause.) 

The  high-water  mark  of  enthusiasm  was  reached  when  Senator  Thurston 


FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDENT.  207 

rose  to  second  the  nomination  of  McKinley,  which  he  did  in  eloquent  and 
forceful  words. 

In  the  midst  of  cries  of  "vote,"  Governor  Hastings  placed  in  nomination 
Matthew  Stanley  Quay,  at  the  conclusion  of  which,  amid  a  profound  hush, 
the  Convention  began  balloting  for  a  nominee  for  President  of  the  United 
States. 

Alabama  led  off  with  i  for  Morton  and  19  for  McKinley,  Arkansas  and 
California  following  with  a  solid  vote  for  McKinley.  Connecticut  gave 
5  for  Reed  and  7  for  McKinley;  Delaware,  its  full  vote  for  McKinley; 
Florida,  8  for  McKinley;  Georgia,  2.  for  Reed,  2.  for  Quay,  and  2.2.  for 
McKinley. 

When  all  of  the  States  had  been  called,  the  chairman  stated,  before  the 
announcement  of  the  result,  that  application  had  been  made  to  him  for  recog- 
nition by  delegates  of  the  defeated  candidates  to  make  a  certain  motion. 
He  thought  it  the  fairest  way  to  recognize  them  in  the  order  in  which  the 
nominations  had  been  made.  He  then  announced  that  William  McKinley 
had  received  66 1^  votes. 

Before  the  chairman  could  get  any  further,  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Con- 
vention broke  all  bounds.  Every  man  was  on  his  feet,  shouting,  hurrahing, 
cheering,  swinging-  hats  and  canes  in  the  air,  waving  flags  and  banners  and 
the  pampas  plumes  of  California,  while  through  the  Niagara-like  rush  and  roar 
were  caught  the  notes  of  "My  Country,  'Tis  of  Thee,"  as  the  band  played 
with  might  and  main  in  its  attempt  to  gain  the  mastery  of  the  cyclone.  The 
women,  if  possible,  were  more  frantic  than  the  men.  Parasols,  fans,  opera- 
glasses,  gloves — anything,  everything — were  compelled  to  help  in  the  mag- 
nificent burst  of  enthusiasm  which  swept  over  and  submerged  all  alike,  until 
it  looked  as  if  order  could  never  again  be  evolved  from  the  swirling  pande- 
monium. 

One  fancy  caught  on  with  wonderful  effect.  A  young  man  on  the  plat- 
form waved  on  the  point  of  the  national  banner  a  laced  cocked  hat,  such  as 
appears  in  most  of  popular  representations  of  the  mighty  Napoleon.  This 
symbol  of  enthusiasm  was  greeted  with  rapturous  applause,  to  which  the 
booming  of  artillery  on  the  outside  contributed. 

Finally,  after  a  long,  long  time,  the  chairman  gained  a  chance  to  com- 
plete the  announcement  of  the  vote.  It  was :  Thomas  B.  Reed,  84^ ;  Senator 
Quay,  6i|;  Levi  P.  Morton,  58;  Senator  Allison,  35^,  and  Don  Cameron  I. 

The  vote  by  States  was  as  follows: 


FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDENT. 

McKinley.  Morton.    Quay.    Reed.    Allison. 

Maine •  •  •  •  I2 

Maryland 15  ••  ••  * 

Massachusetts i  . .  . .  29 

Michigan 28 

Minnesota 18 

Mississippi.. 17  ••  l 

Missouri 34 

*  Montana i 

Nebraska 16 

Nevada 3 

New  Hampshire 

New  Jersey 19  •  •  • «  l 

New  York 17          55  

North  Carolina 19^         ..  ..  2^ 

North  Dakota 6 

Ohio 46 

Oregon 8 

Pennsylvania 6  . .  58 

Rhode  Island 8 

South  Carolina 18 

South  Dakota 8 

Tennessee 24 

Texas 21  ..  ..  5  3 

Utah 3  3 

Vermont 8 

Virginia 23  . .  . .  i 

Washington 8 

West  Virginia 12 

Wisconsin 24 

Wyoming 6 

Arizona 6 

New  Mexico 5  ..  ..  ..  i 

Oklahoma 4  ..  ..  I  I 

Indian  Territory 6 

District  of  Columbia . .  . .  i  i 

Alaska 4 


Totals 66i|        58          6i|        84*        35* 

*  Blank,  4,  and  one  vote  for  Cameron  from  Montana. 

Necessary  for  choice,  454.     Total  number  of  delegates  present,  906. 

Senator  Lodge,  rising  in  his  delegation,  in  a  forceful  speech  moved  to 
make  the  nomnation  of  Mr.  McKinley  unanimous.     Mr.  Hastings,  of  Penn- 


FIRST    NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDED  x.  209 

sylvania,  who  had  nominated  Quay,  seconded  the  motion,  as  did  Thomas  C. 
Platt  on  behalf  of  New  York,  Mr.  Henderson,  of  Iowa,  and  J.  Madison 
Vance,  of  Louisiana.  In  answer  to  loud  calls  Mr.  Depew  mounted  his  chair 
in  the  back  of  the  room,  where  the  rays  of  the  sun  beamed  on  his  countenance, 
which  itself  was  beaming  with  good  humor,  and  delivered  a  short  and  char- 
acteristically humorous  speech. 

The  chair  then  put  the  question,  "Shall  the  nomination  be  made  unani- 
mous?" and  by  a  rising  vote  it  was  so  ordered,  and  the  chair  announced  that 
Mr.  William  McKinley  of  Ohio  was  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party 
for  President  of  the  United  States. 

This  great  step  having  been  taken,  Senator  Lodge  moved  to  proceed  to 
the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  Vice-President ;  and,  although  the  Con- 
vention had  been  in  continuous  session  for  eight  and  a  half  hours,  the  motion 
was  carried,  and  at  twenty  minutes  past  six  the  roll  o>f  the  States  was  called 
for  such  nominations. 

Mr.  Fessenden  nominated  the  Hon.  Morgan  G.  Bulkeley  of  Connecticut, 
while  Judge  Franklin  Fort  of  New  Jersey  placed  the  Hon.  Garret  A.  Hobart 
in  nomination.  Judge  Fort  concluded  one  of  the  most  telling  speeches  with 
the  following  tribute  to  his  nominee : 

"His  capabilities  are  such  as  would  grace  any  position  of  honor  in  the 
Nation.  Not  for  himself,  but  for  our  State;  not  for  his  ambition,  but  to  give 
to  the  Nation  the  highest  type  of  public  official,  do  we  come  to  this  conven- 
tion by  the  command  of  our  State  and  in  the  name  of  the  Republican  party 
of  New  Jersey  unconquered  and  unconquerable,  undivided  and  indivisible — 
with  one  united  voice  speaking  for  all  that  counts  for  good  citizenship  in 
our  State,  and  nominate  to  you  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  this 
Republic,  Garret  A.  Hobart  of  New  Jersey." 

Mr.  Humphrey  seconded  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hobart  in  the  name  of 
the  State  of  Illinois.  Delegate  Randolph  of  Tennessee  nominated  Henry 
Clay  Evans  of  that  State,  the  nomination  being  seconded  by  colored  Dele- 
gate Smith  of  Kentucky,  who  declared  the  Republican  party  "the  grandest 
organization  this  side  of  eternity."  Mr.  I.  C.  Walker  (colored)  of  Virginia, 
put  his  fellow-delegate  in  nomination. 

By  the  time  the  balloting  reached  South  Dakota  it  was  so  evident  that 
Hobart  was  to  be  the  fortunate  one  that  many  of  the  delegates  began  leaving 
the  hall.  The  result  of  the  ballot  as  announced  by  the  chair  was :  Hobart, 
535i;  Evans,  277^;  Bulkeley,  39;  Lippitt,  8;  Walker,  24;  Reed,  3;  Thurs- 
ton,  2 ;  Frederick  Grant,  2 ;  Depew,  3 ;  Morton,  i ;  absent,  23. 


210  FIRST   NOMINATION    FOR   PRESIDENT. 

Then  at  ten  minutes  to  eight  o'clock,  the  eleventh  National  Republican 
Convention  adjourned  sine  die. 

Six  hundred  miles  away,  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  is  the  pleasant  town  of 
Canton,  the  home  of  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  party  for  the  Presidency 
of  the  United  States.  What  an  impressive  illustration  of  the  wonderful 
studies  in  discovery  it  was,  that  William  McKinley,  during  the  tempestuous 
scenes  we  have  attempted  to  describe,  sat  in  his  library  and  heard  the  cheer- 
ing, the  shouts,  the  speeches  and  the  whirlwind  which  accompanied  his 
nomination  and  kept  as  close  track  of  the  proceedings  as  if  he  were  sitting 
on  the  platform  and  looking  into  the  sea  of  upturned  faces !  Such  was  the 
amazing  fact,  for  the  telephone  to  which  his  ear  was  turned  reported  every- 
thing almost  as  faithfully  as  his  own  eyes  and  ears  could  have  done,  and  he, 
more  than  half  a  thousand  miles  distant,  knew  the  result  as  soon  as  did  the 
excited  delegates  themselves. 

During  the  stormy  week  of  the  Convention  that  is  described  in  the  pre- 
ceding pages,  Governor  McKinley  was  sitting  orr  the  porch  of  his  cottaee 
talking  to  a  group  of  friends,  when  an  old  lady  was  seen  approaching  the 
gate. 

"That's  my  mother!"  he  exclaimed,  springing  to  his  feet  and  hurrying 
down  the  walk  to  meet  her.  He  gave  her  his  arm  and,  bringing  her  to  the 
porch,  introduced  her  to  each  in  turn,  saw  that  she  was  provided  with  the 
most  comfortable  chair,  and  to  none  gave  more  loving  attention  than  to  her. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
THE    GREAT    CAMPAIGN    OF    1896. 

Long  before  the  National  Convention  of  1896  was  held,  the  issues  which 
were  to  be  paramount  in  the  campaign  had  begun  to  crystallize.  Throughout 
the  country  there  was  a  wail  of  distress  growing  out  of  the  depression  of 
1893,  and  the  people  were  thinking,  thinking,  as  to  the  cause  of  the  trouble 
which  oppressed  them.  No  nation  was  ever  better  equipped  to  intelligently 
discuss  matters  pertaining  to  its  welfare  than  the  United  States  at  that 
period.  Theorists  had  conceived  numerous  remedies  for  the  economic 
depression,  and  right  or  wrong,  had  found  many  adherents. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  had  declared  for  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  the  party  in  favor  of  establishing  the  financial  system  of  the 
country  on  a  gold  basis.  Protection  to  American  interests,  which  had  long 
been  a  cherished  principle  of  the  party,  also  had  its  place  in  the  platform.  The 
Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  adopted  a  platform  demanding  the  free  coin- 
age of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  I,  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  only. 

As  before  stated,  however,  the  issues  had  already  been  firmly  fixed  in  the 
public  mind.  The  advocates  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  had  been  preach- 
ing their  doctrines  for  months,  and  as  their  arguments  were  easily  com- 
prehended, the  masses  took  to  them  with  avidity.  "The  cry  was  that  the 
Republicans  intended  to  destroy  silver  except  as  a  subsidiary  coin,  and  make 
gold  the  basic  money  of  the  country.  It  was  asserted  that  there  was  not 
gold  enough  in  the  world  to  provide  a  currency  for  the  wants  of  trade,  hence 
the  volume  of  money  would  be  contracted,  if  the  policy  of  the  Republicans 
prevailed.  Prices  of  commodities,  already  extremely  low,  would  fall  lower, 
because  there  would  be  less  money  for  the  people  to  purchase  them  with, 
hence  the  distress  would  grow  apace. 

These  arguments  had  been  disseminated  in  a  small  book  the  writer  of 
which  pretended  to  hold  a  "financial  school,"  and  to  expound  for  the  benefit 
o>f  the  people,  and  for  the  benefit  of  capitalists  especially,  the  true  gospel  of 
finance.  Millions  of  copies  of  this  book  had  been  sold,  and  people  through- 
out the  length  and  breadth  oi  the  land  were  familiar  with  its  arguments. 
Those  of  opposite  beliefs  had  not  been  asleep  during  this  period.  They  had 

213 


214  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGN  OF  1896. 

formulated  arguments  in  contradiction,  and  four  or  five  books  had  been 
written  and  printed  to  offset  the  influence  of  the  silver  campaign  document. 

The  Democrats  nominated  William  Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  as  their 
standard  bearer.  Mr.  Bryan  was  an  ex-member  of  Congress,  and  prior  to 
the  Convention  had  not  been  regarded  as  a  prominent  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency. He  was  young,  and  there  were  wheel-horses  in  the  party  to  be 
rewarded.  "Silver  Dick,"  as  the  Hon.  Richard  P.  Bland,  of  Missouri,  was 
called,  because  of  his  long  defence  of  silver  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
as  a  money  metal,  was  one  of  the  most  formidable  candidates,  and  Governor 
Horace  Boies,  who  had  succeeded  in  winning  the  Republican  State  of  Iowa 
for  the  Democrats,  also  had  a  large  following.  Mr.  Bryan  came  to  the 
Convention  as  a  delegate,  a  pronounced  champion  of  the  silver  theory,  and  a 
representative  of  the  producing  classes  of  the  country.  He  had  already 
achieved  fame  as  an  orator,  and  during  the  Convention  he  took  the  platform 
and  made  a  most  brilliant  speech  in  favor  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  The 
address  so  electrified  the  Convention  that  delegation  after  delegation  voted 
for  Mr.  Bryan  when  the  balloting  began,  and  before  the  roll  call  was  finished 
it  was  seen  that  he  was  nominated.  ° 

Neither  the  Republican  nor  the  Democratic  party  committed  itself  to  the 
money  question  without  a  serious  fight  within  its  own  ranks.  When  the 
Republicans  declared  against  silver,  an  influential  section  of  the  delegates,  led 
by  United  States  Senator  Henry  M.  Teller,  of  Colorado,  bolted  the  Con- 
vention, and  were,  perforce,  compelled  to  sup'port  Mr.  Bryan  as  a  Presidential 
candidate.  •  A  faction  of  the  Democratic  party,  led  by  Senator  Hill,  of  New 
York,  refused  absolutely  to  subscribe  to  the  silver  doctrine  enumerated  by  their 
party,  and  as  a  result  the  Gold  Democrats  nominated  a  ticket  for  President, 
headed  by  United  States  Senator  Palmer,  of  Illinois,  and  S.  B.  Buckner,  of 
Kentucky.  Mr.  Bryan  was  also  the  candidate  of  the  Populistic  party. 

Following  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Bryan  began  a  campaign  the  like  of 
which  has  perhaps  never  been  seen  in  any  country.  It  was  full  of  spectacular 
features,  and  there  was  more  eloquence  to  the  square  inch  than  had  ever 
been  known  before.  Everybody  turned  speech-maker,  and  few  places  were 
regarded  as  too  sacred,  and  few  moments  as  improper,  in  which  to  discuss  the 
momentous  questions.  On  the  streets,  in  railway  cars,  on  steamboats,  in 
hotels,  stores,  factories,  and  at  the  family  board  the  great  question  was 
threshed  out.  The  excitement  was  intense.  On  both  sides  the  people  be- 
lieved a  crisis  had  arrived.  The  Republicans  declared  the  election  of  Mr. 
Bryan  meant  repudiation  of  obligations,  ruin  and  national  dishonor.  The 


THE   GREAT   CAMPAIGN   OF   1896.  215 

Democrats  retorted  that  there  could  be  no  repudiation  in  sticking  to  the  money 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  argument  was  so  apparently  conclusive  that  the 
Republicans  became  alarmed.  It  was  found  that  the  silver  belief  was  fully 
grounded — the  people  of  the  great  West  seemed  impressed  with  the  idea  that 
more  money  would  make  times  better,  and  more  money  could  easily  be  coined. 
The  Government  had  practically  ceased  under  the  Cleveland  Administration 
to  purchase  silver  bullion.  The  mines  of  Colorado,  Utah,  Arizona,  New 
Mexico,  Montana,  and  other  sections,  could  produce  the  metal  in  abundance, 
and  for  the  Government  to  coin  it  into  money  would  produce  the  supply  of 
money  necessary  to  relieve  the  stringency. 

Such  arguments  appealed  to  those  who  felt  the  pinch  of  poverty,  and  the 
Republicans  found  it  necessary  to  send  their  best  and  most  eloquent  speakers 
into  the  field,  in  order  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the  silver  advocates. 
Printing  presses  throughout  the  land  were  set  to  work  to  print  pamphlets 
and  tracts  exploded  the  Democratic  doctrine,  and  great  discs  of  base  metal 
were  cast  to  show  how  much  silver  at  the  prevailing  price  would  have  to  go 
into  a  dollar,  to  make  it  the  equivalent  oi  a  gold  dollar.  The  bullion  value  of 
the  silver  in  a  dollar  was  at  that  time  about  50  cents,  and  the  object  lesson  had 
its  effect  upon  certain  minds. 

As  indicative  of  the  arguments  used  by  the  leading  orators  during  the 
campaign,  the  following  examples  are  given : 

Congressman  Joseph  C.  Sibley,  of  Pennsylvania,  one  of  the  prominent 
Eastern  men  who  supported  the  doctrine  of  free  coinage  of  silver,  said  in  one 
of  his  speeches: 

"Silver  is  the  only  stable  standard  of  values  maintaining  at  all  times  its 
parity  with  every  article  of  production  except  gold.  The  ounce  of  silver, 
degraded  by  infamous  legislation  from  its  normal  mintage  value  of  1.2929 
an  ounce  to  about  60  cents,  has  kept  its  parity  with  the  ton  of  pig  iron,  the 
pound  of  nails,  and  all  the  products  of  our  iron  mills.  The  ounce  of  silver 
has  maintained  its  parity  with  the  barrel  of  petroleum,  with  granite  blocks, 
with  kiln-burnt  bricks.  With  lumber  growing  scarcer  year  by  year  it  still 
keeps  its  parity.  It  is  at  parity  with  the  ton  of  coal ;  with  the  mower,  reaper, 
thresher,  the  grain  drill,  the  hoe,  and  the  spade.  Silver  at  1.2929  and  beef 
at  7  cents  per  pound  in  the  farmer's  field  has  kept  its  parity,  and  the 
ounce  of  silver  at  60  cents  buys  to-day  beef  at  2  cents  per  pound  on  foot.  The 
pound  of  cotton  and  the  ounce  of  silver  have  never  lost  their  level.  No 
surer  has  the  sun  indicated  on  the  dial  the  hour  of  the  day  than  has  the 
ounce  of  silver  shown  the  value  of  the  pound  of  cotton.  As  surely  as  the 


216  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGN  OF  1896. 

moon  has  given  high  tide  or  low  tide,  just  so  surely  has  the  ounce  of  silver 
given  the  high  and  low  tide  prices  of  wheat.  The  ounce  of  silver  has  main- 
tained its  parity  with  your  railway  dividends,  with  the  earnings  in  your  shops 
and  factories,  in  all  departments  of  effort. 

"If  parity  with  gold  is  demanded,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  con- 
strues the  law  to  mean  whenever  demanded  to  pay  gold,  then  let  us  maintain 
the  parity  by  reducing  the  number  of  grains  in  the  gold  dollar  from  23.22 
grains  pure  gold  to  15  grains,  or  to  such  number  of  grains  as  will  keep  it  at 
parity.  While  we  may  wrong  by  so  doing  the  creditor  class,  through  the 
increased  value  of  the  products  of  human  industry,  we  much  remember  that  for 
every  one  creditor  there  are  a  thousand  debtors;  and  we  should  remember 
that  the  aim  of  the  Government  is  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number, 
and  also  the  minimum  amount  of  evil.  But  no  such  drastic  measure  is  neces- 
sary. Parity  may  be  maintained  and  every  declaration  of  governmental 
policy  fully  met  by  accepting  for  all  dues,  public  and  private,  including  duties 
upon  imports,  silver  and  paper  issues  of  the  Nation  of  every  description  what- 
soever. 

"In  all  the  gold-standard  nations  destitution  and  misery  prevail.  With 
great  standing  armies  in  Europe  outbreaks  are  not  of  frequent  occurrence, 
and  yet  one  rarely  peruses  his  paper  without  reading  of  these  outbreaks.  In 
Nebraska  and  Kansas,  the  land  of  wheat  and  corn,  we  read  of  starving  house- 
holds ;  even  in  Ohio  appeals  are  sent  out  for  the  relief  of  thousands  of  starv- 
ing miners,  and  yet  men  have  the  temerity  to  tell  us  that  the  evils  arise  from 
overproduction. 

"Men  tell  us  that  there  is  an  overproduction  of  silver,  and  that  its  price  had 
diminished  in  comparison  with  gold  because  of  its  great  relative  increase. 
Such  statements  are  not  only  misleading,  but  absolutely  false.  Figures  show 
that  in  1600  we  produced  27  tons  of  silver  to  I  ton  of  gold ;  in  1700,  34  tons  of 
silver  to  I  ton  of  gold;  in  1800,  32  tons  of  silver  to  I  ton  of  gold;  in  1848,  31 
tons  of  silver  to  I  ton  of  gold;  while  in  1880  the  production  of  silver  had 
declined  until  we  produced  18  tons  of  silver  to  I  ton  of  gold;  and  in  1890  but 
1 8  tons  of  silver  to  I  ton  of  gold;  and  that,  instead  of  the  ratio  of  coinage 
being  increased  above  16  to  I,  if  relative  production  of  the  two  metals  is  to 
determine  the  ratio,  then  the  ratio  should  have  been  diminished  rather  than 
increased,  and  confirms  the  fact  that  merely  the  denial  of  mintage  upon  terms 
of  equality  with  gold  is  responsible  for  all  depreciation  in  the  value  of  silver 
bullion. 

"All  the  silver  in  the  world  to-day  can  be  put  in  a  room  66  feet  in  each 


THE   GREAT   CAMPAIGN   OF   i8g(  217 

dimension,  and  all  the  gold  can  be  melted  into  a  cube  of  18  or  20  fete.  There 
are  to-day  less  than  twenty-five  millions  of  bar  silver  in  all  Europe.  Mr.  St. 
John,  the  eminent  banker  of  New  York,  had  stated  that  there  was  not  over 
five  millions  of  silver  that  could  be  made  available  to  send  to  our  mints. 
Begin  to  coin  silver  to  the  full  capacity  of  our  mints,  and  we  would  have 
to  coin  it  for  twenty  years  before  giving  to  each  inhabitant  a  per  capita  cir- 
culation that  France,  the  most  prosperous  nation  in  the  world  to-day,  possesses. 

"The  struggle  to-day  is  between  the  debtor  and  creditor  classes.  With 
one-half  the  world's  money  of  final  account  destroyed,  the  creditor  can  de- 
mand twice  as  much  of  the  products  of  your  field,  your  shop,  and  your  enter- 
prise and  labor  for  his  dues.  In  this  struggle  between  debtor  and  creditor 
the  latter  has  taken  undue  advantage  and  by  legislation  doubled  and  trebled 
the  volume  of  the  debt.  For  example,  suppose  you  had  given  a  note  to  your 
neighbor  promising  to  pay,  one  year  after  date,  1,500  bushels  of  wheat.  You 
thresh  the  grain,  measure  it  into  the  bin,  and  notify  your  creditor  that  the 
wheat  is  at  his  disposal.  He  goes  to  the  granary,  sacks  the  wheat,  and  then 
brings  up  your  note  and  states,  'I  have  taken  500  bushels,  which  I  have 
endorsed  on  your  note.  I  will  call  on  you  for  the  balance  when  next  year's 
crop  is  harvested.'  You  say,  'Why  did  you  not  take  all  the  wheat  and  let  me 
make  full  payment  ?'  The  note-holder  answers,  'I  did  take  all  the  wheat,  and 
there  were  only  500  bushels  in  the  bin  instead  of  1,500.' 

You  fail  to  understand  how  that  can  be  possible.  You  know  that  you 
threshed  out  and  measured  into  that  bin  1,500  bushels  of  wheat.  You  go  to 
the  granary  and  find  that  it  is  true.  No  wheat  is  there,  but  there  appears  to 
be  an  enormous  lot  of  wheat  upon  those  wagons  for  500  bushels,  and  you 
ask  the  note-holder,  'Who  measured  this  wheat?  and  let  me  see  how  you 
measured  it.'  You  see  something  in  the  form  of  a  measure  about  as  large  as 
a  washtub,  and  you  ask  him  what  that  is.  He  tells  you  that  is  the  half-bushel 
measure  which  he  measured  your  wheat;  but  you  reply,  'My  dear  sir,  that 
holds  more  than  half  a  bushel ;  that  measure  will  hold  6  pecks.'  He  answers, 
'Correct,  it  does  hold  six  pecks,  but  it  now  takes  12  pecks  to  make  a  bushel, 
instead  of  four  pecks.  Together  with  other  friends  who  had  wheat  coming  to 
us  we  went  before  the  Committee  on  Coinage,  Weights,  and  Measures  and 
secured  the  passage  of  a  legislative  enactment,  that  it  should  require  12  pecks 
instead  of  4  pecks  to  make  a  bushel.  We  have  secured  this  legislation  for  the 
proper  protection  of  the  holders  of  wheat  obligations,  for  our  own  security, 
and  for  fear  that  we  should  become  timid  and  lose  confidence  in  your  ability 
to  pay  unless  we  changed  the  standard  of  measure.'  But  you  reply,  'Sir,  we 


218  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGN   OF  1896. 

who  have  obligations  maturing,  contracts  long  standing,  have  never  asked 
or  consented  to  the  enactment  of  such  legislation.  Our  representatives  in 
Congress  never  permitted  us  to  understand  that  any  such  legislation  was 
pending/  He  replies,  'Sir,  you  might  have  known  it  had  you  desired  to  do 
so,  or  had  you  kept  yourself  as  well  posted  in  legislative  affairs  as  do  the 
holders  of  obligations  calling  for  products  of  the  soil  for  payment.  We  have 
our  representatives  in  Congress.  We  reward  them  for  their  fidelity  to  our 
interests ;  we  punish  them  for  fidelity  to  yours.' 

"This,  in  my  judgment,  is  not  a  far-fetched  illustration,  but  depicts  the 
exact  condition  against  which  production  to-day  protests.  The  debtor's 
obligation,  true,  does  not  call  for  wheat  in  specific  terms.  It  calls  for  dollars, 
but  by  legislation  we  have  made  the  dollar  three  times  as  large  in  purchasing 
power  or  in  measuring  values  as  it  was  before.  We  talk  about  gold  being 
the  only  money  of  intrinsic  value,  and  attempt  to  befog  and  mystify  the  masses 
by  telling  them  that  it  has  intrinsic  value,  when  its  value  is  merely  the  artificial 
product  of  legislation. 

"Enact  a  law,  to  be  rigidly  enforced,  providing  that  no  meat  of  any  kind, 
whether  'fish,  flesh  or  fowl/  except  mutton,  shall  be  used  for  food.  What 
will  be  the  intrinsic  value  of  your  beef  cattle,  of  your  swine,  your  poultry,  and 
your  fish  to-morrow?  The  mutton-headed  monometallists  would  tell  you 
that  the  great  increase  in  the  value  of  mutton  was  because  of  its  intrinsic 
worth.  Let  this  Nation  and  the  commercial  nations  of  the  globe  enact  a  law 
to-morrow,  that  neither  cotton,  nor  silk,  nor  fabric  should  be  used  for  cloth- 
ing or  covering,  forbid  the  factories  of  the  world  to  spin  or  weave  aught  but 
wool,  and  what  will  be  the  intrinsic  value  of  cotton  or  silk  thereafter?  Wool 
will  be  king;  its  value  will  be  enhanced,  but  cotton,  hemp,  and  silk  will  be  as 
valueless  as  weeds  or  as  gossamer  webs. 

"With  the  mints  open  to  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  both  gold  and 
silver  there  has  never  been  a  moment  when  silver  has  not  maintained  its 
parity  with  gold,  and  a  ratio  of  16  to  I  commanded  a  premium  of  more  than 
3  per  cent  over  gold.  And  if,  by  some  fortunate  discoveries  to-morrow,  gold 
should  be  found  in  great  quantities  sufficient  to  lessen  the  income  of  the 
annuitant,  the  bondholding,  or  the  fixed-income  class,  there  would  arise  a 
demand  for  the  demonetization  of  gold  and  the  establishment  of  the  pearl, 
ruby,  or  diamond  standard  of  values.  Whatever  standard  can  bring  to 
grasping-  hands  and  greedy  hearts  the  most  of  the  toil,  the  sweat,  and  unre- 
quited efforts  of  his  fellowman,  this  standard  will  be  demanded  by  the  repre- 


THE   GREAT   CAMPAIGN   OF   1896.  219 

sentatives  of  greed,  and  must  be  resisted  by  those  who  represent  humanity  and 
Christianity." 

United  States  Senator  Julius  C.  Burrows,  of  Michigan,  in  replying  to  free 
coinage  argument,  said : 

"Coin  silver  dollars  at  the  ratio  of  1 6  to  I  or  20  to  I  and  you  have  a  dollar 
intrinsically  worth  less  than  the  gold  dollar,  and  coin  such  a  dollar  as  that — 
permit  the  owners  of  silver  bullion  to  bring  to  the  mints  of  the  United  States, 
and  have  manufactured  into  dollars,  a  certain  number  of  grains,  worth  in 
bullion  much  less  than  after  they  are  coined,  is  a  proposition  to  which  I  cannot 
give  my  assent. 

"But  it  has  been  stated  and  repeatedly  asserted  that  the  present  silver 
dollar  is  the  'dollar  of  the  fathers.'  That  statement  is  not  true.  It  is  not 
the  'dollars  of  the  fathers/  and  the  fathers  if  living  would  repudiate  such  an 
assumption  as  a  reflection  upon  their  integrity  and  sagacity.  The  silver  dollar 
of  the  fathers  was  intended  to  be  and  was  in  fact  practically  equal  to  the  gold 
dollar  in  intrinsic  value. 

"This  contest  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  began  in  1874,  and  it  has  been 
prosecuted  with  unceasing  vigor  ever  since.  Why?  Up  to  that  time  the 
silver  dollar  was  worth  more,  intrinsically,  than  the  gold  dollar,  being  worth 
in  1873  $1.03  as  compared  with  gold. 

"Up  to  that  time  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  in  this  country  had  been 
very  limited.  One  would  think  from  the  tenor  of  this  discussion  that  all  at 
once  a  great  outrage  had  been  perpetrated  upon  silver,  that  it  had  been 
stricken  from  our  monetary  system  at  a  blow,  by  the  force  of  law,  when  the 
fact  is  that  from  1793  to  1805,  a  period  of  twelve  years,  we  coined  but 
1,439,517  silver  dollars.  From  1806  to  1836,  a  period  of  thirty  years,  we  did 
not  coin  a  single  silver  dollar.  From  1836  to  1873,  a  period  of  thirty-seven 
years,  we  coined  only  6,606,321  silver  dollars.  In  eighty  years  we  only 
coined  a  total  of  8,045,838  silver  dollars.  So  long  as  silver  remained  more 
valuable  than  gold  there  was  no  clamor  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  but  in 
1878,  when  resumption  was  an  assured  fact,  and  the  people  had  decreed 
that  they  would  keep  faith  with  their  creditors  and  pay  their  unredeemed 
promises,  then  the  champions  of  cheap  money  turned  their  attention  to  silver 
finding  it  had  declined  in  value  from  $1.03  in  1873  to  $0.89  in  1878. 

"The  battle  is  now  renewed  under  the  plea  of  bimetallism,  and  the  advo- 
cates of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  seek  to  delude  the  people  by  asserting  that 
they  are  in  favor  of  bimetallism  while  its  opponents  ar-e  not.  We  have 
bimetallism  to-day. 


220  THE   GREAT   CAMPAIGN   OF   1896. 

"The  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  any  of  the  ratios  nameu 
will  destroy  bimetallism  and  will  reduce  this  country  to  a  single  standard, 
that  of  silver,  and  that  depreciated,  and  I  am  suspicious  that  for  this  very 
reason  some  gentlemen  are  anxious  for  its  triumph.  The  opening  of  the 
mints  of  the  United  States  to  the  unrestricted  minting  for  individuals  of 
silver  into  legal  dollars  at  any  ratio  to  gold  less  than  the  commercial  value 
of  both  metals,  under  the  pretense  of  aiding  the  cause  of  bimetallism  or  for 
the  purpose  of  establishing  or  maintaining  bimetallism  in  the  United  States, 
is  simply  playing  upon  the  sentiment  and  credulity  of  the  American  people. 

Mr.  Bryan  toured  the  country  during  the  campaign,  and  spoke  in  all 
sections  of  the  country.  He  went  into  the  eastern  States,  where  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  free  silver  doctrine  were  strongest  and  made  numerous  speeches, 
but  did  the  most  of  his  work  in  the  South  and  West.  His  fame  as  an  orator 
drew  thousands  to  hear  him,  and  under  the  spell  of  his  eloquence  millions 
were  brought  to  believe  with  him.  When  the  campaign  was  well  under  way, 
and  the  Republican  leaders  had  in  a  measure  checked  the  spread  of  the  free 
silver  doctrine,  they  put  forward  again  the  doctrine  of  a  protective  tariff, 
and  declared  it  to  be  the  real  issue  before  the  people,  and  its  maintenance 
necessary  to  the  renewed  prosperity  of  the  nation. 

During  this  stirring  period  the  calm  equipoise  and  splendid  intellectuality 
of  Governor  McKinley  stood  him  in  good  stead.  He  kept  to  his  modest 
home  in  Canton,  Ohio,  and  there  received  millions  of  people  who  called  upon 
him.  They  came  from  all  walks  in  life — manufacturers,  business  men,  pro- 
fessional men,  teachers,  mechanics  and  laborers — and  to  each  delegation  he 
made  an  apt  address,  always  broad-minded,  always  touching  the  peculiar 
concerns  of  his  hearers,  and  always  breathing  a  high  note  of  patriotism  and 
fidelity  to  principle.  The  speeches  made  by  Governor  McKinley  on  the  lawn 
at  Canton  during  the  memorable  summer  of  ^896  rank  him  as  one  of  the 
most  thoroughly  informed  men  of  his  generation,  and  as  possessing  all  the 
elements  of  highest  statecraft. 

When  election  day  came,  McKinley  was  triumphant,  receiving  7,061,142 
votes,  against  6,460,677  for  Bryan.  In  the  electoral  college,  Mr.  McKinley 
had  271  votes,  and  Mr.  Bryan,  176. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE   SPANISH   WAR   CLOUD. 

There  were  but  very  few  Americans  whose  warmest  sympathies  did  not 
go  out  to  the  gallant  Cuban  patriots  who  for  decades  struggled  to  throw  off 
the  galling  yoke  of  one  of  the  most  tyrannical  governments  that  ever  held 
despotic  sway  over  a  people  or  devastated  their  country.  The  several  at- 
tempts at  revolution  were  pathetic  beyond  words  and  the  war  for  independ- 
ence that  eventuated  in  American  assistance  that  made  Cuba  free  resembled 
in  many  respects  the  sufferings,  hardships  and  sacrifices  of  our  own  fore- 
fathers in  the  dark  days  of  the  Revolution. 

The  atrocious  rule  of  Spain  in  America,  when  she  once  overshadowed  all 
the  other  nations,  caused  her  colonies,  one  by  one,  to  writhe  from  her  grasp, 
until  Cuba,  "The  Queen  of  the  Antilles,"  and  Porto  Rico  were  the  only  ones 
of  importance  left. 

Cuba  is  a  very  large  island,  being  720  miles  long  with  an  average  width 
of  60  miles  and  an  area  equal  to  more  than  one-half  of  all  the  other  West 
India  Islands  together.  Being  so  near  to  the  United  States  geographically 
and  of  such  close  importance  commercially  and  socially,  a  wide-spread  feeling 
had  long  existed  in  this  Republic,  and  especially  in  the  Gulf  States  that  the 
"Ever  Faithful  Isle"  should  be  associated  with  this  government  as  a  part  of 
the  Republic,  but  as  there  would  have  been  no  excuse  for  such  annexation 
under  international  law,  without  the  consent  of  Spain,  of  course  the  matter 
had  never  been  officially  considered. 

Nevertheless  Cuba  became  a  favorite  field  for  American  filibusters,  and 
from  1849  to  1852  three  such  expeditions  were  made  from  this  country, 
incited  by  Narcisso  Lopez,  a  South  American  adventurer,  who  led  Governor 
Dintman  of  Mississippi  and  other  Southerners  to  believe  that  Cuba  was  ready 
for  revolt  and  annexation  to  the  United  States.  All  these  expeditions  failed 
and  Lopez  was  captured  and  executed  by  the  Spanish  authorities  in  Cuba. 

Many  pathetic  and  dramatic  incidents  marked  these  spasmodic  attempts 
at  revolution,  the  death  of  W.  L.  Crittenden,  son  of  the  Attorney-General 
of  the  United  States,  being  one  of  the  most  striking  of  them.  Crittenden 
was  a  graduate  of  West  Point  and  resigned  a  colonelcy  in  the  army  in  1851 
that  he  might  aid  the  Cubans  in  their  struggle  for  liberty.  He  succeeded  in 

221 


222  THE    SPANISH    WAR    CLOUD. 

landing  on  the  island  and  was  left  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  to  guard 
the  baggage  and  ammunition,  while  Lopez  with  a  larger  body  of  men 
marched  into  the  interior.  Lopez  was  attacked  before  he  had  proceeded 
further  than  a  few  miles,  and,  being  compelled  to  surrender,  his  execution 
followed  quickly.  An  overwhelming  assault  was  then  made  upon  Crittenden 
and  his  little  force,  but  after  offering  the  most  desperate  resistance  Critten- 
den was  taken  prisoner  with  all  of  the  survivors  of  his  band.  They  were 
taken  to  Havana,  and  condemned  to  death,  without  trial. 

August  1 6,  1851,  an  immense  crowd  gathered  to  witness  the  execution. 
The  prisoners  were  ordered  to  kneel,  facing  a  stone  wall,  and  with  their 
backs  toward  the  soldiers  a  few  paces  away.  When  the  command  was  given 
to  Crittenden  he  wheeled  about,  and,  standing  in  an  attitude  of  defiance, 
said: 

"A  Kentuckian  never  turns  his  back  on  an  enemy,  and  kneels  only  to  his 
God!" 

Thus  refusing  to  obey  the  order,  he  was  shot  dead  where  he  stood. 

Other  filibustering  expeditions  have  since  been  made  to  Cuba,  and 
several  times  the  people  revolted  against  Spain,  but  in  every  instance  she 
crushed  the  rebellion  with  a  bloody  and  merciless  hand. 

The  insurrection  of  1895  broke  out  in  February,  and  the  situation  be- 
came so  critical  that  the  home  government  authorized  the  Governor-General 
to  proclaim  martial  law.  At  the  same  time  Jose  Marti  and  General  Maximo 
Gomez  arrived  in  the  island.  The  former  had  been  nominated  by  the  revo- 
lutionary junta  to  be  head  of  the  provisional  government,  while  Gomez  was 
to  take  chief  command  of  the  insurgent  forces.  There  were  two  rallying 
points  for  the  insurgents,  one  in  the  province  of  Matanzas  in  the  western 
end,  and  the  other  in  the  province  of  Santiago  in  the  eastern  end. 

At  the  beginning  there  was  little  organization  among  the  rebels,  but  as 
time  passed,  discipline  came  and  the  object  of  the  patriots  was  clearly  de- 
fined. They  had  among  them  a  number  of  skilled  officers,  who,  like  many 
of  the  privates,  had  been  active  in  former  revolts,  and  were  full  of  ardor  for 
the  liberty  of  fheir  native  land. 

One  plan  of  the  patriots  was  to  establish  free  communication  among 
themselves,  through  every  part  of  the  island,  and  to  press  as  near  Havana, 
the  headquarters  of  the  loyalists,  as  possible.  The  outlook  for  success  was 
more  promising  than  ever  before,  and  never  was  the  enthusiasm  among  the 
Cubans  and  their  friends  at  so  high  a  point.  Money  was  i;berally  gathered 
in  New  Yor'c,  and  from  many  of  the  leading  cities  of  the  United  States, 


THE   SPANISH    WAR    CLOUD.  223 

arms,  ammunition,  supplies,  and  brave  men  were  shipped  to  Cuba,  most  of 
them  managing  to  elude  the  vigilance  of  the  Spanish  cruisers  and  to  join 
the  insurgents,  who,  in  early  autumn,  had  an  army  numbering  fully  30,000 
in  the  field.  This  was  in  two  divisions,  the  eastern  commanded  by  General 
Maceo,  while  the  western,  occupying  the  province  of  Puerto  Principe,  was 
under  General  Gomez.  The  Spanish  army  was  more  than  double  in  num- 
bers, though  the  force  available  was  about  equal  to  that  of  the  insurgents. 

The  Spanish  troops  were  under  the  command  of  Marshal  Martinez  de 
Campos,  probably  the  ablest  general  in  Spain.  His  plan  was  to  march 
eastward  from  Havana,  clearing  out  the  rebels  as  far  as  the  province  of 
Santiago  de  Cuba;  but  insurmountable  difficulties  interfered  with  his  pur- 
pose. The  insurgents  were  familiar  with  the  ground,  were  skilled  in  the 
use  of  arms,  thoroughly  acclimated  and  abounding  with  patriotic  ardor.  The 
Spanish  soldiers  were  neither  inured  to  the  trying  climate,  nor  familiar  with 
the  rough  country  through  which  they  had  to  fight  their  way. 

Meanwhile,  Spain  was  in  financial  straits,  but  after  a  time  secured  a  large 
loan  and  announced  its  determination  to  crush  the  rebellion  at  whatever 
cost  of  life  and  treasure.  Reinforcements  were  sent  to  Cuba,  and  it  was 
plain  that  the  home  government  would  never  loosen  her  grip  upon  the 
throat  of  her  last  American  possession  until  her  hand  was  pried  loose. 

The  Cubans  appointed  a  permanent  government  in  October  and  adopted 
a  constitution.  The  President  was  Salvador  Cisnero,  Vice-President,  Barto- 
lome  Masso,  with  Carlos  Roloff  secretary  of  war,  Maximo  Gomez  general 
in-chief,  and  Antonio  Maceo  his  lieutenant-general.  In  this  new  govern- 
ment five  of  the  six  provinces  were  represented. 

General  Campos,  being  recalled  by  the  home  government,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  General  Weyler,  characterized  as  "The  Butcher,"  because  of  his 
cruelty  to  prisoners. 

Spain  in  1896  took  great  offence  at  the  pronounced  friendship  of  the 
American  Congress  to  Cuba,  which  was  indeed  only  a  reflex  of  the  feelings 
of  the  nation.  Many  members  of  Congress,  indeed,  and  millions  of  the 
people  of  the  country  strongly  favored  interference  on  behalf  of  Cuba,  with 
the  certainty  of  war  with  Spain,  but  the  more  conservative  only  favored  the 
granting  of  belligerent  rights  to  the  insurgents. 

The  increase  of  Spanish  cruelties  in  the  island  and  Spain's  arrogant  de- 
mands upon  the  United  States,  became  so  offensive  that  in  his  message  to 
Congress  December  6,  1897,  President  McKinley  reviewed  in  detail  the 
Cuban  situation  and  showed  how  he  had  on  repeated  occasions  entered  pro- 


224  THE    SPANISH    WAR    CLOUD. 

tests  against  Spain's  uncivilized  methods  of  warfare  against  the  Cuban  in- 
surgents. Of  the  different  lines  of  action  open  to  the  United  States  he 
rejected  recognition  of  the  insurgents  as  belligerents,  and  recognition  of 
Cuban  independence,  and  advocated  that  of  intervention  on  the  ground  of 
humanity. 

On  February  15,  1898,  the  United  States  Battleship  Maine  that  had  been 
sent  to  Havana  on  a  friendly  mission,  and  at  all  events  as  a  visitor  from  a 
neutral  power,  was  blown  up  in  Havana  harbor.  Instantly  the  country  was 
ablaze  and  a  just  and  true  course  for  the  administration  became  difficult. 
House  and  Senate  both  proved  impetuous  and  indulged  in  heated  debates, 
whose  prevailing  sentiment  was  speedy  war  with  Spain,  without  waiting  the 
results  of  investigation  by  either  the  Navy  Department  or  other  commis- 
sions. 

President  McKinley  remained  calm  and  retained  hope  of  a  peaceful  set- 
tlement. He  was  chided  by  the  hot-headed  of  both  parties.  It  became  plain 
that  Congress  was  bent  upon  some  radical  step,  and  the  President  took 
occasion  again,  April  n,  to  review  the  entire  Spanish  and  Cuban  situation 
in  a  special  and  deliberate  message,  and  to  state  that  he  had  now  exhausted 
every  obligation  imposed  on  him  by  the  constitution  to  relieve  an  intolerable 
condition  of  affairs.  He  therefore  left  the  issue  with  Congress,  with  the 
request  that  it  authorize  him  to  intervene  for  the  purpose  of  stopping  the 
war  in  Cuba  and  securing  a  stable  government  for  the  island  by  the  use  of 
the  military  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States. 

On  April  19  Congress,  after  exciting  debates,  passed  a  joint  resolution 
demanding  that  Spain  relinquish  at  once  her  authority  in  Cuba  and  withdraw 
her  land  and  naval  forces,  and  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  be 
empowered  to  use  the  entire  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  call  on  the  militia  of  the  several  states  to  carry  the  resolution  into  effect. 

On  the  next  day  the  Spanish  minister  at  Washington  demanded  his  pass- 
ports, and  Spain  declared  diplomatic  relations  with  the  United  States  ended. 
A  state  of  war  existed,  and  Sampson's  fleet  was  ordered  to  blockade  Cuban 
ports. 

President  McKinley  threw  into  the  war  all  his  personal  experience  as  a 
soldier,  all  his  energy  as  a  statesman,  and  all  the  power  and  influence  of  his 
administration,  which  last  he  had  so  deliberately  and  happily  conducted  as 
to  leave  it  and  the  country  free  from  the  charge  of  seeking  war  in  a  hasty 
spirit  and  through  selfish  aims.  It  was  an  unsought  war,  one  rendered  neces- 
sary only  after  every  honorable  means  to  avert  it  had  been  exhausted  one 


THE  SPANISH   WAR    CLOUt).  22$ 

whose  existence  was  justified  by  every  humanitarian  principle.  But  it  was 
nevertheless  one  to  be  fought  in  earnest  and  to  the  nation's  glory.  So  it 
was  fought.  The  country  and  Congress  reposed  the  utmost  confidence  in 
the  President.  He  had  acted  wisely  in  every  preliminary  step.  He  had 
disarmed  fear  of  intervention  by  foreign  powers.  Congress  voted  him  fifty 
millions  of  dollars  to  meet  preliminary  and  extraordinary  expenses,  and  on 
April  23  he  called  for  125,000  volunteers.  The  complement  was  quickly 
filled,  and  on  May  25  he  called  for  75,000  additional  men.  The  response 
was  immediate.  Transports  were  provided  for  the  invasion  of  Cuba,  the 
navy  was  strengthened  by  additional  ships  and  Commodore  Dewey,  in  com- 
mand of  the  naval  squadron  at  Hongkong  was  ordered  to  strike  the  Span- 
iards at  Manila,  and  on  May  I  occurred  the  great  battle  there  which  resulted 
in  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  the  events  that  followed  to  give  to 
the  United  States  the  group  of  islands,  known  as  the  Philippines  that  are 
so  opulent  in  resource  as  to  be  of  great  commercial  value,  as  well  as  strategic. 
These  events  are  matters  of  history  familiar  to  all  readers,  or  readily  avail- 
able in  the  records  of  the  war. 

Thus  from  April  19,  when  a  state  of  war  was  recognized,  to  August  12, 
when  the  protocol  was  signed,  within  a  period  of  115  days,  the  United  States 
had  swept  from  Spain  her  island  possessions  in  both  the  West  and  East 
Indies,  destroyed  her  effective  fleets  and  humbled  her  in  the  eyes  of  nations. 
Victory  was  as  complete  as  the  war  had  been  brief  and  brilliant.  Congress 
and  the  country  had  stood  by  the  administration  as  it  had  stood  by  them. 

As  executive  of  the  nation  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  its  forces,  Presi- 
dent McKinley  had  achieved  for  his  country  a  new  place  among  the  powers, 
and  his  directing  hand  was  more  than  ever  needed  to  guide  her  through  the 
intricate  paths  of  responsibility  entailed  by  signal  victory.  And,  let  it  be 
remembered  in  this  connection,  that  the  multitudinous  problems  of  conquest 
were  of  a  kind  wholly  within  his  keeping  until  Congress  could  act  upon  them. 
As  head  of  the  military  he  alone  was  responsible  for  that  provisional  rule  of 
ceded  territory  which  its  holding,  its  peace,  or  its  disposition  under  treaty 
terms  required. 

In  all  that  affair  of  the  Spanish  war  President  McKinley  stood  a  watch- 
tower  and  bulwark,  a  light  and  a  safeguard.  His  sense  of  right  and  justice 
prevented  heedless  and  harmful  complications.  His  wisdom  and  patriotism 
placed  the  Republic  in  equity  before  the  nations.  His  sagacious  statesman- 
ship attained  the  proper  war  footing  when  war  was  inevitable;  his  soldier 
experience  and  general  knowledge  of  war  made  of  him  a  successful  com- 


S26  THE    SPANISH    WAR    CLOUD. 

mander-in-chief.  His  humanity  and  fairness,  the  honor  and  manhood  that 
were  his,  gave  him  breadth  and  the  country  credit  in  the  clearing  up  of  the 
situation. 

Never  until  that  hour  when  President  McKinley,  commissioned  by  his 
country  and  blest  by  his  God,  issued  the  Republic's  mandate  to  a  king,  had 
the  United  States  of  America  for  one  hour  ventured  to  take  part  in  the  affairs 
of  nations.  Singularly  strong,  admittedly  brave  and  progressive,  confessedly 
full  of  the  vigor  drawn  from  the  best  blood  in  all  nations,  it  had  never  asked 
for  place  beside  them,  nor  joined  in  their  age-old  contendings  for  spoil.  And 
never  in  the  century  and  a  quarter  of  our  national  life  had  the  kings  and 
emperors  of  Europe  given  more  than  a  good-humored  credence  to  the 
theory  that  the  American  Republic  was  a  nation.  It  was  no  small  matter 
to  so  wisely  choose  the  time,  so  judiciously  select  the  occasion  as  that 
America's  entrance  into  the  affairs  of  the  world  should  meet  no  united  oppo- 
sition in  the  conservative  courts  of  the  continent.  A  day  too  soon  or  a  day 
too  late,  a  warrant  less  adequate  or  a  reason  more  impelling,  would  have 
arrayed  the  world  against  the  Republic,  and  launched  a  nation  of  peace  upon 
a  limitless  era  of  war. 

But  the  master  hand  of  this  Chief  Executive  saw  the  instant  under  the 
shadow  of  the  Spanish  war-cloud  when  advance  might  be  sounded;  and 
that  moment,  well  employed,  lifted  the  Republic  to  the  crest  of  the  world, 
widened  her  borders  and  enriched  her  people,  and  made  substantial  peace 
a  certainty. 

He  proved  himself  a  prophet  and  statesman  in  peace,  a  soldier  and  leader 
in  war,  equally  strong  in  all  situations. 

Able,  fair,  fearless,  successful  was  his  record  in  this — as  in  all  things. 


CHAPTER  XXL 

*  McKINLEY'S  OWN  STORY  OF  THE  SPANISH  WAR. 


In  all  that  has  been  written  of  the  Spanish  war  and  the  way  in  which 
it  was  conducted  by  President  McKinley's  administration,  no  history  can 
give  such  a  clear  and  complete  account  of  it  as  was  written  by  the  President 
himself.  President  McKinley's  own  history  of  the  Spanish  war  is  con- 
tained in  an  official  message  to  Congress  sent  by  him  after  the  war  had 
been  brought  to  such  a  successful  close.  It  is  as  follows: 

For  a  righteous  cause  and  under  a  common  flag  military  service  has 
strengthened  the  national  spirit  and  served  to  cement  more  closely  than 
ever  the  fraternal  bonds  between  every  section  of  the  country. 

In  my  annual  message  very  full  consideration  was  given  to  the  question 
of  the  duty  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  toward  Spain  and  the 
Cuban  insurrection  as  being  by  far  the  most  important  problem  with  which 
we  were  then  called  upon  to  deal.  The  considerations  then  advanced,  and 
the  exposition  of  the  views  then  expressed,  disclosed  my  sense  of  the  extreme 
gravity  of  the  situation. 

Setting  aside,  as  logically  unfounded  or  practically  inadmissible,  the 
recognition  of  the  Cuban  insurgents  as  belligerents,  the  recognition  of  the 
independence  of  Cuba,  neutral  intervention  to  end  the  war  by  imposing  a 
rational  compromise  between  the  contestants,  intervention  in  favor  of  one  or 
the  other  party,  and  forcible  annexation  of  the  islands,  I  concluded  it  was 
honestly  due  to  our  friendly  relations  with  Spain  that  she  should  be  given 
a  reasonable  chance  to  realize  her  expectations  of  reform,  to  which  she 
had  become  irrevocably  committed.  Within  a  few  weeks  previously  she  had 
announced  comprehensive  plans,  which  it  was  confidently  asserted  would 
be  efficacious  to  remedy  the  evils  so  deeply  affecting  our  own  country,  so 
injurious  to  the  true  interests  of  the  mother  country  as  well  as  to  these  of 
Cuba,  and  so  repugnant  to  the  universal  sentiment  of  humanity. 

The  ensuing  month  brought  little  sign  of  real  progress  toward  the  pacifi- 
cation of  Cuba.  The  autonomous  administration  set  up  in  the  capital  and 
some  of  the  principal  cities  appeared  not  to  gain  the  favor  of  the  inhabitants 
nor  to  be  able  to  extend  their  influence  to  the  large  extent  of  territory  held 
by  the  insurgents,  while  the  military  arm,  obviously  unable  to  cope  with 

227 


228  McKINLEY'S  OWN  STORY   OF  THE  SPANISH   WAR. 

the  still  active  rebellion,  continued  many  of  the  most  objectionable  and 
offensive  policies  of  the  government  that  had  preceded  it. 

No  tangible  relief  was  afforded  the  vast  numbers  of  unhappy  recon- 
centrados,  despite  the  reiterated  professions  made  in  that  regard  and  the 
amount  appropriated  by  Spain  to  that  end.  The  proffered  expedient  of 
zones  of  cultivation  proved  illusory.  Indeed,  no  less  practical  nor  more 
delusive  promises  of  succor  could  well  have  been  tendered  to  the  exhausted 
and  destitute  people,  stripped  of  all  that  made  life  and  home  dear  and 
herded  in  a  strange  region  among  unsympathetic  strangers  hardly  less 
necessitous  than  themselves. 

By  the  end  of  December  the  mortality  among  them  had  frightfully  in- 
creased. Conservative  estimates  from  Spanish  sources  placed  the  deaths 
among  these  distressed  people  at  over  40  per  cent,  from  the  time  General 
Weyler's  decree  of  reconcentration  was  enforced.  With  the  acquiescence 
of  the  Spanish  authorities  a  scheme  was  adopted  for  relief  by  charitable 
contributions  raised  in  this  country  and  distributed,  under  the  direction  of 
the  Consul  General  and  the  several  Consuls,  by  noble  and  earnest  individual 
effort  through  the  organized  agencies  of  the  American  Red  Cross.  Thou- 
sands of  lives  were  thus  saved,  but  many  thousands  more  were  inaccessible 
to  such  forms  of  aid. 

The  war  continued  on  the  old  footing,  without  comprehensive  plan,  de- 
veloping only  the  same  spasmodic  encounters,  barren  of  strategic  result, 
that  had  marked  the  course  of  the  earlier  Ten  Years'  rebellion  as  well  as 
the  present  insurrection  from  its  start.  No  alternative  save  physical  exhaus- 
tion of  either  combatant,  and  therewithal  the  practical  ruin  of  the  island, 
lay  in  sight,  but  how  far  distant  no  one  could  venture  to  conjecture. 

DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  MAINE. 

At  this  juncture,  on  the  I5th  of  February  last,  occurred  the  destruction 
of  the  battleship  Maine,  while  rightfully  lying  in  the  Harbor  of  Havana  on  a 
mission  of  international  courtesy  and  good  will — a  catastrophe  the  suspi- 
cious nature  and  horror  of  which  stirred  the  nation's  heart  profoundly. 

It  is  a  striking  evidence  of  the  poise  and  sturdy  good  sense  distinguishing 
our  national  character  that  this  shocking  blow,  falling  upon  a  generous 
people,  already  deeply  touched  by  preceding  events  in  Cuba,  did  not  move 
them  to  an  instant,  desperate  resolve  to  tolerate  no  longer  the  existence 
of  a  condition  of  danger  and  disorder  at  our  doors  that  made  possible  such 


McKINLEY'S  OWN   STORY    OF   THE   SPANISH    WAR.  231 

a  deed  by  whomsoever  wrought.  Yet  the  instinct  of  justice  j  revailed  and 
the  nation  anxiously  awaited  the  result  of  the  searching  investigation  at 
once  set  on  foot. 

The  finding  of  the  naval  board  of  inquiry  established  that  the  origin  of 
the  explosion  was  external  by  a  submarine  mine,  and  only  halted  through 
lack  of  positive  testimony  to  fix  the  responsibility  of  its  authorship. 

All  these  things  carried  conviction  to  the  most  thoughtful,  even  before 
the  finding  of  the  naval  court,  that  a  crisis  in  our  relations  with  Spain  and 
toward  Cuba  was  at  hand.  So  strong  was  this  belief  that  it  needed  but  a 
brief  executive  suggestion  to  the  Congress  to  receive  immediate  answer  to 
the  duty  of  making  instant  provision  for  the  possible  and  perhaps  speedy 
probable  emergency  of  war,  and  the  remarkable,  almost  unique,  spectacle 
was  presented  of  a  unanimous  vote  of  both  houses  on  the  pth  of  March, 
appropriating  $50,000,000  for  the  national  defense  and  for  each  and  every 
purpose  connected  therewith,  to  be  expended  at  the  direction  of  the  Presi- 
dent. 

That  this  act  of  provision  came  none  too  soon  was  disclosed  when  the 
application  of  the  fund  was  undertaken.  Our  forts  were  practically  unde- 
fended. Our  navy  needed  large  provision  for  increased  ammunition  and 
supplies  and  even  numbers  to  cope  with  any  sudden  attack  from  the  navy 
of  Spain,  which  comprised  vessels  of  the  highest  type  of  continental  perfec- 
tion. Our  army  also  required  enlargement  of  men  and  munitions. 

The  details  of  the  hurried  preparation  for  the  dreaded  contingency  are 
told  in  the  reports  of  the  Secretaries  of  War  and  of  the  Navy,  and  need  not 
be  repeated  here.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  outbreak  of  war,  when  it 
did  come,  found  our  nation  not  unprepared  to  meet  the  conflict. 

Nor  was  the  apprehension  of  coming  strife  confined  to  our  own  country. 
It  was  felt  by  the  Continental  powers,  which,  on  April  6,  through  their 
Ambassadors  and  Ftivoys,  addressed  to  the  Executive  an  expression  of  hope 
that  humanity  and  moderation  might  mark  the  course  of  this  government 
and  people,  and  that  further  negotiations  would  lead  to  an  agreement 
which,  while  securing  the  maintenance  of  peace,  would  affirm  all  necessary 
guarantees  for  the  re-establishment  of  order  in  Cuba. 

In  responding  to  that  representation  I  also  shared  the  hope  that  the 
Envoys  had  expressed  that  peace  might  be  preserved  in  a  manner  to  ter- 
minate the  chronic  condition  of  disturbance  in  Cuba  so  injurious  and  menac- 
ing to  our  interests  and  tranquillity,  as  well  as  shocking  to  our  sentiments 
of  humanity;  and,  while  appreciating  the  humanitarian  and  disinterested 


232  McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY   OF   THE  SPANISH    WAR. 

character  of  the  communication  they  had  made  on  behalf  of  the  powers, 
I  stated  the  confidence  of  this  government,  for  its  part,  that  equal  appre- 
ciation would  be  shown  for  its  own  earnest  and  unselfish  endeavors  to  fulfill 
a  duty  to  humanity  by  ending  a  situation  the  indefinite  prolongation  of 
which  had  become  insufferable. 

VAIN  EFFORTS  TO  AVERT  WAR. 

Still  animated  by  the  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  and  obeying  the  dic- 
tates of  duty,  no  effort  was  relaxed  to  bring  about  a  speedy  ending  of  the 
Cuban  struggle.  Negotiations  to  this  object  continued  actively  with  the 
Government  of  Spain,  looking  to  the  immediate  conclusion  of  a  six  months' 
armistice  in  Cuba  with  a  view  to  effecting  the  recognition  of  her  people's 
rights  to  independence.  Besides  this,  the  instant  revocation  of  the  order  of 
reconcentration  was  asked,  so  that  the  sufferers,  returning  to  their  homes 
and  aided  by  united  American  and  Spanish  effort,  might  be  put  in  a  way  to 
support  themselves  and,  by  orderly  resumption  of  the  well-nigh  destroyed 
productive  energies  of  the  island,  contribute  to  the  restoration  of  its  tran- 
quillity and  well  being. 

Negotiations  continued  for  some  little  time  at  Madrid,  resulting  in  offers 
by  the  Spanish  Government  which  could  not  but  be  regarded  as  inadequate. 
It  was  proposed  to  confide  the  preparation  of  peace  to  the  insular  parlia- 
ment, yet  to  be  convened  under  the  autonomous  decrees  of  November, 
1897,  but  without  impairment  in  any  wise  to  the  constitutional  powers  of 
the  Madrid  government,  which,  to  that  end,  would  grant  an  armistice,  if 
solicited  by  the  insurgents,  for  such  time  as  the  General-in-Chief  might 
see  fit  to  fix. 

How  and  with  what  scope  of  discretionary  powers  the  insular  parlia- 
ment was  expected  to  set  about  the  "preparation"  of  peace  did  not  appear. 
If  it  were  to  be  by  negotiation  with  the  insurgents,  the  issue  seemed  to  rest 
on  the  one  side  with  a  body  chosen  by  a  fraction  of  the  electors  in  the  dis- 
tricts under  Spanish  control  and  on  the  other  with  the  insurgent  population 
holding  the  interior  country,  unrepresented  in  the  so-called  parliament,  and 
defiant  at  the  suggestion  of  suing  for  peace. 

Grieved  and  disappointed  at  this  barren  outcome  of  my  sincere  endeavors 
to  reach  a  practicable  solution,  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  remit  the  whole  question 
to  the  Congress.  In  the  message  of  April  I,  1898,  I  announced  that  with 
this  last  overture  in  the  direction  of  immediate  peace  in  Cuba,  and  its  dis- 


McKINLEVS  OWN  STORY   OF  THE  SPANISH   WAR.  233 

appointing  reception  by  Spain,  the  effort  of  the  Executive  was  brought  to 
an  end. 

I  again  reviewed  the  alternative  course  of  action  which  I  had  proposed, 
concluding  that  the  only  one  consonant  with  international  policy  and  com- 
patible with  our  firm-set  historical  traditions  was  intervention  as  a  neutral 
to  stop  the  war  and  check  the  hopeless  sacrifice  of  life,  even  though  that 
resort  involved  "hostile  constraint  upon  both  the  parties  to  the  contest,  as 
well  to  enforce  a  truce  as  to  guide  the  eventual  settlement." 

The  grounds  justifying  that  step  were:  The  interests  of  humanity,  the 
duty  to  proteci  life  and  property  of  our  citizens  in  Cuba,  the  right  to  check 
injury  to  c"-r  commerce  and  people  through  the  devastation  of  the  island, 
inc.  most  important,  the  need  of  removing  at  once  and  forever  the  constant 
menace  and  the  burdens  entailed  upon  o^r  government  by  the  uncertain- 
ties and  perils  of  the  situation  caused  by  the  unendurable  disturbance  in 
Cuba.  I  said: 

"The  long  trial  has  proved  that  the  object  for  which  Spain  has  waged 
the  war  cannot  be  attained.  The  fire  of  insurrection  may  flame  or  may 
smoulder  with  varying  seasons,  but  it  has  not  been,  and  it  is  plain  that  it 
cannot  be,  extinguished  by  present  methods.  The  only  hope  of  relief  and 
repose  from  a  condition  which  can  no  longer  be  endured  is  the  enforced 
pacification  of  Cuba.  In  the  name  of  humanity,  in  the  name  of  civilization, 
in  behalf  of  endangered  American  interests,  which  give  us  the  right  and  the 
duty  to  speak,  the  existing  war  in  Cuba  must  stop." 

In  view  of  all  this  the  Congress  was  asked  to  authorize  and  empower 
the  President  to  take  measures  to  secure  a  full  and  final  termination  of 
hostilities  between  Spain  and  the  people  of  Cuba  and  to  secure  in  the  island 
the  establishment  of  a  stable  government,  capable  of  maintaining  order  and 
observing-  its  international  obligations,  insuring  peace  and  tranquillity,  and 
the  security  of  its  citizens  as  well  as  our  own,  and  for  the  accomplishment 
of  those  ends  to  use  the  military  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States  as 
might  be  necessary,  with  added  authority  to  continue  generous  relief  to  the 
starving  people  of  Cuba. 

DECISIVE  ACTION  BY  CONGRESS. 

The  response  of  the  Congress,  after  nine  days  of  earnest  deliberation, 
during  which  the  almost  unanimous  sentiment  of  that  body  was  developed 
on  every  point  save  as  to  the  expediency  of  coupling  the  proposed  action 


234  McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY   OF  THE  SPANISH   WAR. 

with  a  formal  recognition  of  the  republic  of  Cuba  as  the  true  and  lawful 
government  of  that  island — a  proposition  which  failed  of  adoption — the 
Congress,  after  conference,  on  the  ipth  of  April,  by  a  vote  of  42  to  35  in 
the  Senate  and  311  to  6  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  passed  the  memo 
rable  joint  resolution,  declaring: 

"i.  That  the  people  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  are,  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  free  and  independent. 

"2.  That  it  is  jthe  duty  of  the  United  States  to  demand,  and  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  does  hereby  demand,  that  the  Government  of 
Spain  at  once  relinquish  its  authority  and  government  in  the  Island  of  Cub.*, 
and  withdraw  its  land  and  naval  forces  from  Cuba  and  Cuban  waters. 

"3.  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  and  he  hereby  is  directed 
and  empowered  to  use  the  entire  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  cal1  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States  the  militia  of  the 
several  States  to  such  extent  as  may  be  necessary,  to  carry  these  resolutions 
into  effect. 

"4.  That  the  United  States  hereby  disclaims  any  disposition  or  inten- 
tion to  exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdiction  or  control  over  said  island,  except 
for  the  pacification  thereof,  and  asserts  its  determination,  when  that  is  accom- 
plished, to  leave  the  government  and  control  of  the  island  to  its  people." 

This  resolution  was  approved  by  the  Executive  on  the  next  day,  April  20, 
A  copy  was  at  once  communicated  to  the  Spanish  Minister  at  this  capital, 
who  forthwith  announced  that  his  continuance  in  Washington  had  thereby 
become  impossible,  and  asked  for  his  passports,  which  were  given  him.  He 
thereupon  withdrew  from  Washington,  leaving  the  protection  of  Spanish 
interests  in  the  United  States  to  the  French  Ambassador  and  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Minister. 

Simultaneously  with  its  communication  to  the  Spanish  Minister,  Gen- 
eral Woodford,  the  American  Minister  at  Madrid,  was  telegraphed  con 
firmation  of  the  text  of  tlie  joint  resolution,  and  directed  to  communicate 
it  to  the  Government  of  Spain,  with  the  formal  demand  that  it  at  once 
relinquish  its  authority  and  government  in  the  Island  of  Cuba,  and  with- 
draw its  forces  therefrom,  coupling  this  demand  with  announcements  of  the 
intentions  of  this  government  as  to  the  future  of  the  island,  in  conformity 
with  the  fourth  clause  of  the  resolution,  and  giving  Spain  until  noon  of 
April  23d  to  reply. 

The  demand,  although,  as  above  shown,  officially  made  known  to  the 
Spanish  Envoy  here,  was  not  delivered  at  Madrid.  After  the  instruction 


McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY    OF   THE  SPANISH   WAR.  235 

reached  General  Woodford  on  the  morning  of  April  2ist,  but  before  he 
could  present  it,  the  Spanish  Minister  of  State  notified  him  that  upon  the 
President's  approval  of  the  joint  resolution  the  -Madrid  Government,  re- 
garding the  act  as  "equivalent  to  an  evident  declaration  of  war,"  had  ordered 
its  Minister  in  Washington  to  withdraw,  thereby  breaking  off  diplomatic 
relations  between  the  two  countries,  and  ceasing  all  official  communication 
between  their  respective  representatives.  General  Woodford  thereupon 
demanded  his  passports  and  quitted  Madrid  the  same  day. 

FORMAL  DECLARATION  OF  WAR. 

Spain  having  thus  denied  the  demand  of  the  United  States  and  initiated 
that  complete  form  of  rupture  of  relations  which  attends  a  state  of  war,  the 
executive  powers  authorized  by  the  resolution  were  at  once  used  by  me  to 
meet  the  enlarged  contingency  of  actual  war  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States. 

On  April  22d  I  proclaimed  a  blockade  of  the  northern  coast  of  Cuba, 
including  ports  on  said  coast  between  Cardenas  and  Bahia  Honda,  and  the 
port  of  Cienfuegos  on  the  south  coast  of  Cuba,  and  on  the  23d  I  called  for 
volunteers  to  execute  the  purpose  of  the  resolution. 

By  my  message  of  April  25th  the  Congress  was  informed  of  the  situation, 
and  I  recommended  formal  declaration  of  the  existence  of  a  state  of  war 
between  the  United  States  and  Spain.  The  Congress  accordingly  voted 
on  the  same  day  the  act  approved  April  25,  1898,  declaring  the  existence 
of  such  war,  from  and  including  the  2ist  day  of  April,  and  re-enacted  the 
provisions  of  the  resolution  of  April  2Oth,  directing  the  President  to  use 
all  the  armed  forces  of  the  nation  to  carry  that  act  into  effect. 

Due  notification  of  the  existence  of  war  as  aforesaid  was  given  April 
25th  by  telegraph  to  all  the  governments  with  which  the  United  States 
maintain  relations,  in  order  that  their  neutrality  might  be  assured  during 
the  war. 

The  various  governments  responded  with  proclamations  of  neutrality, 
each  after  its  own  methods.  It  is  not  among  the  least  gratifying  incidents  of 
the  struggle  that  the  obligations  of  neutrality  were  impartially  discharged  by 
all,  often  under  delicate  and  difficult  circumstances. 

In  further  fulfillment  of  international  duty,  I  issued,  April  26th,  a  procla- 
mation announcing  the  treatment  proposed  to  be  accorded  to  vessels  and 
their  cargoes  as  to  blockades,  contraband,  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  subjects 


236  McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY    OF   THE  SPANISH    WAR. 

and  the  immunity  of  neutral  flags  and  neutral  goods  under  the  enemy's  flag". 
A  similar  proclamation  was  made  by  the  Spanish  government.  In  the  con- 
duct of  hostilities  the  rules  of  the  declaration  of  Paris,  including  abstention 
from  resort  to  privateering,  have  accordingly  been  observed  by  both  belliger- 
ents, although  neither  was  a  party  to  that  declaration. 

RECRUITING  OF  ARMY  AND  NAVY. 

*» 

Our  country  thus,  after  an  interval  of  half  a  century  of  peace  with  all 
nations,  found  itself  engaged  in  deadly  conflict  with  a  foreign  enemy.  Every 
nerve  was  strained  to  meet  the  emergency. 

The  response  to  the  initial  call  for  125,000  volunteers  was  instant  and 
complete,  as  was  also  the  result  of  the  second  call  of  May  25th  for  75,000 
additional  volunteers.  The  ranks  of  the  regular  army  were  increased  to  the 
limits  provided  by  the  act  of  April  26th. 

The  enlisted  force  of  the  navy  on  the  I5th  of  August,  when  it  reached  its 
maximum,  numbered  24,123  men  and  apprentices.  One  hundred  and  three 
vessels  were  added  to  the  navy  by  purchase,  one  was  presented  to  the  gov- 
ernment, one  leased  and  the  four  vessels  of  the  International  Navigation 
Company — the  St.  Paul,  St.  Louis,  New  York  and  Paris — were  chartered. 
In  addition  to  these  the  revenue  cutters  and  lighthouse  tenders  were  turned 
over  to  the  Navy  Department  and  became  temporarily  a  part  of  the  auxiliary 
navy. 

The  maximum  effective  fighting  force  of  the  navy  during  the  war,  sep- 
arated into  classes,  was  as  follows: 

Regular — Four  battleships  of  the  first  class,  one  battleship  of  the  second 
class,  two  armored  cruisers,  six  coast  defense  monitors,  one  armored  ram, 
twelve  protected  cruisers,  three  unprotected  cruisers,  eighteen  gunboats,  one 
dynamite  cruiser,  eleven  torpedo  boats,  fourteen  old  vessels  of  the  old  navy, 
including  monitors. 

Auxiliary  Navy — Sixteen  auxiliary  cruisers,  twenty-eight  converted 
yachts,  twenty-seven  converted  tugs,  nineteen  converted  colliers,  fifteen  rev- 
enue cutters,  four  lighthouse  tenders  and  nineteen  miscellaneous  vessels. 

Much  alarm  was  felt  along  our  entire  Atlantic  seaboard  lest  some  attack 
might  be  made  by  the  enemy.  Every  precaution  was  taken  to  prevent  possi- 
ble injury  to  our  great  cities  lying  along  the  coast.  Temporary  garrisons 
were  provided,  drawn  from  the  State  militia.  Infantry  and  light  batteries 
were  drawn  from  the  volunteer  force.  About  12,000  troops  were  thus  em- 


McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY    OF  THE  SPANISH   WAR.  237 

ployed.    The  coast  signal  service  was  established  for  observing  the  approach 
of  an  enemy's  ships  to  the  coast  of  the  United  States,  and  the  life-saving  and 
lighthouse  services  co-operated,  which  enabled  the  Navy  Department  to  have- 
all  portions  of  the  Atlantic  coast,  from  Maine  to  Texas,  under  observation. 

The  auxiliary  navy  was  created  under  the  authority  of  Congress  and  was 
officered  and  manned  by  the  naval  militia  of  the  several  States.  This  organi- 
zation patrolled  the  coast  and  performed  the  duty  of  a  second  arm  of  de- 
fense. 

Under  the  direction  of  the  chief  of  engineers  submarine  mines  were 
placed  at  the  most  exposed  points.  Before  the  outbreak  of  the  war  permanent 
mining  casements  and  cable  galleries  had  been  constructed  at  all  important 
harbors.  Most  of  the  torpedo  material  was  not  to  be  found  in  the  market  and 
had  to  be  specially  manufactured.  Under  date  of  April  iQth  district  officers 
were  directed  to  take  all  preliminary  measures,  short  of  the  actual  attaching 
of  the  loaded  mines  to  the  cables,  and  on  April  22d  telegraphic  orders  were 
issued  to  place  the  loaded  mines  in  position. 

The  aggregate  number  of  mines  placed  was  1,535  at  tne  principal  harbors 
from  Maine  to  California.  Preparations  were  also  made  for  the  planting  of 
mines  at  certain  other  harbors,  but  owing  to  the  early  destruction  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  these  mines  were  not  placed. 

The  signal  corps  was  promptly  organized  and  performed  service  of  most 
difficult  and  important  character.  -  Its  operations  during  the  war  covered  the 
electrical  connection  of  all  coast  fortifications  and  the  establishment  of  tele- 
phonic and  telegraphic  facilities  for  the  camps  at  Manila,  Santiago  and  in 
Porto  Rico. 

There  were  constructed  300  miles  of  line  at  ten  great  camps,  thus  facili- 
tating military  movements  from  those  points  in  a  manner  heretofore  un- 
known in  military  administration.  Field  telegraph  lines  were  established 
and  maintained  under  the  enemy's  fire  at  Manila,  and  later  the  Manila-Hong- 
kong cable  was  reopened.  In  Porto  Rico  cable  communications  were  opened 
over  a  discontinued  route,  and  on  land  the  headquarters  of  the  commanding 
officer  were  kept  in  telegraphic  or  telephonic  communication  with  the  divi- 
sion commanders  of  four  different  lines  of  operation. 

There  was  placed  in  Cuban  waters  a  completely  outfitted  cable  ship,  with 
war  cables  and  cable  gear  suitable  both  for  the  destruction  of  communica- 
tions belonging  to  the  enemy  and  the  establishment  of  our  own.  Two  ocean 
cables  were  destroyed  under  the  enemy's  batteries  at  Santiago.  The  day  pre- 
vious to  the  landing  of  General  Shafter's  corps  at  Caimanera,  within  twenty 


238  McKINLEY'5   OWN   STORY    OF  THE   SPANISH   WAR. 

miles  of  thr  landing  place,  cable  communications  were  established  and  cable 
stations  opened,  giving  direct  communication  with  the  Government  at  Wash- 
ington. This  service  was  invaluable  to  the  Executive  in  directing  the  opera- 
tions of  the  army  and  navy. 

With  a  total  force  of  over  1,300  the  loss  was  by  disease  and  field,  officers 
and  men  included,  only  five. 

PATRIOTISM  IN  BOND  BIDS. 

The  national  defense  under  the  $50,000,000  fund  was  expended  in  large 
part  by  the  army  and  navy,  and  the  objects  for  which  it  was  used  are  fully 
shown  in  the  reports  of  the  several  Secretaries.  It  was  a  most  timely  appro- 
priation, enabling  the  government  to  strengthen  its  defense  and  making 
preparations  greatly  needed  in  case  of  war. 

This  fund  being  inadequate  to  the  requirements  of  equipment  and  for  the 
conduct  of  the  war,  the  patriotism  of  the  Congress  provided  the  means  in  the 
war  revenue  act  of  June  I3th,  by  authorizing  a  3  per  cent  popular  loan,  not  to 
exceed  $400,000,000,  and  by  levying  additional  imposts  and  taxes.  Of  the 
authorized  loan,  $200,000,000  were  oft'ered  and  promptly  taken,  the  subscrip- 
tions so  far  exceeding  the  call  as  to  cover  it  many  times  over,  while,  prefer- 
ence being  given  to  the  smaller  bids,  no  single  allotment  exceeded  $5,000. 

This  was  a  most  encouraging  and  significant  result,  showing  the  vast 
resources  of  the  nation  and  the  determination  of  the  people  to  uphold  their 
country's  honor. 

DEWEY'S. HISTORIC  VICTORY. 

The  first  encounter  of  the  war  in  point  of  date  took  place  April  27th,  when 
a  detachment  of  the  blockading  squadron  made  a  reconnaissance  in  force  at 
Matanzas,  shelled  the  harbor  forts  and  demolished  several  new  works  in  con- 
struction. 

The  next  engagement  was  destined  to  mark  a  memorable  epoch  in  mari- 
time warfare.  The  Pacific  fleet,  under  Commodore  Dewey,  had  lain  for 
some  weeks  at  Hongkong.  Upon  the  colonial  proclamation  of  neutrality 
being  issued  and  the  customary  twenty-four  hours'  notice  being  given,  it  re- 
paired to  Mirs  Bay,  near  Hongkong,  whence  it  proceeded  to  the  Philippine 
Islands  under  telegraphed  orders  to  capture  or  destroy  the  formidable  Span- 
ish fleet  then  assembled  at  Manila. 

At  daybreak  on  the  ist  of  May  the  American  force  entered  Manila  Bay, 


McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY   OF   THE  SPANISH   WAR.  239 

and  after  a  few  hours'  engagement  effected  the  total  destruction  of  the 
Spanish  fleet,  consisting  of  ten  warships  and  a  transport,  besides  capturing 
the  naval  station  and  forts  at  Cavite,  thus  annihilating  the  Spanish  naval 
power  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  completely  controlling  the  Bay  of  Manila, 
with  the  ability  to  take  the  city  at  will.  Not  a  life  was  lost  on  our  ships,  the 
wounded  only  numbering  seven,  while  not  a  vessel  was  materially  injured. 

For  this  gallant  achievement  the  Congress,  upon  my  recommendation, 
fitly  bestowed  upon  the  actors  preferment  and  substantial  reward. 

The  effect  of  this  remarkable  victory  upon  the  spirit  of  our  people  and 
upon  the  fortunes  of  the  war  was  instant.  A  prestige  of  invincibility  thereby 
attached  to  our  arms,  which  continued  throughout  the  struggle.  Re-enforce- 
ments were  hurried  to  Manila  under  the  command  of  Major-General  Merritt 
and  firmly  established  within  sight  of  the  capital,  which  lay  helpless  before 
our  guns. 

t  On  the  7th  day  of  May  the  government  was  advised  officially  of  the  vic- 
tory at  Manila,  and  at  once  inquired  of  the  commander  of  our  fleet  what 
troops  would  be  required.  The  information  was  received  on  the  I5th  day  of 
May,  and  the  first  army  expedition  sailed  May  25th  and  arrived  off  Manila 
June  30.  Other  expeditions  soon  followed,  the  total  force  consisting  of  641 
officers  and  15,058  men. 

Only  reluctance  to  cause  needless  loss  of  life  and  property  prevented  the 
early  storming  and  capture  of  the  city,  and  therewith  the  absolute  military 
occupancy  of  the  whole  group.  The  insurgents  meanwhile  had  resumed  the 
active  hostilities  suspended  by  the  uncompleted  truce  of  December,  1897. 
Their  forces  invested  Manila  from  the  northern  and  eastern  side,  but  were 
constrained  by  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Merritt  from  attempting  an  as- 
sault. 

It  was  fitting  that  whatever  was  to  be  done  in  the  way  of  decisive  opera- 
tions in  that  quarter  should  be  accomplished  by  the  strong  arm  of  the  United 
States  alone.  Obeying  the  stern  precept  of  war,  which  enjoins  the  over- 
coming of  the  adversary  and  the  extinction  of  his  power  wherever  assailable 
as  the  speedy  and  sure  means  to  win  a  peace,  divided  victory  was  not  per- 
missible, for  no  partition  of  the  rights  and  responsibilities  attending  the  en- 
forcement of  a  just  and  advantageous  peace  could  be  thought  of. 

CAMPAIGN  IN  CUBA  REVIEWED. 

Following  the  comprehensive  scheme  of  general  attack,  powerful  forces 
were  assembled  at  various  points  on  our  coast  to  invade  Cuba  and  Porto 


MO  McKINLEY'S  OWN   STORY   OF  THE  SPANISH   WAR. 

Rico.  Meanwhile  naval  demonstrations  were  made  at  several  exposed 
points.  On  May  nth  the  cruiser  Wilmington  and  torpedo  boat  Winslow 
were  unsuccessful  in  an  attempt  to  silence  the  batteries  at  Cardenas,  against 
Matanzas,  Worth  Bagley  and  four  seamen  falling. 

These  grievous  fatalities  were,  strangely  enough,  among  the  very  few 
which  occurred  during  our  naval  operations  in  this  extraordinary  conflict. 

Meanwhile  the  Spanish  naval  preparations  had  been  pushed  with  great 
vigor.  A  powerful  squadron  under  Admiral  Cervera,  which  had  assembled 
at  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  had  crossed  the 
ocean,  and  by  its  erratic  movements  in  the  Caribbean  Sea  delayed  our  mili- 
tary operations  while  baffling  the  pursuit  of  our  fleets.  For  a  time  fears 
were  felt  lest  the  Oregon  and  Marietta,  then  nearing  home  after  their  long 
voyage  fro/m  San  Francisco  of  over  15,000  miles,  might  be  surprised  by  Ad- 
miral Cervera's  fleet,  but  their  fortunate  arrival  dispelled  these  apprehen- 
sions and  lent  much  needed  re-enforcement. 

Not  until  Admiral  Cervera  took  refuge  in  the  Harbor  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba  about  May  9th  was  it  practicable  to  plan  a  systematic  military  attack 
upon  the  Antillean  possessions  of  Spain.  Several  demonstrations  occurred 
on  the  coasts  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  in  preparation  for  the  larger  event. 
On  May  I3th  the  North  Atlantic  squadron  shelled  San  Juan  de  Porto  Rico. 
On  May  3Oth  Commodore  Schley's  squadron  bombarded  the  forts  guard- 
ing the  mouth  of  Santiago  Harbor.  Neither  attack  had  any  material  re- 
sult. It  was  evident  that  well-ordered  land  operations  were  indispensable  to 
achieve  a  decisive  advantage. 

The  next  act  in  the  war  thrilled  not  alone  the  hearts  of  our  countrymen 
but  the  world  by  its  exceptional  heroism. 

On  the  night  of  June  3d  Lieutenant  Hobson,  aided  by  seven  devoted 
volunteers,  blocked  the  narrow  outlet  from  Santiago  Harbor  by  sinking  the 
collier  Merrimac  in  the  channel,  under  a  fierce  fire  from  the  shore  batteries, 
escaping  with  their  lives  as  by  a  miracle,  but  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards. 

It  is  a  most  gratifying  incident  of  the  war  that  the  bravery  of  this  little 
band  of  heroes  was  cordially  appreciated  by  the  Spaniards,  who  sent  a  flag 
of  truce  to  notify  Admiral  Sampson  of  their  safety  and  to  compliment  them 
upon  their  daring  act.  They  were  subsequently  exchanged  July  7th. 

By  June  7th  the  cutting  of  the  last  Cuban  cable  isolated  the  island. 
Thereafter  the  invasion  was  vigorously  prosecuted.  On  June  loth,  under 
a  heavy  protecting  fire,  a  landing  of  600  marines  from  the  Oregon,  Marble- 


McKINLEY'S  OWN   STORY   OF  THE  SPANISH   WAR.  241 

head  and  Yankee  was  effected  in  Guantanamo  Bay,  where  it  had  been  deter- 
mined to  establish  a  naval  station.  'This  important  and  essential  port  was 
taken  from  the  enemy  after  severe  fighting  by  the  marines,  who  were  the 
first  organized  force  of  the  United  States  to  land 'in  Cuba.  The  position 
so  won  was  held  despite  desperate  attempts  to  dislodge  our  forces. 

By  June  i6th  additional  forces  were  landed  and  strongly  intrenched. 
On  June  226.  the  advance  of  the  invading  army  under  Major-General  Shafter 
landed  at  Baiquiri,  about  fifteen  miles  east  of  Santiago.  This  was  accom- 
plished under  great  difficulties,  but  with  marvelous  dispatch.  On  June  2$d 
the  movement  against  Santiago  was  begun. 

On  the  24th  the  first  serious  engagement  took  place,  in  which  the  First 
and  Tenth  Cavalry  and  the  First  United  States  Volunteer  Cavalry,  General 
Young's  brigade  of  General  Wheeler's  division,  participated,  losing  heavily. 
By  nightfall,  however,  ground  within  five  miles  of  Santiago  was  won. 

The  advantage  was  steadily  increased.  On  July  ist  a  severe  battle  took 
place,  our  forces  gaining  the  outworks  of  Santiago.  On  the  2d  El  Caney 
and  San  Juan  were  taken  after  a  desperate  charge,  and  the  investment  of 
the  city  was  completed.  The  navy  co-operated  by  shelling  the  town  and 
the  coast  forts. 

DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  ARMADA. 

On  the  day  following  this  brilliant  achievement  of  our  land  forces,  July 
3d,  occurred  the  decisive  naval  combat  of  the  war.  The  Spanish  fleet, 
attempting  to  leave  the  harbor,  was  met  by  the  American  squadron  under 
command  of  Commodore  Sampson.  In  less  than  three  hours  all  the  Span- 
ish ships  were  destroyed,  the  two  torpedo  boats  being  sunk,  and  the  Maria 
Teresa,  Almirante  Oquendo,  Vizcaya  and  Cristobal  Colon  driven  ashore. 
The  Spanish  Admiral  and  over  1,300  men  were  taken  prisoners,  while  the 
enemy's  loss  of  life  was  deplorably  large,  some  600  perishing. 

On  our  side  but  one  man  was  killed,  on  the  Brooklyn,  and  one  man 
seriously  wounded.  Although  our  ships  were  repeatedly  struck,  not  one 
was  seriously  injured. 

Where  all  so  conspicuously  distinguished  themselves,  from  the  com- 
manders to  the  gunners  and  the  unnamed  heroes  in  the  boiler-rooms,  each 
and  all  contributing  toward  the  achievement  of  this  astounding  victory,  for 
which  neither  ancient  nor  modern  history  affords  a  parallel  in  the  com- 
pleteness of  the  event  and  the  marvelous  disproportion  of  casualties  it 
would  be  invidious  to  single  out  any  for  especial  honor. 


24£  McKINLEY'S  OWN   STORY   OF   THE  SPANISH   WAR.  - 

Deserved  promotion  has  rewarded  the  more  conspicuous  actoia — the 
nation's  profoundest  gratitude  is  due  to  all  of  those  brave  men  who  by  their 
skill  and  devotion  in  a  few  short  hours  crushed  the  sea  power  of  Spain  and 
wrought  a  triumph  whose  decisiveness  and  far-reaching  consequences  can 
scarcely  be  measured.  Nor  can  we  be  unmindful  of  the  achievements  of 
our  builders,  mechanics  and  artisans  for  their  skill  in  the  construction  of 
our  warships. 

With  the  catastrophe  of  Santiago  Spain's  effort  upon  the  ocean  virtually 
ceased.  A  spasmodic  effort  toward  the  end  of  June  to  send  her  Mediter- 
ranean fleet  under  Admiral  Camara  to  relieve  Manila  was  abandoned,  the 
expedition  being  recalled  after  it  had  passed  through  the  Suez  Canal. 

The  capitulation  of  Santiago  followed.  The  city  was  closely  besieged  by 
land,  while  the  entrance  of  our  ships  into  the  harbor  cut  off  all  relief  on  that 
side.  After  a  truce  to  allow  of  the  removal  of  non-combatants  protracted 
negotiations  continued  from  July  3d  to  July  I5th,  when,  under  menace  of 
immediate  assault,  the  preliminaries  of  surrender  were  agreed  upon.  On  the 
1 7th  General  Shafter  occupied  the  city. 

The  capitulation  embraced  the  entire  eastern  end  of  Cuba.  The  num- 
ber of  Spanish  soldiers  surrendered  was  22,000,  all  of  whom  were  subse- 
quently conveyed  to  Spain  at  the  charge  of  the  United  States. 

The  story  of  this  successful  campaign  is  told  in  the  report  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  which  will  be  laid  before  you.  The  individual1  valor  of  officers 
and  soldiers  was  never  more  strikingly  shown  than  in  the  several  engage- 
ments leading  to  the  surrender  of  Santiago,  while  the  prompt  movements 
and  successive  victories  won  instant  and  universal  applause. 

To  those  who  gained  this  complete  triumph,  which  established  the  ascen- 
dancy of  the  United  States  upon  land  as  the  fight  off  Santiago  had  fixed  our 
supremacy  on  the  seas,  the  earnest  and  lasting  gratitude  of  the  nation  is 
unsparingly  due. 

Nor  should  we  alone  remember  the  gallantry  of  the  living;  the  dead 
claim  our  tears,  and  our  losses  by  battle  and  disease  must  cloud  any  exulta- 
tion at  the  result  and  teach  us  to  weigh  the  awful  cost  of  war,  however  right- 
ful the  cause  or  signal  the  victory. 

OCCUPATION  OF  PORTO  RICO. 

With  the  fall  of  Santiago,  the  occupation  of  Porto  Rico  became  the  next 
strategic  necessity.  General  Miles  had  previously  been  assigned  to  organize 
an  expedition  for  that  purpose.  Fortunately  he  was  already  at  Santiago, 


McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY    OF   THE   SPANISH   WAR.  '  243 

v.-here  he  had  arrived  on  the  nth  of  July,  with  re-enforcements  for  General 
Shafter's  army. 

With  these  troops,  consisting  of  3,415  infantry  and  artillery,  two  com- 
panies of  engineers,  and  one  company  of  the  signal  corps,  General  Miles 
left  Guantanamo  on  July  2ist,  having  nine  transports  convoyed  by  the 
fleet  under  Captain  Higginson,  with  the  Massachusetts  (flagship),  Dixie, 
Gloucester,  Columbia  and  Yale,  the  two  latter  carrying  troops.  The  expedi- 
tion landed  at  Guanica  July  25th,  which  port  was  entered  with  little  oppo- 
sition. Here  the  fleet  was  joined  by  the  Annapolis  and  the  Wasp,  while  the 
Puritan  and  Amphitrite  went  to  San  Juan  and  joined  the  New  Orleans,  which 
was  engaged  in  blockading  that  port. 

The  major-general  commanding  was  subsequently  re-enforced  by  General 
Schwann's  brigade  of  the  Third  Army  Corps,  by  General  Wilson,  with  a  part 
of  his  division,  and  also  by  General  Brooke,  with  a  part  of  his  corps,  number- 
ing in  all  16,973  officers  and  men.  On  July  27  he  entered  Ponce,  one  of  the 
most  important  ports  in  the  island,  from  which  he  thereafter  directed  opera- 
tions for  the  capture  of  the  island. 

With  the  exception  of  encounters  with  the  enemy  at  Guayama,  Hormi- 
gueres,  Coamo  and  Yauco,  and  an  attack  on  a  force  landed  at  Cape  San 
Juan,  there  was  no  serious  resistance.  The  campaign  was  prosecuted  with 
great  vigor,  and  by  the  I2th  of  August  much  of  the  island  was  in  our  posses- 
sion, and  the  acquisition  of  the  remainder  was  only  a  matter  of  a  short  time. 

At  most  of  the  points  in  the  island  our  troops  were  enthusiastically  wel- 
comed. Protestations  of  loyalty  to  the  flag  and  gratitude  for  delivery  from 
Spanish  rule  met  our  commanders  at  every  stage. 

As  a  potent  influence  toward  peace,  the  outcome  of  the  Porto  Rican 
expedition  was  of  great  consequence,  and  generous  commendation  is  due 
to  those  who  participated  in  it. 

WAR'S  LAST  SCENE  AT  MANILA. 

The  last  scene  of  the  war  was  enacted  at  Manila,  its  starting  place.  On 
August  1 5th,  after  a  brief  assault  upon  the  works  by  the  land  forces,  in 
which  the  squadron  assisted,  the  capital  surrendered  unconditionally.  The 
casualties  were  comparatively  few. 

By  this  the  conquest  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  virtually  accomplished 
when  the  Spanish  capacity  for  resistance  was  destroyed  by  Admiral  Dewey's 
victory  of  the  ist  of  May,  was  formally  sealed. 


244  McKINLEY'S  OWN  STORY   OF  THE  SPANISH    WAR. 

To  General  Merritt,  his  officers  and  men,  for  their  uncomplaining  and 
devoted  services,  for  their  gallantry  in  action,  the  nation  is  sincerely  grate- 
ful. Their  long  voyage  was  made  with  singular  success,  and  the  soldierly 
conduct  of  the  men,  most  of  whom  were  without  previous  experience  in  the 
military  service,  deserves  unmeasured  praise. 

LOSSES  OF  ARMY  AND  NAVY. 

The  total  casualties  in  killed  and  wounded  during  the  war  were  as  fol- 
lows: 

ARMY. 

Officers  killed 23 

Enlisted  men  killed 257 

Total    ; 280 

Officers  wounded 113 

Enlisted  men  wounded 1,464 

Total   1,577 

NAVY. 

Killed  17 

Wounded    67 

Died  as  result  of  wounds I 

Invalided  from  service 6 

Total 91 

It  will  be  observed  that  while  our  navy  was  engaged  in  two  great  battles 
and  in  numerous  perilous  undertakings  in  the  blockades  and  bombardment, 
and  more  than  fifty  thousand  of  our  troops  were  transported  to  distant  lands 
and  engaged  in  assault  and  siege  and  battle  and  many  skirmishes  in  un- 
familiar territory,  we  lost  in  both  arms  of  the  service  a  total  of  1 ,948  killed 
and  wounded;  and  in  the  entire  campaign  by  land  and  sea  we  did  not  lose  a 
gun  or  a  flag  or  a  transport  or  a  ship,  and  with  the  exception  of  the  crew  of 
the  Merrimac  not  a  soldier  or  sailor  was  taken  prisoner. 

On  August  7th,  forty-six  days  from  the  date  of  the  landing  of  General 
Shafter's  army  in  Cuba  and  twenty-one  days  from  the  surrender  of  Santiago, 
the  United  States  troops  commenced  embarkation  for  home,  and  our  entire 


McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY    OF   THE   SPANISH   WAR.  245 

force  was  returned  to  the  United  States  as  early  as  August  24th.  They 
were  absent  from  the  United  States  only  two  months. 

It  is  fitting  that  I  should  bear  testimony  to  the  patriotism  and  devotion 
of  that  large  portion  of  our  army  which,  Although  eager  to  be  ordered  to  the 
post  of  greatest  exposure,  fortunately  was  not  required  outside  of  the 
United  States.  They  did  their  whole  duty,  and,  like  their  comrades  at  the 
front,  have  earned  the  gratitude  of  the  nation. 

In  like  manner,  the  officers  and  men  of  the  army  and  of  the  navy  who 
remained  in  their  departments  and  stations  of  the  navy,  performing  most 
important  duties  connected  with  the  war,  and  whose  requests  for  assign- 
ments in  the  field  and  at  sea  I  was  compelled  to  refuse  because  their  services 
were  indispensable  here,  are  entitled  to  the  highest  commendation.  It  is 
my  regret  that  there  seems  to  be  no  provision  for  their  suitable  recognition. 

In  this  connection  it  is  a  pleasure  for  me  to  mention  in  terms  of  cordial 
appreciation  the  timely  and  useful  work  of  the  American  National  Red 
Cross,  both  in  relief  measures  preparatory  to  the  campaign,  in  sanitary  assist- 
ance at  several  of  the  camps  and  assemblage,  and  later,  under  the  able  and 
experienced  leadership  of  the  president  of  the  society,  Miss  Clara  Barton, 
on  the  fields  of  battle  and  in  the  hospitals  at  the  front  in  Cuba.  Working  in 
conjunction  with  the  governmental  authorities  and  under  their  sanction  and 
approval  and  with  the  enthusiastic  co-operation  of  many  patriotic  women 
and  societies  in  the  various  States,  the  Red  Cross  has  fully  maintained  its 
already  high  reputation  for  intense  earnestness  and  ability  to  exercise  the 
noble  purposes  of  its  international  organization,  thus  justifying  the  confi- 
dence and  support  which  it  has  received  at  the  hands  of  the  American  people. 

To  the  members  and  officers  of  this  society  and  all  who  aided  them  in 
their  philanthropic  work,  the  sincere  and  lasting  gratitude  of  the  soldiers  and 
the  public  is  due  and  is  freely  accorded. 

In  tracing  these  events  we  are  constantly  reminded  of  our  obligations  to 
the  Divine  Master  for  His  watchful  care  over  us  and  His  -safe  guidance,  for 
which  the  nation  makes  reverent  acknowledgment  and  offers  humble  prayer 
for  the  continuance  of  His  favor. 

SIGNING  OF  THE  PROTOCOL, 

The  annihilation  of  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet,  followed  by  the  capitulation 
of  Santiago,  having  brought  to  the  Spanish  Government  a  realizing  sense  of 
the  hopelessness  of  continuing  a  struggle  now  becoming  wholly  unequal,  it 


246  McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY    OF   THE   SPANISH    WAR. 

made  overtures  of  peace  through  the  French  Ambassador,  who,  with  the 
assent  of  his  government,  had  acted  as  the  friendly  representative  of  Spanish 
interests  during  the  war. 

On  the  26th  of  July  M.  Cambon  presented  a  communication  signed  by 
the  Duke  of  Almo-lovar,  the  Spanish  Minister  of  State,  inviting  the  United 
States  to  state  the  terms  upon  which  it  would  be  willing  to  make  peace. 

On  July  3Oth,  by  a  communication  addressed  to  the  Duke  of  Alrnodovar 
and  handed  to  M.  Cambon,  the  terms  of  this  government  were  announced, 
substantially  as  in  the  protocol  afterward  signed. 

On  August  loth  the  Spanish  reply,  dated  August  7th,  was  handed  by  M. 
Cambon  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  It  accepted  unconditionally  the  terms 
imposed  as  to  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  an  island  of  the  Ladrones  group,  but 
appeared  to  seek  to  introduce  inadmissible  reservations  in  regard  to  our 
demand  as  to  the  Philippines. 

Conceiving  that  discussion  on  this  point  could  neither  be  practicable  or 
profitable,  I  directed  that  in  order  to  avoid  misunderstanding  the  matter 
should  be  forthwith  closed  by  proposing  the  embodiment  in  a  formal  pro- 
tocol of  the  terms  on  which  the  negotiations  for  peace  were  to  be  undertaken. 

The  vague  and  inexplicit  suggestions  of  the  Spanish  note  could  not  be 
accepted,  the  only  reply  being  to  present  as  a  virtual  ultimatum  a  draft  of  a 
protocol  embodying  the  precise  terms  tendered  to  Spain  in  our  note  of  July 
30th,  with  added  stipulations  of  detail  as  to  the  appointment  of  commis- 
sioners to  arrange  for  the  evacuation  of  the  Spanish  Antilles. 

On  August  1 2th  M.  Cambon  announced  his  receipt  of  full  power  to  sign 
the  protocol  so  submitted.  Accordingly,  on  the  afternoon  of  August  I2th, 
M.  Cambon,  as  the  plenipotentiary  of  Spain,  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  as 
the  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  signed  the  protocol,  providing: 

"Article  i.  Spain  will  relinquish  all  claim  of  sovereignty  over  and  title 
to  Cuba. 

"Article  2.  Spain  will  cede  to  the  United  States  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico 
and  other  islands  now  under  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  West  Indies,  and  also 
an  island  in  the  Ladrones  to  be  selected  by  the  United  States. 

"Article  3.  The  United  States  will  occupy  and  hold  the  city,  bay  and 
harbor  of  Manila  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace  which  shall 
determine  the  control,  disposition  and  government  of  the  Philippines." 

The  fourth  article  provided  for  the  appointment  of  joint  commissions  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  and  Spain,  to  meet  in  Havana  and  San  Juan, 
respectively,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  and  carrying  out  the  details  of  the 


McKINLEY'S   OWN   STORY   O*    THE  SPANISH   WAR.  249 

stipulated  evacuation  of  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  other  Spanish  islands  in  the 
West  Indies. 

The  fifth  article  provided  for  the  appointment  of  not  more  than  five  com- 
missioners on  each  side  to  meet  at  Paris  not  later  than  October  1st  and  to 
proceed  to  the  negotiation  and  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace,  subject  to 
ratification  according  to  the  respective  constitutional  forms  of  the  two  coun- 
tries. 

The  sixth  and  last  article  provided  that  upon  the  signature  of  the  proto- 
col, hostilities  between  the  two  countries  should  be  suspended,  and  that 
notice  to  that  effect  should  be  given  as  soon  as  possible  by  each  government 
to  the  commanders  of  its  military  and  naval  forces. 

CESSATION    OF   STRIFE. 

Immediately  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  protocol  I  issued  a  proclamation 
on  August  1 2th,  suspending  hostilities  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  The 
necessary  orders  to  that  end  were  at  once  given  by  telegraph.  The  blockade 
of  the  ports  of  Cuba  and  San  Juan  de  Porto  Rico  were  in  like  manner  raised. 

On  August  i8th  the  muster  out  of  100,000  volunteers,  or  as  near  that 
number  as  was  found  to  be  practicable,  was  ordered.  On  December  ist, 
101,165  officers  and  men  had  been  mustered  out  and  discharged  from  the 
service;  9,002  more  will  be  mustered  out  by  the  loth  of  the  month.  Also  a 
corresponding  number  of  Generals  and  general  staff  officers  have  been  hon- 
orably discharged  from  the  service. 

The  military  committees  to  superintend  the  evacuation  of  Cuba,  Porto 
Rico  and  the  adjacent  islands  were  forthwith  appointed — for  Cuba,  Major- 
General  James  F.  Wade,  Rear  Admiral  William  T.  Sampson  and  Major- 
General  Matthew  C.  Butler;  for  Porto  Rico,  Major-General  John  C.  Brooke, 
Rear  Admiral  Winfield  S.  Schley  and  Brigadier-General  W.  W.  Gordon,  who 
soon  afterward  met  the  Spanish  commissioners  at  Havana  and  San  Juan 
respectively. 

WORK  OF  EVACUATION. 

The  Porto  Rican  joint  commissions  speedily  accomplished  its  task,  and 
by  October  i8th  the  evacuation  of  the  island  was  completed.  The  United 
States  flag  was  raised  over  the  island  at  noon  on  that  day. 

As  soon  as  we  are  in  possession  of  Cuba  and  have  pacified  the  island  it 
will  be  necessary  to  give  aid  and  direction  to  its  people  to  form  a  government 


350  McKINLEY'S  OWN   STORY   OF  THE   SPANISH   WAR. 

for  themselves.    This  should  be  undertaken  at  the  earliest  moment  consistent 
with  safety  and  assured  success. 

It  is  important  that  our  relations  with  these  people  shall  be  of  the  most 
friendly  character  and  our  commercial  relations  close  and  reciprocal.  It 
should  be  our  duty  to  assist  in  every  proper  way  to  build  up  the  waste  places 
of  the  island,  encourage  the  industry  of  the  people  and  assist  them  to  form 
a  government  which  shall  be  free  and  independent,  thus  realizing  the  best 
aspirations  of  the  Cuban  people. 

Spanish  rule  must  be  replaced  by  a  just,  benevolent  and  humane  govern- 
ment, created  by  the  people  of  Cuba,  capable  of  performing  all  international 
obligations,  and  which  shall  encourage  thrift,  industry  and  prosperity,  and 
promote  peace  and  good  will  among  all  of  the  inhabitants,  whatever  may 
have  been  their  relations  in  the  past.  Neither  revenge  nor  passion  should 
have  a  pla*:e  in  the  new  government. 

WM.  McKINLEY, 
President  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

McKINLEY  AND   EXPANSION. 

When  the  thirteen  original  states  won  freedom  from  England  and  inde- 
pendence before  the  world,  the  new  republic  possessed  an  area  of  827,844 
square  miles. 

That  expansion,  or  an  extending  of  the  borders  of  the  republic,  has  been 
the  fixed  policy  of  the  nation  it  is  necessary  only  to  say  that  there  have  since 
been  added  2,895,380  square  miles.  The  territory  now  embraced  within  the 
confines  of  the  United  States  of  America  is  almost  five  times  as  great  as  the 
original  area,  vast  as  was  the  extent  of  that  great  region  which  America 
won  for  Americans — native  and  naturalized.  The  territory  acquired  by 
expansion  since  the  Revolutionary  War  is  three-and-a-half  times  greater 
than  the  original  thirteen  states. 

With  such  a  record  it  is  pretty  clear  expansion  is  an  American  policy, 
and  in  keeping  with  the  traditions  of  the  republic. 

In  the  one  hundred  and  fifteen  years  following  the  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  2,771,040  square  miles  had  been  added  by  conquest  or  purchase — • 
usually  by  conquest  first,  and  later  by  a  sort  of  consolatory  payment  of  what 
the  property  would  have  been  worth  if  the  enemy  had  ceded  it  without  the 
trouble  or  expense  of  a  war. 

In  the  three  last  years  of  McKinley's  administration  the  area  of  the  nation 
was  extended  124,340  square  miles.  In  truth,  however,  this  extension  of 
territory  was  all  accomplished  in  a  single  year.  It  may  be  interesting  to 
add,  however,  that  the  total  annexation  preceding  the  war  with  Spain 
averaged  24,696  square  miles  annually;  while  the  expansion  accomplished 
by  President  McKinley's  administration  from  the  moment  he  secured  the 
first  treaty  of  addition  down  to  the  present  time  averages  41,446  square 
miles  annually. 

He  secured  almost  double  the  average  annual  increase  of  territory 
credited  to  any  or  all  previous  administrations. 

Briefly  stated,  the  several  former  annexations  were  as  follows: 


252 


McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION. 


ANNEXATION    FROM    1783    TO    1893: 

Amount  Paid.     Square  Miles. 

Louisiana $15,000,000  1,171,931 

Florida 5,000,000  52,268 

Texas 28,500,000  376,133 

California 545>783 

Gadsden  Purchase 10,500,000  45>535 

Alaska 7,200,000  577,390 

$66,200,000  2,769,040 

ANNEXATION   FROM   1893  TO   1901: 

Amount  Paid.  Square  Miles. 

Hawaii 6,740 

Philippine  Islands $20,000,000  1 14,000 

Porto  Rico 3,6oo 

$20,000,000  124,340 

Square  Miles. 

Original  territory 827,844 

Annexed  first  1 10  years 2,769,040 

Annexed  last  three  years 124,340 

3,721,224 

But  the  territory  acquired  in  the  McKinley  administration  has  been  for 
the  purpose  of  safeguarding  that  matchless  possession  secured  in  all  the 
preceding  century,  and  of  insuring  to  the  millions  who  inhabit  this  land  the 
certainty  that  they  shall  continue  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  prosperity  their 
past  labors  and  the  sacrifices  of  their  fathers  have  placed  in  their  possession. 

For  example,  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  was  a  war  measure. 
At  the  moment  of  Admiral  Dewey's  victory  in  Manila  Bay,  the  United  States 
became  an  active  power  in  the  Pacific,  and  every  consideration,  naval  and 
commercial,  made  it  desirable  that  the  American  flag  should  float  over  this 
fertile  group.  Figuratively  speaking,  Hawaii  was  sitting  on  Uncle  Sam's 
"doorstep  waiting  to  come  in.  The  islands  had  offered  themselves  to  the 
United  States  Government.  It  was  not  necessary  to  wage  a  war  of  conquest 
or  open  peaceful  negotiations.  All  that  was  necessary  was  to  pass  a  resolu- 
tion of  annexation. 


McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION.  253 

Accordingly,  on  June  15,  the  Newlands  annexation  resolution  was  passed 
by  the  House  of  Representatives  by  a  vote  of  209  to  91.  The  Senate  passed 
the  same  resolution  by  a  vote  of  42  to  21,  and  President  McKinley  approved 
it  July  7,  1898. 

The  Hawaiian  Islands,  formerly  known  as  the  Sandwich  Islands,  are 
situated  in  the  North  Pacific  Ocean,  and  lie  between  longitude  154  degrees 
40  minutes  and  160  degrees  30  minutes  west  from  Greenwich,  and  latitude 
22  degrees  16  minutes  and  18  degrees  55  minutes  north.  They  are  thus 
on  the  very  edge  of  the  tropics,  but  their  position  in  mid-ocean  and  the 
prevalence  of  the  northeast  trade  winds  give  them  a  climate  of  perpetual 
summer  without  enervating  heat.  The  group  occupies  a  central  position  in 
the  North  Pacific,  2,089  nautical  miles  southwest  of  San  Francisco;  4,640 
from  Panama;  3,800  from  Auckland,  New  Zealand;  4,950  from  Hongkong, 
and  3,440  from  Yokohama.  Its  location  gives  it  great  importance  from  a 
military  as  well  as  from  a  commercial  point  of  view. 

Broadly  speaking,  Hawaii  may  be  said  to  lie  about  one-third  of  the 
distance  on  the  accustomed  routes  from  San  Francisco  to  Japanese  and 
Chinese  ports;  from  San  Francisco  to  Australia;  from  ports  of  British 
Columbia  to  Australia  and  British  India,  and  about  halfway  from  the  Isth- 
mus of  Panama  to  Yokohama  and  Hongkong.  The  construction  of  a  ship 
canal  across  the  isthmus  would  extend  this  geographical  relation  to  the 
ports  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  of  the  Atlantic  Seaboard  of  North  and  South 
America.  No  other  point  in  the  North  Pacific  has  such  a  dominating  rela- 
tion to  the  trade  between  America  and  Asia,  as  a  place  of  call  and  depot  of 
supplies  for  vessels. 

From  a  naval  standpoint,  Hawaii  is  the  great  strategic  base  of  the  Pacific. 
Under  the  present  conditions  of  naval  warfare,  created  by  the  use  of  steam 
as  a  motive  power,  Hawaii  secures  to  the  maritime  nation  possessing  it  an 
immense  advantage  as  a  depot  for  the  supply  of  coal.  Modern  battleships, 
depending  absolutely  upon  coal,  are  enabled  to  avail  themselves  of  their 
full  capacity  of  speed  and  energy  only  by  having  some  halfway  station  in 
the  Pacific  where  they  can  replenish  their  stores  of  fuel  and  refit.  A  battle- 
ship or  cruiser  starting  from  an  Asiatic  or  Australian  port,  with  the  view 
of  operating  along  the  coast  of  either  North  America  or  South  America, 
is  unable  to  act  effectively  for  any  length  of  time  at  the  end  of  so  long  a 
voyage  unless  she  is  able  to  refill  her  bunkers  at  some  point  on  the  way.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  United  States,  possessing  Hawaii,  is  able  to  advance  its 
line  of  defense  2,000  miles  from  the  Pacific  coast,  and,  with  a  fortified  harbor 


254  McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION. 

and  a  strong  fleet  at  Honolulu,  is  in  a  position  to  conduct  either  defensive 
or  offensive  operations  in  the  North  Pacific  to  greater  advantage  than  any 
other  power. 

For  practical  purposes,  there  are  eight  islands  in  the  Hawaiian  group. 
The  others  are  mere  rocks,  of  no  value  at  present.  These  eight  islands, 
beginning  from  the  northwest,  are  named  Niihau,  Kauai,  Oahu,  Molokai, 
Lanai,  Kahoolawe,  Maui  and  Hawaii.  The  areas  of  the  islands  are: 

Square  Miles. 

Niihau ~. .  97 

Kauai 590 

Oahu 600 

Molokai 270 

Maui 760 

Lanai 1 50 

Kahoolawe 63 

Hawaii 4,210 


Total 6,740 

On  Oahu  is  the  capital,  Honolulu.  It  is  a  city  numbering  30,000  inhabi- 
tants, and  is  pleasantly  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the  Island.  The  city 
extends  a  considerable  distance  up  Nuuanu  Valley,  and  has  wings  extending 
northwest  and  southeast.  Except  ;.n  the  business  blocks,  every  house  stands 
in  its  own  garden,  and  some  of  the  houses  are  very  handsome. 

The  city  is  lighted  with  electric  light,  there  is  a  complete  telephone 
system,  and  tramcars  run  at  short  intervals  along  the  principal  streets  and 
continue  out  to  a  sea-bathing  resort  and  public  park,  four  miles  from  the 
city.  There  are  numerous  stores  where  all  kinds  of  goods  can  be  obtained. 
The  public  buildings  are  attractive  and  commodious.  There  are  numerous 
churches,  schools,  a  public  library  of  over  10,000  volumes,  Y.  M.  C.  A. 
Hall,  Masonic  Temple,  Odd  Fellows'  Hall,  and  theater.  There  is  frequent 
steam  communication  with  San  Francisco,  once  a  month  with  Victoria 
(British  Columbia),  and  twice  a  month  with  New  Zealand  and  the  Australian 
colonies.  Steamers  also  connect  Honolulu  with  Japan.  There  are  three 
evening  daily  papers  published  in  English,  one  daily  morning  paper  and  two 
weeklies.  Besides  these,  there  are  papers  published  in  the  Hawaiian,  Portu- 
guese, Japanese  and  Chinese  languages,  and  also  monthly  magazines  in 
various  tongues. 

United  States  Consul-General  Mills,  of  Honolulu,  under  date  of  Febru- 


McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION. 


255 


ary  8,  1897,  transmitted  to  the  Department  of  State  the  official  figures 
showing  the  result  of  the  census  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  which  had  just 
been  completed.  The  Hawaiians  head  the  list  with  a  total  of  31,019.  The 
Japanese  colonization  comes  next,  with  the  Chinese  a  close  third.  The 
official  table,  as  prepared  at  the  census  office,  in  1890,  is: 


Nationality. 

Males. 

Females. 

Total. 

Hawaiian  

.  -  •     16,399 

14,620 

31.019 

Part  Hawaiian  , 

•  •  .       4,249 

4,^36 

8,485 

American  , 

1,975 

i,  in 

3,086 

British  

1,406 

844 

2,250 

German  

866 

566 

i,  432 

French  

56 

45 

IOI 

Norwegian   

216 

162 

378 

Portuguese  

8,202 

6,989 

15,191 

Japanese  

.  .  .       19,212 

5,*95 

24,407 

Chinese  , 

.  .        19,167 

2,449 

21,616 

South  Sea  Islanders  

321 

134 

455 

Other  nationalities  

448 

152 

600 

Total 72,517 


36,503         109,020 


The  acquiring  of  Porto  Rico,  with  its  3,600  square  miles  and  nearly  a 
million  inhabitants,  did  not  require  the  firing  of  a  gun  so  far  as  the  natives 
were  concerned.  The  slight  resistance  offered  by  the  Spaniards  who  had 
for  so  many  years  held  the  island,  was  not  serious  enough  to  earn  the  name 
of  warfare,  though  so  good  a  judge  and  careful  an  observer  as  Richard 
Harding  Davis  declares  this  was  due  more  to  the  masterly  management  of 
General  Miles,  who  commanded  there  in  person,  than  to  any  other  cause — • 
a  conclusion  which  he  reaches  by  comparing  the  Porto  Rican  campaign 
with  General  Shatter's  invasion  of  Cuba.  The  conditions,  however,  do  not 
present  a  parallel  case.  The  Cubans  wanted  the'  Spaniards  expelled,  to  be 
sure;  but  they  wanted  to  govern  that  island  themselves.  And  they  had 
grown  so  strong,  had  fought  so  long  and  stubbornly,  and  had  consequently 
compelled  the  Spaniards  to  maintain  so  great  a  strength  that  the  Americans 
found  "the  Gem  of  the  Antilles"  held  with  a  force  that  could  offer  quite  a 
stubborn  dispute.  The  Porto  Ricans,  on  the  contrary,  while  wanting  the 
Spaniards  expelled,  had  never  made  much  effort  at  self  government,  and 
the  Spaniards  there  were  by  no  means  equipped  to  defend  their  possessions. 
Indeed,  their  defense  was  the  merest  formality.  And  once  they  ceased  oppo- 


25L  McKINLEY    AND    EXPANSION. 

sition  to  the  forces  of  General  Miles,  the  native  and  resident  people  rushed 
to  welcome  the  Americans. 

So  that  these  richest  and  most  valuable  objects  of  McKinley  expansion 
came-  to  the  possession  of  the  great  republic  at  practically  no  cost  at  all — 
of  either  "blood  or  treasure." 

Of  course  the  military  occupation  of  Porto  Rico  crtd  not  formally  invest 
title  to  the  island  in  the  United  States.  The  case  with  Hawaii  was  different, 
because  no  power  but  the  resident  people  made  any  claim  to  that  rich  prize. 

Porto  Rico,  the  most  beautiful  island  of  the  Antilles,  which  was  ceded 
to  the  United  States  by  the  Spanish-American  treaty  at  Paris,  1898,  is 
situated  at  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  east  of  Haiti,  from  which  it 
is  separated  by  the  Mona  Passage.  Haiti  lies  between  it  and  Cuba.  Porto 
Rico  is  95  miles  long  and  35  broad,  with  an  area  of  about  3,600  square 
miles,  or'  nearly  three-fourths  the  size  of  the  State  of  Connecticut  (4,990 
square  miles),  and  considerably  larger  than  that  of  the  States  of  Delaware 
and  Rhode  Island,  which  aggregate  3,300  square  miles.  The  island  has 
always  been  noted  for  its  mineral  and  agricultural  wealth;  hence  the  Spanish 
name,  which,  in  English,  means  "rich  harbor." 

Porto  Rico,  or  Puerto  Rico  (the  Spanish  name),  was  discovered  by 
Columbus  on  his  second  voyage,  November  16,  1493.  The  discoverer  first 
sighted  land  near  Cape  San  Juan  and  for  three  days  sailed  along  the  northern 
coast,  landing  at  Aguadilla.  The  richness  and  fertility  of  the  island  caused 
him  to  name  it  Puerto  Rico  or  "rich  port."  He  saw  little  or  nothing  of  the 
natives,  who  fled  at  his  approach,  believing  that  they  were  about  to  be 
attacked. 

The  actual  conquest  of  the  island  was  made  in  1510,  two  years  after 
his  first  visit,  by  Juan  Ponce  De  Leon,  Governor  of  the  Island  of  Haiti,  then 
known  as  Hispaniola.  He  won  the  confidence  of  the  natives  and  landed  an 
expedition  to  subjugate  them.  The  Spanish  conquest  of  Porto  Rico  was 
marked  by  the  bloodshed  and  cruelty  that  has  characterized  Spanish  con- 
quest in  all  parts  of  the  Western  world.  Natives  were  slaughtered,  or  con- 
demned to  slavery.  The  colonization  of  Porto  Rico  by  Spaniards  then  fol- 
lowed, and  to-day  there  is  scarcely  a  trace  of  aboriginal  blood  in  the  islands. 

The  aboriginal  population  numbered  about  600,000;  they  were  copper- 
colored,  though  somewhat  darker  than  the  Indians  of  the  North  American 
continent.  The  aborigines  called  the  island  Boringuen  and  themselves 
Boringuenans. 

Physically,  Porto  Rico  is  a  continuation  of  the  emerged  lands  of  Haiti. 


McKINLEY    AND    EXPANSION.  257 

It  is  very  mountainous,  the  altitudes  ranging  from  1,500  to  3,600  feet,  and 
among  the  rocks  coralligenous  limestones  predominate.  All  lands  exposed 
to  the  northeast  trade  winds  have  abundant  rains.  The  mean  temperature 
at  the  city  of  San  Juan  is  80.7  degrees  F.  In  January  and  February  it  is 
76.5  degrees,  and  in  July  and  August,  83.2  degrees.  The  island  is  known 
as  the  most  healthful  of  the  Antilles.  There  are  no  reptiles  and  no  wild 
animals,  except  rats,  which  are  numerous.  The  hills  are  covered  with  tropi- 
cal forests  and  the  lands  are  very  productive.  The  streams  are  numerous 
and  some  of  them  are  navigable  to  the  foothills. 

The  most  flourishing  plantations  of  Porto  Rico  are  situated  on  the  littoral 
plains  and  in  the  valleys  of  rivers,  which,  are  diligently  cultivated.  The  prin- 
cipal products  are  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  tobacco;  then  maize,  rice,  cotton, 
tobacco,  hides,  dyewoods,  timber,  and  rice.  Coffee  is  produced  to  the  extent 
of  over  16,000  tons  per  annum,  and  the  annual  sugar  production  averages 
67,000  tons. 

The  forests  abound  in  mahogany,  cedar,  ebony,  dyewoods,  and  a  great 
variety  of  medicinal  and  industrial  plants.  All  kinds  of  tropical  fruits  are 
found.  An  average  of  190,000,000  bananas,  6,500,000  oranges,  2,500,000 
cocoanuts,  and  7,000,000  pounds  of  tobacco  is  produced  annually. 

Sugar  cane  is  cultivated  on  61,000  acres,  and  the  production  of  sugar  is 
the  most  important  industry.  Coffee  is  another  staple  product;  and  the 
tobacco,  which  ranks  second  to  that  of  the  famous  Cebu  variety,  may  be 
produced  in  almost  limitless  quantities.  The  mineral  resources  are  not 
extensive.  Gold  has  been  found,  but  by  no  means  in  paying  quantities. 
Lead,  copper  and  iron  are  present,  and  may  be  profitably  mined. 

The  government  of  the  people  of  Porto  Rico  is  by  a  governor-general, 
who  acts  wholly  under  the  direction  of  the  President  and  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  all  the  subordinate  officers  of  the  islands  are  appointees 
of  the  home  government. 

The  most  important  of  the  lands  embraced  in  the  McKinley  expansion 
is  the  group  of  islands  known  as  the  Philippine  archipelago,  the  western- 
most of  the  four  great  tropical  groups  of  the  Pacific.  To  be  exact,  the 
Philippines  are  situated  between  4  and  20  degrees  north  latitude  and  161  and 
127  degrees  east  longitude,  in  front  of  China  and  Cochin  China.  The  archi- 
pelago is  composed  of  some  2,000  islands,  with  an  approximate  area  of 
114,000  square  miles. 

The  principal  islands  are  Luzon  (Batanes,  Babuyanes,  Polillo,  Calandu- 
anes,  Mindoro,  Marinduque,  Burias,  Masbate,  etc.,  lying  adjacent)  on  the 


258  McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION. 

north;  the  Visayas  (Tablas,  Panay,  Negros,  Cebu,  Bohol,  Leyte,  Samar, 
etc.),  prolonged  southwest  by  the  Calamaines,  Palawan,  and  Balabac;  Min- 
danao and  the  adjacent  islands  Dinagat,  Surigao,  Basilan,  etc.,  and  on  the 
extreme  south,  the  Sulu  archipelago.  The  Island  of  Luzon,  on  which  the 
capital  is  situated,  is  larger  than  New  York  and  Massachusetts,  and  Min- 
danao is  nearly  as  large.  An  idea  of  the  extent  of  the  Philippines  may  be 
formed  when  it  is  stated  that  the  six  New  England  States  and  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Maryland  and  Delaware  have  10  per  cent  less  area. 

The  approximate  area  of  the  larger  islands  is  as  follows:  Luzon,  41,000; 
Mindanao,  37,500;  Samar,  5,300;  Panay,  4,600;  Palawan,  4,150;  Mindoro, 
4,050;  Leyte,  3,090;  Negros,  2,300;  Cebu,  1,650;  Masbate,  1,315;  Bohol, 

925- 

The  population  has  been  estimated  at  from  8,000,000  to  10,000,000,  of 
which  number  about  25,000  are  Europeans,  about  half  of  the  latter  residing 
in  the  city  of  Manila.  The  present  American  population  is  not  included  in 
these  figures. 

Manila,  the  capital  of  the  entire  archipelago,  is  situated  in  the  Island  of 
Luzon,  at  the  mouth  of  the  River  Pasig,  which  empties  into  the  Bay  of 
Manila.  The  city  has  300,000  inhabitants,  of  whom  15,000  are  Europeans 
and  loo.ooo  Chinese,  who  are  largely  engaged  in  industry.  It  is  the  seat 
of  a  yearly  increasing  commerce.  The  houses  are  built  with  reference  to 
earthquakes,  and  although  large,  possess  few  pretensions  to  architectural 
beauty.  The  city  proper  within  the  walls  is  small,  little  more  than  two  miles 
in  circumference.  Here  are  grouped  the  government  buildings  and  religious 
institutions.  The  suburbs,  of  which  Binondo  ranks  first  in  order  of  im- 
portance, are  the  centers  of  trade.  The  police  of  the  city  were  under 
military  discipline  and  composed  of  natives.  A  force  of  watchmen,  paid 
by  the  tradesmen,  patrolled  the  more  populous  part  of  the  city  from  10 
o'clock  at  night  until  5  in  the  morning.  A  very  low  average  of  crime 
is  said  to  exist,  though  the  native  classes  are  much  addicted  to  gambling, 
cock-fighting,  etc.  At  the  time  of  American  occupation  there  were  six  daily 
papers:  "El  Diario  de  Manila,"  "La  Oceania  Espafiola,"  published  in  the 
morning,  and  "El  Comercio,"  "La  Voz  Espaiiola,"  "El  Espanol,"  and  "El 
Noticero,"  which  appear  in  the  evening. 

Manila  has  a  cathedral  of  the  seventeenth  century,  an  Archbishop's 
palace,  a  university  school  of  art,  an  observatory,  a  large  government  cigar 
factory,  and  many  educational  and  charitable  institutions. 


McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION.  259 

There  are  some  4,000  horses  in  the  city,  used  for  carriages  and  street 
cars.  Buffaloes  are  employed  for  dray  and  other  heavy  work. 

On  February  6,  1898,  Manila  suffered  from  a  severe  fire,  and  it  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  the  city  would  have  been  lost  had  it  not  been  for  the 
excellent  service  of  a  fire  engine  which  had  been  imported  from  the  United 
States. 

Iloilo,  the  chief  town  of  the  populous  province  of  the  same  name,  in  the 
Island  of  Panay,  is  situated  in  latitude  10  degrees  48  minutes  W.,  near  the 
southeastern  extremity  of  the  island,  and  250  miles  from  Manila.  The  harbor 
is  well  protected  and  the  anchorage  good.  At  spring  tides,  the  whole  town 
is  covered  with  water,  but  notwithstanding  this  it  is  a  very  healthy  place, 
there  being  always  a  breeze.  It  is  much  cooler  in  Iloilo  than  in  Manila. 
The  means  of  communication  with  the  interior  are  very  inadequate,  and 
retard  the  development  of  the  port.  The  principal  manufacture  is  pineapple 
cloth.  The  country  around  Iloilo  is  very  fertile  and  is  extensively  cultivated, 
sugar,  tobacco,  and  rice  being  grown,  and  there  are  many  towns  in  the 
vicinity  that  are  larger  than  the  port. 

Cebu,  the  capital  of  the  island  of  this  name,  was  at  one  time  the  seat 
of  the  administration  of  revenue  for  the  whole  of  the  Visayas.  It  is  well- 
built  and  possesses  fine  roads.  The  trade  is  principally  in  hemp  and  sugar. 

Other  towns  are  Laog,  with  a  population  (1887)  of  30,642;  Banang, 
35,598;  Batangas,  35,587,  and  Lipa,  43,408. 

The  principal  mineral  productions  are  gold,  galena,  copper,  iron,  mer- 
cury and  coal.  Extensive  auriferous  ore  deposits  have  been  opened  up,  and 
they  are  known  to  "exist  in  many  of  the  islands,  chiefly  in  Luzon,  Bengues, 
Vicols  and  Mindanao.  Very  little  exploration  or  systematic  mining  has  been 
attempted,  but  it  is  said  that  there  is  no  brook  that  empties  into  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  whose  sand  and  gravel  does  not  at  least  pan  the  color  of  gold.  Heavy 
nuggets  are  sometimes  brought  down  from  the  sierras. 

Galena  (50  per  cent  of  pure  metal)  is  found  in  veins  in  Luzon  and  Cebu. 
Copper  has  been  discovered  in  many  parts  of  the  Philippines.  Iron — from 
75  to  80  per  cent,  pure  metal — is  known  to  exist  in  Luzon.  The  coal  found 
up  to  the  present  time  is  not  true  coal,  but  lignite;  but  it  is  probable  true 
coal  will  be  found,  as  the  mountains  of  Japan  abound  in  that  mineral,  and 
the  geological  formation  in  both  groups  seems  to  be  the  same. 

Hemp  (abaca),  the  most  important  product  of  the  archipelago,  is  the 
fiber  of  a  species  of  banana,  and  is  produced  by  scraping  the  leaves  with  a 
peculiar  knife,  which  requires  expert  handling.  Improved  machinery  will 


260  McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION. 

vastly  increase  the  profit  of  this  product.  Thread  is  spun  from  the  fiber,  and 
cloth  is  woven  that  excels  in  fineness  the  best  Tussore  silk. 

The  production  of  sugar  is  being  rapidly  developed,  the  principal  sugar 
provinces  being  those  of  the  north,  or  most  progressive  part  of  the  island. 
But  at  present  the  means  of  reducing  the  cane  to  sugar  are  crude.  It  is 
quite  certain  the  business  will  become  immensely  profitable  as  soon  as  mod- 
ern methods  can  be  introduced.' 

Tobacco  would  be  an-  important  resource  of  the  Philippines  with  proper 
management.  But  the  timber  wealth  of  the  islands  is  incalculable.  There 
are  many  varieties  of  trees,  the  forests  yielding  resins,  gums,  dye  products, 
fine-grained  ornamental  wood,  and  also  heavy  timber  suitable  for  building 
purposes.  Teak,  ebony,  and  sandalwood  are  found;  also  ilang-ilang,  cam- 
phor, pepper,  cinnamon,  tea  and  all  tropical  fruits. 

But  the  securing  of  the  Philippines  has  differed  in  many  essential  respects 
from  the  methods  obtaining  in  the  other  cases.  The  expansion  in  that 
direction  has  cost  the  $20,000,000  paid  to  Spain  for  a  relinquishment  of  her 
rights  there,  besides  the  cost  of  the  war  with  Spain,  and  the  succeeding  war 
with  the  natives.  Just  what  these  two  items  may  in  the  end  appear  cannot  at 
present  be  definitely  stated,  any  more  than  the  value  of  the  islands  so 
acquired  can  be  declared  at  once. 

But  if  there  were  nothing  beside  Admiral  Dewey's  victory  at  Manila  Bay, 
May  i,  1898,  to  place  on  the  credit  side  of  the  ledger,  and  all  the  expense 
for  military,  naval  and  civil  operations  since  accrued  to  charge  against  it 
on  the  debit  side,  the  balance  would  b«  still  vastly  in  favor  of  the  United 
States.  All  the  losses  of  every  description  that  have  fallen  in  any  way 
upon  the  republic  since  May  I,  1898,  are  more  than  compensated  by  the 
value  of  that  one  day. 

Before  the  Manila  Bay  fight  the  United  States  was  an  unconsidered  na- 
tion. It  was  not  regarded  as  a  power  at  all.  The  world  treated  the  Ameri- 
can Republic  with  a  good  natured  contempt,  or  refrained  altogether  from 
considering  it.  The  nations  across  the  seas  made  all  their  arrangements  of 
peace  or  war,  of  commerce  and  of  crowns,  without  even  remotely  considering 
"the  States."  So  far  as  the  large  questions  affecting  world  interests  were 
concerned,  the  United  States  provoked  no  more  calculation  than  did  Uru- 
guay. 

Of  course  it  was  understood  that  the  Republic  was  big,  and  abounding 
full  of  material  resources — a  sort  of  undeveloped  and  untrained  giant.  It 
was  conceded  that  the  Republic  kept  a  sort  of  curmudgeon  watch  over  the 


McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION  261 

0 

whole  hemisphere — barring  Canada;  and  that  no  "Power"  could  make  war 
on  Mexico  or  Latin  America  without  the  certainty  of  getting  into  a  fight 
which  might  be  extremely  distressing.  And  so  no  one  made  war  there. 

But  the  Republic  was  a  hermit  nation  before  Dewey  received  McKinley's 
order  to  fire,  and,  obeying,  won  his  marvelous  victory. 

From  that  time  forward  the  United  States  of  America  has  been  a  world 
power.  It  has  actually  dominated  every  European  nation  in  the  China 
affair.  It  has  in  a  day  leaped  to  a  place  where  it  towers  above  the  Powers 
of  older  lands,  and  commands  them.  And  they  must  obey.  A  nation  with 
such  a  navy  as  Dewey  exhibited,  with  such  power  as  the  fleet  under  Schley 
demonstrated  at  Santiago,  is  a  nation  to  make  terms  with.  A  nation  which 
could  in  a  month  fling  an  army  of  97,000  men  across  twelve  thousand  miles 
of  ocean,  and  never  miss  them  at  home,  is  a  nation  to  respect.  A  nation 
with  such  a  navy  and  army  and  such  boundless  resources,  which  had  also 
possessed  itself  of  Hawaii,  the  half-way  house  in  the  wide  Pacific;  which 
also  held  the  Philippines,  garrisoned  and  guarded  at  the  very  doors  of  Asia, 
and  which  had  made  the  islands  of  the  Atlantic  its  outposts  against  an 
advance  from  Europe — that  nation  is  Master  of  the  World.  They  all  recog- 
nized it.  And  every  day  that  has  passed  since  the  Olympia  led  that  line  of 
boats  past  Corregidor  has  increased  the  estimate  which  the  nations  of  the 
earth  have  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

The  recent  purchase  of  the  Danish  West  India  Islands  is  but  another 
link  in  the  chain  which  secures  to  the  Republic  the  vast  possessions  the 
years  have  brought.  When  that  transaction  is  completed,  which  can  not  be 
until  the  Senate  shall  ratify  the  act,  this  young  world  power  will  be  girdled 
with  guardians  against  any  enemy  who  may  advance. 

It  is  a  curious  commentary  on  the  scornful  estimate  of  the  Republic 
entertained  by  the  old  world  powers,  and  a  definite  proof  of  its  existence, 
that  they  never  confessed  America  had  captured  their  markets  until  they 
discovered  it  had  captured  the  means  of  holding  the  markets,  and  extending 
them.  They  never  rallied  to  combine  against  "the  encroachments  of 
American  trade"  until  the  time  had  passed  when  their  combining  might  be 
effective.  They  can  not  stop  either  the  commercial  or  the  military  advance 
of  the  Republic.  And  the  crown  of  the  world's  control  rests  to-day  on  the 
head  of  the  nation  which  William  McKinley  roused  from  lethargy;  which 
he  summoned  from  a  fat  and  comfortable  repose,  and  charged  with  the  duty 
of  taking  its  rightful  place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  And  that  crown, 
so  wisely  secured,  can  never  be  taken  away. 


262  McKINLEY   AND    EXPANSION. 

% 
A  longer  life  would  have  given  President  McKinley  opportunity  „ ., 

develop  the  field  into  which  he  had  led  the  Republic;  but  it  is  proof  of  the 
man's  quality  that  he  did  his  work  so  well  it  cannot  be  undone.  He  stood 
like  a  rock  against  declaring  war  with  Spain  not  only  until  he  knew  what 
was  the  will  of  the  people,  but  until  they  knew  it.  He  did  not  go 
forward  until,  out  of  the  mighty  passions  of  April,  1898,  the  millions  of 
Americans  had  come  to  know  themselves.  When  the  vital  purpose  of  the 
nation  was  so  fixed  it  never  could  turn  back,  then  the  hand  of  the  President 
made  the  signal  which  flung  wide  the  gates  of  the  great  Republic,  and 
commanded  his  legions  to  possess  the  earth. 

That  was  a  mighty  trial  a  supreme  test  of  a  marvelous  man.  He  knew 
the  vital  consequences  bound  up  in  action  then.  Things  could  never  again 
be  as  they  were  before  war  was  declared.  It  was  not  simply  a  fight  with 
Spain,  and  a  victory  over  her;  it  was  an  advance  upon  the  world.  It  was 
not  simply  measuring  lances  with  Leon  and  Castile;  it  was  measuring  the 
might  of  brain  and  brawn,  of  courage  and  skill,  of  America's  splendid  man- 
hood, against  all  the  forces  of  all  the  world,  and  for  all  time!  He  could  not 
let  his  people  make  a  mistake.  If  he  had  yielded  at  the  first  hot  demand 
for  war,  the  recall  would  have  sounded  from  millions  before  the  first  day's 
march  was  done.  But  he  waited  till  the  pressure  of  his  people  proved  that 
they  were  all  of  one  mind;  that  they  had  heard  the  assembly  call  of  a  world 
duty,  and  had  all  "fallen  in."  And  then  he  gave  the  command:  "Forward!" 

McKinley  and  expansion! 

Has  it  ever  occurred  to  the  reader  how  small  a  part  of  the  McKinley 
expansion  is  expressed  in  these  figures:  "124,340  square  miles  annexed?" 

That  is  only  the  land,  the  rock  and  soil,  the  food  and  drink,  the  most 
material  and  least  expressive  of  all  the  elements  in  this  material  advance. 
'  Even  in  square  miles,  imagine  what  the  annexation  of  Hawaii  means.  Com- 
pute the  vastness  of  that  realm  acquired  in  the  Philippines.  Why,  it  is  the 
breadth  of  the  whole  Pacific  Ocean,  and  a  path  so  wide  that  no  nation 
can  send  a  ship  around  the  world  without  trespassing  on  the  boundless 
domain  of  the  young  Republic.  William  McKinley  has  advanced  the  bor- 
ders of  his  nation  to  include  the  seas.  He  has  set  the  boundaries  of  the 
United  States  of  America  so  far  that  they  embrace  one-half  the  earth.  From 
the  sentinel,  St.  Thomas,  eastern  outpost  in  the  Atlantic's  waves,  across  the 
continent,  and  out  to  the  farthest  verge  of  the  mighty  Pacific,  to  the  gates  of 
ancient  Asia,  he  has  fixed  the  frontiers  of  his  country. 

That  is  expansion  under  McKinley! 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL  NOMINATION  AND  ELECTION  OF 

McKINLEY. 

That  McKinley  would  receive  a  second  nomination  at  the  hands  of  his 
party  was  settled  long  before  the  convention  of  1900  was  called.  The  fact 
that  under  his  administration  prosperity  had  been  restored,  at  once  gave  him 
a  prestige  that  only  the  most  egregious  blundering  could  overcome.  To 
blunder  was  not  a  characteristic  of  the  President,  and  he  made  no  false  step. 
His  hand  was  steadily  on  the  helm  of  the  .ship  of  state,  and  while  he  never 
sought  for  troubled  waters,  he  never  turned  aside  if  it  was  necessary  for  the 
public  good  that  they  should  be  encountered. 

His  splendid  handling  of  all  the  delicate  questions  that  grew  out  of  the 
Spanish  war,  as  well  as  the  firmness  with  which  he  met  that  great  emergency 
in  our  national  life,  made  it  appear  that  to  him,  and  him  alone,  must  be  en- 
trusted the  task  of  shaping  the  policy  of  the  government  in  its  new  and 
suddenly  acquired  position  of  a  world  power. 

No  Republican  throughout  the  land  gave  thought  for  an  instant  to 
succeeding  the  President.  His  leadership  was  as  pronounced  as  that  of 
Lincoln,  in  1864,  or  Grant  in  1872.  Nor  was  there  any  question  as  to  party 
policy.  To  define  the  relations  of  the  government  as  a  world  power;  to 
tranquillize  the  new  possessions;  give  them  stable  government,  and  ulti- 
mately to  work  out  whatever  destiny  had  in  store  for  them  and  the  United 
States — these  were  the  pressing  questions. 

To  be  sure,  there  were  the  cries  against  trusts,  a  clamor  against  "gov- 
ernment by  injunction,"  a  recrudescence  of  the  silver  question,  and  other 
matters,  but  who  so  well  qualified  to  meet  them  all  safely  and  creditably  to 
his  country  as  the  man  who  had  for  so  many  years,  in  different  spheres  of 
activity,  proved  his  fitness  for  the  work,  and  his  loyalty  to  the  people? 

It  was  in  some  such  frame  of  mind  as  to  the  head  of  the  ticket  that  the 
delegates  to  the  Republican  national  convention  gathered  in  the  convention 
hall  at  Philadelphia,  June  19,  1900. 

While  President  McKinley's  renommation  was  a  foregone  conclusion, 
there  was  a  lively  fight  in  progress  over  the  nomination  of  Vice  President. 
The  death  of  Garret  A.  Hobart,  Vice  President,  had  brought  forward  a 

263 


264  SECOND  NOMINATION  AND  ELECTION. 

host  of  aspirants  for  that  position.  Favorite  sons  from  various  states  were 
brought  out,  and  the  contest  was  keen.  Lieutenant-Governor  Timothy 
Woodruff  of  New  York  was  one  of  the  persistent  seekers  after  the  honor, 
and  he  had  a  considerable  following.  Cornelius  N.  Bliss  of  the  same  state 
was  also  put  forward,  and  the  name  of  Governor  Roosevelt  was  often  men- 
tioned. Illinois  had  in  the  forefront  Private  Joe  Fifer  and  Congressman  Hitt; 
Iowa  presented  Congressman  Dolliver;  Senator  C.  K.  Davis  of  Minnesota 
was  also  mentioned,  and  Secretary  Long  of  the  Navy  was  considered  a 
possibility. 

Senator  Platt,  of  New  York,  was  credited  with  a  desire  to  force  the 
nomination  of  Governor  Roosevelt,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  that  energetic 
young  man  out  of  New  York  state  politics,  and  the  administration  was  said 
to  be  opposed  to  such  a  proceeding.  There  was  no  doubt  concerning  the 
attitude  of  the  Governor.  He  declared  openly  and  frequently  that  he  did 
not  want  the  nomination,  and  finally  went  so  far  as  to  assert  he  would  not 
accept  the  place  if  tendered. 

The  convention  was  called  to  order  by  Senator  M.  A.  Hanna,  chairman 
of  the  National  Committee,  amidst  the  greatest  enthusiasm.  There  were 
906  delegates,  and  they  roared  with  an  exuberance  rarely  heard  apart  from 
such  a  gathering.  In  his  opening  remarks,  Chairman  Hanna  said:  "We 
are  now  forming  our  battalions  under  the  leadership  of  our  general,  William 
McKinley,"  and  a  roar  arose  that  continued  for  several  minutes.  Th( 
chairman  then  introduced  Senator  Wolcott,  of  Colorado,  as  temporary  chair- 
man of  the  convention.  In  his  address  to  the  convention,  Senator  Wolcott 
said: 

"The  spirit  of  justice  and  liberty  that  animated  our  fathers  found  voice 
three-quarters  of  a  century  later  in  this  same  City  of  Brotherly  Love,  when 
Fremont  led  the  forlorn  hope  of  united  patriots  who  laid  here  the  founda- 
tions of  our  party,  and  put  human  freedom  as  its  corner-stone.  It  compelled 
our  ears  to  listen  to  the  cry  of  suffering  across  the  shallow  waters  of  the  gulf 
two  years  ago.  While  we  observe  the  law  of  nations  and  maintain  that 
neutrality  which  we  owe  to  a  great  and  friendly  government,  the  same  spirit 
lives  today  in  the  genuine  sympathy  we  cherish  for  the  brave  men  now  fight- 
ing for  their  homes  in  the  veldts  of  South  Africa.  It  prompts  us  in  our 
determination  to  give  the  dusky  races  of  the  Philippines  the  blessings  of 
good  government  and  republican  institutions,  and  finds  voice  in  our  indig- 
nant protest  against  the  violent  suppression  of  the  rights  of  the  colored  men 
in  the  South.  That  spirit  will  survive  in  the  breasts  of  patriotic  men  as  long 


SECOND  NOMINATION  AND  ELECTION.  267 

as  the  nation  endures,  and  the  events  of  the  past  have  taught  us  that  it  can 
find  its  fair  and  free  and  full  expression  only  in  the  principles  and  policy  of 
the  Republican  party. 

"The  first  and  pleasant  duty  of  this  great  convention,  as  well  as  its 
instinctive  impulse,  is  to  send  a  message  of  affectionate  greeting  to  our 
leader  and  our  country's  President,  William  McKinley.  In  all  that  pertains 
to  our  welfare  in  times  of  peace  his  genius  has  directed  us.  He  has  shown 
an  unerring  mastery  of  the  economic  problems  which  confront  us,  and  has 
guided  us  out  of  the  slough  of  financial  disaster,  impaired  credit,  and  com- 
mercial stagnation,  up  to  the  high  and  safe  ground  of  national  prosperity 
and  financial  stability.  Through  the  delicate  and  trying  events  of  the  late 
war  he  stood  firm,  courageous  and  conservative,  and  under  his  leadership 
we  emerged  triumphant,  our  national  honor  untarnished,  our  credit  unas- 
sailed,  and  the  equal  devotion  of  every  section  of  our  common  country  to  the 
welfare  of  the  republic,  cemented  forever.  Never  in  the  memory  of  this 
generation  has  there  stood  at  the  head  of  the  government  a  truer  patriot,  a 
wiser  or  more  courageous  leader,  or  a  better  example  of  the  highest  type  of 
American  manhood.  The  victories  of  peace  and  the  victories  of  war  are 
alike  inscribed  upon  his  banner." 

The  second  day's  proceedings  of  the  convention  introduced  Senator 
H.  C.  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  as  the  permanent  chairman  of  the  body. 
Twenty  thousand  people  attended  the  session,  in  the  expectation  th'at  Presi- 
dent McKinley  would  be  renominated,  but  for  the  time  being  they  were 
disappointed.  In  his  opening  speech  Chairman  Lodge  said: 

"Dominant  among  the  issues  of  four  years  ago  was  that  of  our  monetary 
and  financial  system.  The  Republican  party  promised  to  uphold  our  credit, 
to  protect  our  currency  from  revolution  and  to  maintain  the  gold  standard. 
We  have  done  so.  Failing  to  secure,  after  honest  effort,  any  encouragement 
for  international  bimetallism,  we  have  passed  a  law  strengthening  the  gold 
standard  and  planting  it  more  firmly  than  ever  in  our  financial  system, 
improving  our  banking  laws,  buttressing  our  credit,  and  refunding  the  public 
debt  at  2,  per  cent  interest,  the  lowest  rate  in  the  world.  It  was  a  great 
work  well  done." 

Concerning  the  war  with  Spain  he  said: 

"Here  they  are,  these  great  feats:  A  war  of  a  hundred  days,  with  many 
victories  and  no  defeats,  with  no  prisoners  taken  from  us,  and  no  advance 
stayed;  with  a  triumphant  outcome  startling  in  its  completeness  and  in  its 
world-wide  meaning.  Was  ever  a  war  more  justly  entered  upon,  more 


268  SECOND  NOMINATION  AND  ELECTION. 

quickly  fought,  more  fully  won,  more  thorough  in  its  results?  Cuba  is  free. 
Spain  has  been  driven  from  the  Western  hemisphere.  Fresh  glory  has 
come  to  our  arms  and  crowned  our  flag.  It  was  the  work  of  the  American 
people,  but  the  Republican  party  was  their  instrument. 

"So  much  for  the  past.  We  are  proud  of  it,  but  we  do  not  expect  to 
live  upon  it,  for  the  Republican  party  is  pre-eminently  the  party  of  action, 
and  its  march  is  ever  forward.  The  deeds  of  yesterday  are  in  their  turn  a 
pledge  and  proof  that  what  we  promise  we  perform,  and  that  the  people  who 
put  faith  in  our  declarations  in  1896  were  not  deceived,  and  may  place  the 
same  trust  in  us  in  1900.  But  our  pathway  has  never  lain  among  dead 
issues,  nor  have  we  won  our  victories  and  made  history  by  delving  in  political 
graveyards. 

"We  are  the  party  of  today,  with  cheerful  yesterdays  and  confident 
tomorrows.  The  living  present  is  ours;  the  present  of  prosperity  and  activ- 
ity in  business,  of  good  wages  and  quick  payments,  of  labor  employed  and 
capital  invested;  of  sunshine  in  the  market-place  and  the  stir  of  abounding 
life  in  the  workshop  and  on  the  farm.  It  is  with  this  that  we  have  replaced 
the  depression,  the  doubts,  the  dull  business,  the  low  wages,  the  idle  labor, 
the  frightened  capital,  the  dark  clouds  which  overhung  industry  and  agricul- 
ture in  1896.  This  is  what  we  would  preserve,  so  far  as  sound  government 
and  wise  legislation  can  do  it.  This  is  what  we  offer  now." 

In  such  an  atmosphere  of  optimism  the  convention  proceeded  to  adopt 
the  platform  on  which  the  candidates  should  ask  the  suffrages  of  the  Amer- 
ican electorate.  That  document  set  forth  that  four  years  before — 

"When  the  people  assembled  at  the  polls  after  a  term  of  Democratic 
legislation  and  administration,  business  was  dead,  industry  was  paraylzed, 
and  the  national  credit  disastrously  impaired.  The  country's  capital  was 
hidden  away  and  its  labor  distressed  and  unemployed. 

"The  Democrats  had  no  other  plan  with  which  to  improve  the  ruinous 
conditions,  which  they  had  themselves  produced,  than  to  coin  silver  at  the 
ratio  of  16  to  i.  The  Republican  party,  denouncing  this  plan  as  sure  to 
produce  conditions  even  worse  than  those  from  which  relief  was  sought, 
promised  to  restore  prosperity  by  means  of  two  legislative  measures — a  pro- 
tective tariff  and  a  law  making  gold  the  standard  of  value. 

"The  people,  by  great  majorities,  issued  to  the  Republican  party  a  com- 
mission to  enact  these  laws.  This  commission  has  been  executed,  and  the 
Republican  promise  is  redeemed.  Prosperity,  more  general  and  more  abun- 
dant than  we  have  ever  known,  has  followed  these  enactments.  There  is  no 


SECOND  NOMINATION  AND  ELECTION.  269 

longer  controversy  as  to  the  value  of  any  government  obligations.  Every 
American  dollar  is  a  gold  dollar,  or  its  assured  equivalent,  and  American 
credit  stands  higher  than  that  of  any  other  nation.  Capital  is  fully  em- 
ployed and  everywhere  labor  is  profitably  occupied. 

"We  endorse  the  administration  of  William  McKinley.  Its  acts  have 
been  established  in  wisdom  and  in  patriotism,  and  at  home  and  abroad  it 
has  distinctly  elevated  and  extended  the  influence  of  the  American  nation. 
Walking  untried  paths  and  facing  unforeseen  responsibilities,  President 
McKinley  has  been  in  every  situation  the  true  American  patriot,  and  the 
upright  statesman,  clear  in  vision,  strong  in  judgment,  firm  in  action,  always 
inspiring,  and  deserving  the  confidence  of  his  countrymen." 

The  platform  further  declared  in  favor  of  a  renewal  of  "allegiance  to  the 
principle  of  the  gold  standard";  of  a  law  to  effectually  restrain  and  prevent 
all  conspiracies  and  combinations  intended  to  restrict  business,  to  create 
monopolies,  to  limit  production  or  to  control  prices;  the  protection  policy 
was  endorsed,  and  legislation  in  favor  of  the  interests  of  workingmen  advo- 
cated; help  to  American  shipping,  pensions  for  soldiers,  maintenance  of  the 
civil  service  system,  construction  of  an  isthmian  canal,  and  endorsement  of 
the  treaty  of  Paris  were  also  favored. 

This  brought  the  convention  to  its  third  and  last  day's  session,  and  it 
was  a  veritable  love  feast.  Factional  fights  and  all  friction  as  to  policy  had 
been  swept  away.  All  that  was  now  necessary  was  the  naming  of  the  ticket. 
Twenty  thousand  people  again  crowded  the  convention  hall,  and  the  great 
building  was  shaken  again  and  again  by  the  enthusiastic  applause  of  the  mul- 
titude. 

Alabama  yielded  to  Ohio  when  the  call  of  States  began,  and  Senator 
Foraker,  to  whom  had  been  accorded  the  honor  of  nominating  the  Presi- 
dent, arose  and  said: 

"Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  Alabama  yields  to 
Ohio,  and  I  thank  Alabama  for  that  accommodation.  Alabama  has  so 
yielded,  however,  by  reason  of  a  fact  that  would  seem  in  an  important  sense 
to  make  the  duty  that  has  been  assigned  to  me  a  superfluous  duty,  for 
Alabama  has  yielded  because  of  the  fact  that  our  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
has  in  fact  been  already  nominated.  He  was  nominated  by  the  distinguished 
Senator  from  Colorado  when  he  assumed  the  duties  of  temporary  chairman. 
He  was  nominated  again  yesterday  by  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts, when  he  took  the  office  of  permanent  chairman,  and  he  was  nom- 


270  SECOND  NOMINATION  AND  ELECTION. 

inated  for  a  third  time  when  the  Senator  from  Indiana  yesterday  read  us  the 
platform. 

"And  not  only  has  he  been  nominated  by  this  convention,  but  he  was 
also  nominated  by  the  whole  American  people.  From  one  end  of  this  land 
to  the  other,  in  every  mind,  only  one  and  the  same  man  is  thought  of  for 
the  honor  which  we  are  now  about  to  confer,  and  that  man  is  the  first  choice 
of  every  other  man  who  wishes  Republican  success  next  November.  Upon 
this  account,  it  is  indeed  not  necessary  for  me  or  anyone  else  to  speak  for 
him  here  or  elsewhere.  He  has  already  spoken  for  himself,  and  to  all  the 
world. 

"He  has  a  record  replete  with  brilliant  achievements;  a  record  that 
speaks  at  once  both  his  performances  and  his  highest  energy.  It  compre- 
hends both  peace  and  war,  and  constitutes  the  most  striking  illustration 
possible  of  triumphant  and  inspiring  fidelity  and  success  in  the  discharge  of 
public  duty." 

The  nomination  was  seconded  by  Governor  Roosevelt,  Senator  Thur- 
ston,  John  W.  Yerkes,  of  Kentucky,  George  Knight,  of  California,  and 
Governor  Mount,  of  Indiana.  When  Senator  Foraker  pronounced  the  name 
of  the  President,  there  was  a  great  demonstration  on  the  part  of  the  con- 
vention. Someone  threw  into  the  delegate's  division  a  great  bundle  of  red, 
white  and  blue  plumes,  made  of  pampas  grass.  The  delegates  caught  them 
up,  and  with  flags,  handkerchiefs  and  State  banners  waving,  shouted  them- 
selves hoarse.  The  whole  convention,  926  delegates,  voted  for  President 
McKinley. 

Then  came  the  nomination  for  Vice-President.  The  wisdom  of  the  con- 
vention had  decided  on  Governor  Roosevelt,  and  all  other  candidates  had 
withdrawn  from  the  contest.  Though  strongly  against  his  inclination,  the 
Governor  had  agreed  to  accept  the  position.  Colonel  Lafayette  Young, 
of  Iowa,  nominated  the  Governor,  and  Butler  Murray,  of  Massachusetts, 
Gen.  J.  M.  Ashton,  of  Wisconsin,  and  Senator  Depew,  of  New  York,  sec- 
onded the  nomination.  Senator  Depew  said,  in  closing: 

"We  have  the  best  ticket  ever  presented.  We  have  at  the  head  of  it  a 
Western  man  with  Eastern  notions,  and  we  have  at  the  other  end,  an  Eastern 
man  with  Western  character — the  statesman  and  the  cowboy,  the  accom- 
plished man  of  affairs,  and  the  heroic  fighter.  The  man  who  has  proved 
great  as  President,  and  the  fighter  who  has  proved  great  as  Governor.  We 
leave  this  old  town  simply  to  keep  on  shouting  and  working  to  make  it 
unanimous  for  McKinley  and  for  Roosevelt." 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AND  THE  CHINESE  CRISIS. 

When,  in  1899  and  1900  all  the  civilized  world  was  filled  with  indignation 
over  the  atrocities  of  the  "Boxers,"  a  vast  element  in  China,  and  when  it 
became  necessary  for  the  United  States  to  send  its  contingent  of  soldiers  to 
the  scene,  for  the  protection  of  United  States  interests  there,  and  of  its 
diplomatic  corps,  this  government's  hand  in  the  matter  was  guided  by  Presi- 
dent McKinley. 

The  result  was  like  that  of  all  other  affairs  in  which  the  comity  of  nations 
has  been  involved,  during  President  McKinley's  incumbency  of  the  execu- 
tive place,  so  far  as  the  United  States  were  concerned.  It  was  creditable  to 
this  country,  and  was  ramified  by  the  judicious  and  commendably  conserva- 
tive character  of  the  man. 

The  conduct  of  our  country  in  it  all  was  devoid  of  elements  of  greed  and 
spoliation,  or  revenge,  or  any  sort  of  unnecessary  violence,  and  there  was  an 
utter  and  entire  absence  of  outrage. 

The  great  uprising  of  a  large  part  of  the  Chinese  population  against  the 
presence  of  foreigners  in  the  empire,  which  began  in  the  latter  part  of  1899 
and  resulted  in  the  loss  of  untold  thousands  of  lives,  was  one  of  the  strangest 
occurrences  in  the  history  of  the  world.  At  its  inception  little  was  thought 
of  it  by  the  other  nations,  for  China  has  been  the  home  of  disorders,  insur- 
rections, uprisings  and  rebellions  for  many  centuries,  but  when  the  revolt 
spread  from  one  province  to  another;  when  Christian  missionaries  were  ruth- 
lessly slaughtered  on  every  hand;  when  natives  who  had  been  converted  to 
Christianity  were  subjected  to  the  most  horrible  tortures;  when  foreign 
ministers  in  Peking  were  assassinated  and  legations  burned;  when  the  guards 
of  other  countries  whose  duty  it  was  to  protect  the  foreign  representatives 
and  members  of  legations  were  attacked  by  the  imperial  Chinese  troops  and 
forced  to  shoot  down  the  soldiers  of  the  empire  as  well  as  the  rioters  by  the 
thousand  in  order  to  save  themselves;  when  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of 
property  belonging  to  missionaries  and  citizens  of  other  countries  had  been 
burned;  when  the  fleets  of  foreign  nations  were  fired  upon  by  the  Chinese, 
as  was  the  case  at  Taku  on  the  morning  of  June  I7th,  1900,  resulting  in  the 
taking  of  the  forts  by  the  foreign  fleets  after  a  brisk  bombardment,:  and, 

I 


272  McKINLEY  AND   CHINESE    CRISIS. 

finally,  when  the  American,  British,  German,  Russian,  French,  Italian  and 
,    Japanese  soldiers,  sailors  and  marines  sent  to  the  relief  of  the  imprisoned 
j    ambassadors  and  ministers  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world  were  beaten 
/     back  by  the  Chinese  troops  with  heavy  loss,  then,  and  then  only,  did  the 
I    other  nations  fully  realize  the  great  danger  that  confronted  them.     The 
\  awful  Yellow  Terror  was  wild  for  blood,  and  determined  to  drive  every  one 
\  of  the  "white  devils,"  as  the  Celestials  call  all  foreigners,  out  of  the  Empire. 
\       When  the  outside  countries  demanded  that  their  ambassadors  and  minis- 
ters, as  well  as  their  citizens  in  China,  be  protected,  the  Chinese  government 
replied  that  the  uprising  was  too  widespread  to  be  controlled,  and  then  the 
powers  took  the  matter  in  hand  themselves  and  sent  troops  by  the  thousand 
— the  aggregate  by  the  end  of  July,  1900,  being  nearly  100,000,  with  fully 
that  many  on  their  way  or  ready  to  start.    Meanwhile  the  Chinese  imperial 
troops,  most  of  them  having  joined  the  insurgents,  showed  their  fighting 
qualities  in  several  engagements,  and  the  tried  and  trained  warriors  of  the 
United  States,   England,  France,  Russia,   Germany,  and  other  countries 
soon  found  they  were  opposed  by  no  mean  foe.    The  Chinese  have  a  con- 
tempt for  death,  and  are  stoical  when  undergoing  the  most  frightful  punish- 
ment;  they  fell  in  ranks  and  rows  and  heaps  before  the  steady  fire  of  the 
invaders,  but  yet  they  came  on.    The  one  thing  they  did  not  like,  however, 
was  the  use  of  the  bayonet  against  them,  and  when  the  foreign  troops 
resorted  to  the  cold  steel  and  rushed  upon  them  with  it  the  Chinese  invariably 
gave  way. 

The  uprising  which  began  in  1899  was  the  most  extensive  China  had 

ever  known,  and  the  national  government  soon  found  itself  helpless.    It  was 

incited  by  the  secret  society  Ye-Ho-Chuan,  or  "Boxers,"  the  literal  meaning 

|     or  translation  of  the  name  of  the  society  being  "Righteousness,  Harmony 

\     and  Fists."  I  It  had  about  4,000,000  members  in  the  Empire,  and  while 

j   the  society  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  the  Manchu  dynasty, 

[   which  represented  not  more  than  12,000,000  of  the  450,000,000  people  of 

V  China,  its  hatred  of  all  foreigners  was  the  predominating  spirit.    The  "Box- 

»rs"  first  began  by  attacking  the  outlying  foreign  mission  settlements  and 

then  worked  their  way  to  the  capital  of  the  Empire,  leaving  a  bloody  trail 

behind  them. 

China  had  always  hated  the  people  of  outside  countries,  and  never  had 

V   much  to  do  with  them  until  about  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

)  China  traded  as  little  as  she  could  with  the  outside  world.     Indeed,  there 

C    was  formerly  a  law  punishing  with  death  any  Chinaman  who  ever  visited 


McKINLEY   AND    CHINESE   CRISIS.  273 

any  other  country.     "China  for  the  Chinese,"  was  the  watchword,  and  the 

lives  of  foreigners  have  never  been  safe  in  the  Flowery  Kingdom. 

r     China  is  thousands  of  years  old,  and  was  known  to  the  ancients — the  old- 

/  est  nations  of  which  history  makes  record.     It  was  mentioned  in  ancient 

j  Sanskrit  literature,  but  little  was  known  of  it!    It  was  called  by  the  earliest 

1  civilizations  as  Seres;    two  thousand  or  more  years  ago  it  was  known  as 

/  Chin,  possibly  because  of  the  Thsin  dynasty,  which  occupied  the  throne  some 

\  two  hundred  years  before  Christ.    In  the  Middle  Ages  it  was  called  Cathay. 

\  The  probabilities  are  that  the  name  China  comes  from  the  race  called  Chinas, 

Who  lived  in  the  mountains  near  the  Indies,  and  was  a  branch  of  the  Dard 

Wes.    This  name  probably  reached  Europe  through  the  Arabs. 

In  1840  China  had  her  first  experience  with  a  civilized  power.  She  ha'd 
been  fighting  barbarian  nations  like  herself  for  many  centuries,  but  had 
never  become  embroiled  with  any  of  the  western  countries.  England  had 
been  doing  a  large  trade  with  China  in  opium,  to  which  the  mandarins  of 
the  Empire,  who  really  ruled  the  country,  objected,  and  finally  they  stopped 
all  foreign  trade  whatever.  England  declared  war  and  captured  Canton, 
Shanghai  and  other  important  cities,  after  subjecting  them  to  bombardment, 
and  China,  to  gain  peace,  being  defenseless,  paid  England  an  indemnity  of 
$21,000,000  and  opened  the  ports  of  Amoy,  Fuh-Chow-Foo,  Ningpo  and 
Shanghai  to  foreign  trade. 

Troubles  then  began  to  visit  poor  China  in  hordes.  A  rebellion  broke 
out  in  consequence  of  the  failure  of  the  Emperor  Heenfung  to  carry  out 
promised  reforms,  and  taking  advantage  of  this,  one  Hung  Sew-tseuen, 
who  had  been  converted  to  Christianity,  and  who  knew  the  longing  of  his 
countrymen  for  a  native  Chinese  dynasty,  proclaimed  the  inauguration  of 
the  Taiping  dynasty  with  himself  as  the  first  Emperor.  This  was  in  1852. 
He  overran  several  provinces  and  captured  Nanking,  which  he  made  his 
capital,  and  was  further  aided  in  his  schemes  by  England,  which  declared 
war  against  the  Tartar  or  Manchu  dynasty  in  1857  and  gained  further  trade 
advantages.  France  also  joined  in  this  campaign  and  the  allies  marched  to 
the  very  gates  of  Peking.  A  war  indemnity  of  8,000,000  taels  was  also  paid 
by  the  imperial  government  to  the  victors. 

China  quarreled  with  Japan  over  Corea,  the  Hermit  Kingdom,  in  1894, 
and  was  badly  whipped  both  on  sea  and  land.  The  Japanese  fleet  and  army 
captured  and  occupied  Port  Arthur  and  Wei-Hai-Wei,  the  two  strongest 
harbors  on  the  northern  China  coast.  Japan  proposed  to  keep  Port  Arthur. 
Russia,  with  the  assistance  of  Germany  and  France,  compelled  Japan  to 


274  McKINLEY  AND   CHINESE   CRISIS. 

restore  Port  Arthur  to  China.  Afterwards  Russia  took  Port  Arthur  herself, 
and  proceeded  to  make  it  the  strongest  military  and  naval  base  in  the  Pacific. 
From  1895  until  1899  the  outrages  in  China  on  foreign  missions,  schools, 
and  hospitals  were  of  monthly  occurrence.  At  the  same  time  foreign  aggres- 
sion on  Chinese  territory  became  more  marked.  Russia,  Germany,  France 
and  England  acquired  large  areas  of  territory,  either  by  lease  or  by  force, 
and  began  fortifications,  railroads,  factories,  etc.  This  foreign  aggression 
only  intensified  the  popular  discontent  among  the  Chinese  masses,  and  the 
secret  societies  flourished  as  never  before. 

The  "Boxers"  had  been  ravaging,  pillaging  and  murdering  for  some 

/"months  before  the  European  powers  became  awakened  to  the  seriousness 

\  of  the  situation.    During  the  latter  part  of  May,  1900,  the  Washington  gov- 

\  ernment  addressed  a  note  of  warning  to  Peking  to  the  effect  that  the  United 

S  States  could  not  stand  idly  by  and  see  its  citizens  slaughtered  and  their  prop- 

\    erty  destroyed,  as  the  Chinese  government  was  bound  by  treaty  to  protect 

\  the  persons  and  property  of  citizens  of  friendly  nations.    No  reply  was  made 

1  to  this,  for  it  soon  became  apparent  that  the  Dowager  Empress  was  friendly 

\to  the  "Boxers."     Small  bodies  of  imperial  troops  were  sent  against  the 

r'Boxers,"  but  the  latter  easily  overcame  the  soldiers,  who  at  once  joined 

tthem. 

The  "Boxers"  society  was  organized  in  the  province  of  Shan-Tung,  and 
it  grew  so  rapidly  that  the  great  provinces  of  Shan-Tung,  Honan  and 
Pechili  were  completely  under  its  control.  Soon  it  had  branches  in  every 
province  of  the  Empire,  and  entirely  dominated  Pechili,  the  province  in 
which  Peking  lies.  Its  leaders  were  energetic  and  resourceful,  and  by  the 
end  of  May,  1900,  all  China  was  aflame. 

The  4,000,000  membership  of  the  "Boxers"  society  was  made  up  of 
coolies,  river  men,  idlers,  pirates,  bandits,  and  criminals  of  all  classes.  But 
their  leaders,  although  unknown  to  the  European  authorities  in  the  far  East 
in  the  latter  part  of  1899  when  the  great  uprising  was  inaugurated,  were  men 
of  ability  and  shrewdness. 

The  "Boxers"  might  reasonably  be  considered  as  simply  a  part  and  par- 
cel of  the  revolutionary  propaganda  in  China.  The  society  differed  little 
from  other  societies  known  at  different  times  as  the  "Society  of  Heaven," 
the  "Heaven  and  Earth  Society,"  the  "Triads,"  the  "Black  Flags,"  the 
"Teente  Brotherhood,"  the  "Tea  Society,"  the  "Water  Lilies,"  the  "Floods," 
or  the  "Vegetarians." 

These  societies  and  others  with  different  names  but  similar  purposes, 


McKINLEY   AND   CHINESE   CRISIS.  275 

waged  constant  war  against  the  foreigners.  They  always  resented  the  pres- 
ence of  Christian  missions  and  commercial  enterprises  alike.  To  them  the 
engineer  who  surveyed  a  railroad,  the  physician  who  came  to  end  an  epi- 
demic, and  the  missionary  were  equally  the  objects  of  aversion,  and  the 
secret  society  murdered  the  one  as  cheerfully  as  the  other. 

Previous  to  the  "Boxer"  outbreak  there  were  three  or  four  rebellions 
which  tended  to  put  the  Celestials  in  the  humor  to  fight  anything  and  any- 
body, particularly  the  foreigners. 

f         China  is  yet  honeycombed,  and  has  been  for  centuries,  as  no  other  coun- 
try in  the  world  with  secret  societies,  embracing  all  classes,  having  an  exist- 

L  ence  dating  from  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era — an  existence  not 
\of  tradition  but  vouched  for  by  record. 

Up  to  1898  these  secret  societies  had  for  their  main  object  the  overthrow 
of  the  Manchu  or  Tartar  dynasty,  but  after  that  they  devoted  their  attention 
to  the  expulsion  of  the  foreigner  from  the  land.  It  has  always  been  a  mistake 
to  believe  that  John  Chinaman  was  a  stranger  to  patriotism.  Indeed,  so 
passionately  devoted  is  he  to  his  native  country  that  he  makes  arrangements 
for  the  return  of  his  bones  to  the  Flowery  Kingdom  in  the  event  of  his  dying 
in  foreign  lands.  This  fiber  of  patriotism  was  utilized  in  1900  by  that  extraor- 
dinarily clever  woman,  the  Dowager  Empress,  to  rally  the  entire  nation  into 
the  presentation  of  a  virtually  united  front  to  the  foreigner,  to  convert  the 
secret  societies  from  anti-dynastic  into  anti-foreign  movements,  and  to 
achieve  that  which  the  Triad  sought  in  vain  to  bring  about  at  the  time  of 
the  Taiping  rebellion — namely:  cooperation  of  all  the  secret  societies,  one 
with  another;  against  the  common  foe,  which  this  time  was  not  the  Manchu 
conqueror  but  the  white  foreigner. 

It  can  hardly  be  denied  that  from  about  1840  to  1900  China  was  sub- 
jected to  a  degree  of  indignity,  insult,  extortion,  and  bullying  on  the  part 
of  some  of  the  foreign  powers  no  Christian  power  would  have  tolerated. 
Treaties  were  imposed  upon  her  by  force,  her  finest  harbors  seized,  and 
vast  stretches  of  her  littoral  successively  placed  under  foreign  rule.  She 
was  compelled  to  consent  to  agreements  providing  for  the  transfer  of  her 
immense  river  trade  to  foreign  flags,  and  for  the  gridironing  of  the  entire 
land  by  means  of  foreign  built  and  foreign  controlled  railroads,  while  for 
every  concession  made  by  her  a  dozen  new  ones  were  presented  by  the  for- 
eign powers. 

In  December,  1899,  the  Empress  issued  a  secret  edict,  addressed  to  the 
Viceroys  of  the  various  provinces, 


27G  McKINLEY   AND   CHINESE    CRISIS. 

"The  various  foreign  powers  cast  upon  us  looks  of  tigerlike  voracity, 
hustling  each  other  in  their  endeavors  to  be  the  first  to  seize  upon  our  inner- 
most territories,"  she  declared. 

"They  fail  to  understand  that  there  are  certain  things  which  this  Empire 
can  never  consent  to  do,  and  that  if  hard  pressed  we  have  no  alternative  but 
to  rely  upon  the  justice  of  our  cause." 

Four  weeks  later  another  edict  was  dispatched  to  the  same  officials  by 
the  Dowager  Empress,  who  had,  it  was  said,  English  cr  American  blood  in 
her  veins,  her  mother  having  been  a  Eurasian,  or  child  of  a  white  father  and 
Manchu  mother.  In  this  second  edict  the  Viceroys  were  warned  to  exercise 
a  prudent  discrimination  towards  the  disturbers  of  public  peace. 

"The  reckless  fellows  who  band  together  and  create  rict  on  the  pretext 
of  securing  the  inauguration  of  reforms,7'  were  to  be  punished,  while  those 
"loyal  subjects  who  learn  gymnastic  drill  for  the  protection  of  their  families 
and  their  country,"  that  was  to  say,  the  members  of  the  "'Righteous  Har- 
mony Fists  ('Boxers')  association,"  were  to  be  favored.  The  "Boxers"  asso- 
ciation was  openly  a  society  for  the  cultivation  of  gymnastics,  but  secretly 
an  anti-foreign  political  movement,  something  like  those  "Turnverein"  or 
gymnastic  societies  which  played  so  important  a  political  role  in  Germany 
at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  becoming  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant factors  in  the  liberation  of  the  fatherland  from  the  presence  of  the 
French  invader.  From  the  time  the  "Boxers"  were  openly  encouraged  by 
the  Empress,  they  became  a  means  of  union  among  all  the  various  secret 
societies,  and  the  fact  that  these  societies  in  all  parts  of  the  immense  Chinese 
Empire  simultaneously  took  to  arms  to  drive  out  the  foreigner  was  due  to 
the  adroitness  of  the  old  Empress,  who  thus,  at  the  close  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  emulated  in  a  way  the  role  played  by  Queen  Louise  of  Prussia 
when  she  roused  her  countrymen  to  rid  Germany  from  the  thraldom  of 
Napoleon. 

However,  the  Chinese  went  about  it  in  the  most  horrible  fashion,  sub- 
jecting the  objects  of  their  hatred  to  the  most  agonizing  tortures  and  inflict- 
ing upon  them  every  conceivable  atrocity  the  barbarian  mind  could  invent. 

The  fact  that  Hon.  Edwin  H.  Conger,  United  States  Minister  to  China, 
his  wife  and  daughter,  were  among  the  foreign  ambassadors  and  ministers 
shut  up  in  Peking,  and  sometimes  reported  massacred,  was  sufficient  reason 
that  the  United  States  should  join  with  the  allied  armies  in  the  war  against 
"The  Yellow  Terror,"  and  there  were  other  good  reasons.  Thus  came  about 
the  part  that  the  United  States  naval  and  military  forces  took  in  that  war, 


McKINLEY   AND   CHINESE   CRISIS.  277 

in  which  occurred  the  battle  of  Tien-Tsin  and  the  relief  of  Peking,  together 
with  the  development  of  the  fact  that  Minister  Conger  and  his  family  were 
safe.  All  of  which  are  matters  of  recent  history,  and  for  which  there  is 
no  reason  that  it  should  be  repeated  here. 

In  the  entire  war,  however,  the  exemplary  conduct  of  the  American  sol- 
diers was  apparent  to  the  world,  and  it  has  been  shown  that  the  kindness  of 
President  McKinley  and  the  humane  nature  that  characterized  him  in  all 
things  was  the  spirit  that  pervaded  the  American  camp. 

The  brutality  and  savagery  of  the  Russian  troops  composing  a  part  of  the 
allied  forces  which  captured  the  City  of  Tien-Tsin  July  14,  1900,  were  almost 
beyond  belief.  In  view  of  the  frightful  excesses  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Czar, 
it  was  not  at  all  strange  that  the  Chinese  should  have  regarded  the  people  of 
the  so-called  civilized  nations  with  distrust.  It  should  be  said  in  this  connec- 
tion, and  in  justice  to  the  other  troops  of  the  international  column,  that  the 
Russians  were  the  only  ones  who  committed  excesses  of  ^-y  sort,  while 
the  United  States  troops  did  what  they  could  to  prevent  lootfng  and  murder. 
The  Americans  commanded  the  admiration  of  all  by  their  conduct,  but  the 
Russians  were  condemned  on  every  side. 

Further  testimony  of  the  great  respect  and  admiration  manifested  for 
the  United  States  troops  is  shown  in  the  story  of  the  march  to  Peking: 

A  correspondent,  in  describing  the  men  as  they  appeared  when  sweep- 
ing through  a  town  not  far  from  Tien-Tsin,  said  the  Americans  impressed 
the  spectators  more  than  any  other  troops  because  they  looked  and  acted  so 
business-like.  It  was  most  gratifying  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  that 
the  reports  from  China  were  invariably  favorable  to  their  soldiers,  who  com- 
pelled the  respect  and  admiration  of  the  allies  and  Chinese  alike.  It  was 
demonstrated  as  never  before  that  the  American  soldier  was  the  most 
effective  fighter  on  earth.  It  was  not  claimed  that  he  led  all  others  in 
bravery,  but  certainly  no  one  ranked  higher  than  he  in  that  respect.  All  had 
courage  and  daring,  but  no  other  soldier  shot  so  accurately.  The  Chinese 
gave  testimony  to  that  effect,  and  they  had  the  best  kind  of  an  opportunity  to 
learn  the  facts. 

''When  we  see  so  many  falling  around  us  that  we  are  forced  to  run," 
said  a  captured  Chinaman,  "then  we  know  we  are  fighting  Americans." 

This  superiority  in  marksmanship  was  conceded  by  the  allies,  too.  They 
had  seen  it  demonstrated  often,  and  the  brave  man  is  quick  to  give  credit 
where  credit  is  due.  "When  firing  at  the  top  of  a  wall/'  said  one  correspond- 
ent, "the  American  bullets  chip  the  masonry."  The  Japanese  gave  especially 


278  McKINLEY   AND   CHINESE   CRISIS. 

convincing  evidence  of  the  opinion  in  which  the  American  soldier  was  held 
in  China.  They  are  enthusiastic  little  fellows,  and  are  ever  anxious  to  learn 
all  that  friend  or  foe  can  teach  them,  and  they  gave  particular  attention  to 
the  methods  and  work  of  the  Americans. 

"We  do  not  shoot  as  well  as  you,"  said  a  Japanese  officer,  "but  we  have 
seen  the  importance  of  learning  it.  Look  out  for  us;  in  a  few  years  more 
we  shall  shoot  even  as  well  as  the  Americans." 

If  imitation  is  the  sincerest  flattery,  Uncle  Sam's  enlisted  men  have  rea- 
son to  feel  proud,  for  no  one  is  so  quick  as  the  Jap  to  see  what  is  worth  imi- 
tating. His  judgment  and  perceptive  power  in  this  line  are  what  brought 
him  so  rapidly  to  the  front. 

All  in  all,  the  people  of  the  United  States  had  ample  excuse  for  pride  in 
the  men  who  were  representing  them  on  the  battlefield  in  China.  The  record 
made  was  splendid. 

After  describing  the  appearance  of  the  troops  of  other  nationalities  on 
the  march,  the  correspondent  said: 

"Then  came  the  Americans,  looking  so  hardy  and  determined,  marching 
like  veterans,  although  so  many  of  them  were  very  young,  and  carrying  their 
rifles  like  men  who  know  how  to  use  them.  They  do  know  how  to  use  them, 
as  the  Chinese  are  well  aware.  When  there  is  any  hot  work  to  do — where 
fine  marksmanship  is  needed — they  always  have  the  United  States  troops 
attend  to  it,  and  the  job  is  always  well  done. 

"Captain  Reilly's  Battery — only  about  200  horses  and  six  guns — closed 
the  United  States  column.  Poor  Reilly!  He  fell  while  directing  his  men 
before  the  walls  of  the  Sacred  City  at  Peking,  and  died  like  the  hero  he  was. 
There  was  no  attempt  at  show  when  Reilly's  battery  passed  the  spot  where 
we  were  standing — none  of  the  'pomp  and  circumstance  of  glorious  war' — 
and  Reilly  himself,  a  little  bald,  gray  man,  a  sort  of  Joe  Wheeler.  But  Reilly 
is  the  fashion  here  today  and  everybody  wants  to  see  him." 

Thoroughly  illustrative  of  President  McKinley's  attitude  in  that  war,  and 
characteristic  of  him  and  his  administration,  is  the  following  correspondence 
between  him  and  the  Emperor  of  China: 

On  July  iQth  the  Emperor  of  China  appealed  to  President  McKinley 
to  intercede  with  the  powers  to  bring  about  peace.  It  reached  Washington 
July  23rd.  The  following  is  the  Emperor's  appeal: 

"The  Emperor  of  China.  To  his  Excellency  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  Greeting: — China  has  long  maintained  friendly  relations  with  the 


McfctNLEY  AND  CHINESE  CRISIS.  279 

United  States,  and  is  deeply  conscious  that  the  object  of  the  United  States 
is  international  commerce.  Neither  country  entertains  the  least  suspicion  or 
distrust  toward  the  other.  Recent  outbreaks  of  mutual  antipathy  between 
the  people  and  Christian  missions  caused  the  foreign  powers  to  view  with 
suspicion  the  position  of  the  imperial  government  as  favorable  to  the  people 
and  prejudicial  to  the  missions,  with  the  result  that  the  Taku  forts  were 
attacked  and  captured.  Consequently,  there  has  been  clashing  of  forces 
with  calamitous  consequences.  The  situation  has  become  more  and  more 
serious  and  critical. 

"We  have  just  received  a  telegraphic  memorial  from  our  envoy,  Wu 
Ting  Fang,  and  it  is  highly  gratifying  to  us  to  learn  that  the  United  States 
government,  having  in  view  the  friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries, 
has  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  present  situation.  Now  China,  driven  by 
the  irresistible  course  of  events,  has  unfortunately  incurred  well-nigh  uni- 
versal indignation.  For  settling  the  present  difficulty,  China  places  special 
reliance  in  the  United  States.  We  address  this  message  to  your  excellency 
in  all  sincerity  and  candidness  with  the  hope  that  your  excellency  will  devise 
measures  and  take  the  initiative  in  bringing  about  a  concert  of  the  powers  for 
the  restoration  of  order  and  peace.  The  favor  of  a  kind  reply  is  earnestly 
requested,  and  awaited  with  the  greatest  anxiety. 

"KWANG-HSU,  26th  year,  6th  Moon,  23rd  day  (July  19)." 

President  McKinley  at  once  replied  as  follows: 

"The  President  of  the  United  States,  to  the  Emperor  of  China,  Greet- 
ing:— I  have  received  your  majesty's  message  of  the  igth  of  July,  and  am 
glad  to  know  that  your  majesty  recognizes  the  fact  that  the  government  and 
people  of  the  United  States  desire  of  China  nothing  but  what  is  just  and 
equitable.  The  purpose  for  which  we  landed  troops  in  China  was  the  rescue 
of  our  legation  from  grave  danger  and  the  protection  of  the  lives  and  prop- 
erty of  Americans  who  were  sojourning  in  China  in  the  enjoyment  of  rights 
guaranteed  them  by  treaty  and  by  international  law.  The  same  purposes 
are  publicly  declared  by  all  the  powers  which  have  landed  military  forces  in 
your  majesty's  empire. 

"I  am  to  infer  from  your  majesty's  letter  that  the  malefactors  who  have 
disturbed  the  peace  of  China,  who  have  murdered  the  Minister  of  Ger- 
many and  a  member  of  the  Japanese  legation,  and  who  now  hold  besieged 
in  Peking  those  foreign  diplomatists  who  still  survive,  have  not  only  not 
received  any  favor  or  encouragement  from  your  majesty,  but  are  actually  in 


280  McKINLEY  AND   CHINESE   CRISIS. 

rebellion  against  the  imperial  authority.  If  this  be  the  case,  I  most  solemnly 
urge  upon  your  majesty's  government  to  give  public  assurance  whether  the 
foreign  Ministers  are  alive,  and,  if  so,  in  what  condition. 

"2.  To  put  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  the  powers  in  immediate 
and  free  communication  with  their  respective  governments  and  to  remove 
all  danger  to  their  lives  and  liberty. 

"3.  To  place  the  imperial  authorities  of  China  in  communication  with 
the  relief  expedition  so  that  cooperation  may  be  secured  between  them  for 
the  liberation  of  the  legationers,  the  protection  of  foreigners  and  the  res- 
toration of  order. 

"If  these  objects  are  accomplished,  it  is  the  belief  of  this  government  that 
no  obstacles  will  be  found  to  exist  on  the  part  of  the  powers  to  an  amicable 
settlement  of  all  the  questions  arising  out  of  the  recent  troubles,  and  the 
friendly  good  offices  of  this  government  will,  with  the  assent  of  the  other 
powers,  be  cheerfully  placed  at  your  majesty's  disposition  for  that  purpose. 

"WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

"By  the  President:  JOHN  HAY,  Secretary  of  State. 
"July  23,  1900." 

By  reason  of  the  good  offices  of  President  McKinley,  a  settlement  of  the 
Chinese  troubles  was  had  that  was  equitable  to  all  parties  concerned.  It  is 
doubtful  if  such  a  result  could  have  been  reached  otherwise. 

As  it  was,  instead  of  attempted  dismemberment  of  the  Chinese  Empire, 
and  a  program  of  wholesale  looting,  spoliation  and  consequent  disturbances 
between  the  powers  interested,  the  matter  was  settled  with  honor  to  all  the 
world. 

McKinley's  kindly  heart  and  hand  was  of  the  leaven  that  leavened  it  all. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 
McKINLEY:     BUILDER   OF   A   WORLD   POWER. 

The  traveller  standing  close  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain  can  form  no  idea 
of  its  altitude  nor  of  its  bulk.  He  can  have  no  conception  of  its  grandeur, 
of  its  majesty,  of  the  myriad  beauties  which  embellish  its  sides  and  crown  its 
summit,  nor  of  the  limitless  riches  concealed  in  its  bosom.  It  is  only  when 
time  and  distance  and  reflection;  when  frequent  returns  and  thoughtful 
visits  have  set  the  scene  in  fair  perspective  that  he  appreciates  the  marvels  of 
the  mountain. 

The  American  citizen  to-day  cannot  'easily  appreciate  the  full  value  of 
William  McKinley's  life  work.  It  was  not  his  career  as  a  soldier,  his  record 
as  a  lawyer,  his  achievements  in  the  halls  of  Congress;  it  was  not  as  Gov- 
ernor nor  as  President  that  posterity  will  recognize  him  at  his  very  greatest, 
and  it  was  not  in  either  of  these  capacities  that  he  made  his  mightiest  impress 
upon  the  American  Republic. 

His  master  work  was  in  giving  his  country  its  proper  place  in  the  family 
of  the  world. 

Extravagant  eulogy  would  say  he  reconstructed  the  Republic;  that  he 
conjured  a  new  nation  into  life;  that  he  lifted  the  millions  of  his  country- 
men from  darkness  into  light;  that  he  bestowed  the  grandeur  of  imperial 
sunshine  upon  the  humble  inhabitants  of  a  neglected  land.  The  extrava- 
gant eulogy  would  not  be  wholly  inaccurate  in  essence,  nor  necessarily 
offensive  in  terms.  And  yet  the  more  modest  statement  more  nearly  com- 
prehends the  essential  truth. 

He  did  not  recreate  the  Republic.  Practically  all  the  elements  here  at 
the  end  of  his  life  were  here  at  the  beginning.  He  did  not  conjure  up  a 
new  nation.  The  mighty  people  who  followed  his  bidding  in  1898  and  so  on 
to  the  end  could  never  have  been  conjured  from  its  elements  by  any  force 
less  potential  than  Omnipotence! 

And  yet  the  true  American  can  get  a  better  conception  of  the  dignity  of 
his  citizenship;  a  better  estimate  of  the  majesty  of  national  life,  a  prouder 
view  of  world-wide  actions  upon  the  theater  of  the  world  if  he  will  but 
patiently  and  justly  consider  the  steps  in  the  transition  which  certainly  has 


282  McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER. 

occurred,  and  trace  the  credit  through  each  crisis  to  the  influence  most 
potent  in  producing  that  result. 

It  is  believed  the  work  and  influence  of  William  McKinley  was  that  most 
potent  force;  that,  more  than  any  other  one  man  he  has  led  his  people  from 
the  halls  of  an  heritage  of  which  they  were  justly  proud  up  to  the  threshold 
of  an  estate  immeasurably  more  magnificent. 

Let  us  begin  at  the  beginning.  When  he  came  back  from  the  army  he 
deliberately  studied  the  whole  situation.  He  saw  the  national  condition  then 
existing,  judged  with  astonishing  accuracy  what  would  be  the  salient  suc- 
cessive features  in  its  future  development,  calculated  with  rare  discrimina- 
tion what  treatment  would  be  best  in  each  era,  and  devoted  all  his  energies 
to  aiding  in  that  progress  to  the  very  limit  of  his  ability.  He  had  never  a 
doubt  from  the  first  what  the  end  would  be.  But  he  did  have  a  more  sure 
foresight  of  what  the  future  held  than  had  most  other  Americans  then  living. 
One  cannot  say  that  he  foresaw  the  time  when  the  Republic  should  issue  its 
mandate  to  a  monarch  of  the  old  world,  when  it  should  serve  notice  of  eject- 
ment upon  a  king;  when  it  should  lay  the  restraining  hand  upon  a  mob  of 
emperors  and  potentates  struggling  in  disgraceful  melee  for  the  spoliation  of 
an  ancient  nation.  And  yet,  standing  in  the  shadow  of  his  funeral  flags,  with 
the  echoes  of  knelling  bells  in  the  ears,  and  the  memory  of  that  mighty  work 
so  late  accomplished,  one  can  but  see  abundant  reason  for  the  belief  that  HE 
KNEW!  How  else  shall  one  account  for  that  conduct  which  admits  of  ex- 
planation on  no  other  ground  than  that  the  guiding  spirit  understood?  How 
else  shall  one  justify  the  actions  which  committed  him  to  criticism,  which 
could  reflect  honor  upon  him  only  in  the  event  of  this  marvelous  accom- 
plishment? 

It  was  clear  to  him  that  for  twenty  years  after  the  war  the  nation  would 
be  busy  in  construction;  that  the  general  aim  would  be  to  establish  produc- 
tive industries — North  and  South — that  men  would  be  building  homes, 
advancing  into  new  country,  opening  new  mines,  reaching  farther  into  the 
wilderness,  reclaiming  more  and  more  of  the  waste  land,  building  more  rail- 
roads, launching  more  steamships;  and  that  there  would  come  a  period  of 
erecting  new  homes,  of  beautifying,  of  adornment,  of  polish;  and  that  then 
would  come  an  era  of  study  toward  the  conservation  of  forces,  the  learning 
of  less  expensive  ways  of  doing  what  had  been  effectively  done  before — the 
era  of  economizing — to  be  swiftly  followed  by  the  era  of  stupendous  wealth. 
And  let  that  man  who  contends  the  essentials  of  this  picture  were  not  fore- 
seen by  William  McKinley  account  on  any  other  basis,  if  he  can,  for  that 


McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER.  285 

statesman's  steadfast  progress  toward  the  one  result  which  they  alone  could 
produce.  Let  that  man  who  denies,  reflect  for  a  moment  that  these  stages 
of  development — from  first  to  last — were  foretold  by  William  McKinley  in 
a  thousand  speeches.  It  is  not  contended  that  in  1876  he  "revealed"  to  his 
fellows  that  war  with  Spain  would  come  in  1898;  nor  that  he  declared  in 
1880  that  "the  flag  of  the  free"  would  wave  over  lands  in  the  shadows  of 
Asia  at  the  sunrise  of  a  new  century.  But  no  man  who  knows  the  history 
of-his  country  and  follows  well  this  true  story  of  William  McKinley's  life  can 
contend  that  he  did  not  in  1876  see  the  imminence  of  that  tariff  struggle 
which  culminated  in  1880;  nor  that  he  failed  in  1892  to  see  the  need  of  a 
financial  reform  which  1896  should  usher  in;  or  that  he  underrated  in  1898 
the  mighty  consequences  of  that  step  which  launched  his  people  into  a 
foreign  war. 

It  has  been  said  that  he,  almost  alone  of  Americans,  stood  for  a  protec- 
tive tariff  at  the  very  close  of  the  Civil  War.  Foreseeing  that  period  of  in- 
dustrial development,  he  looked  at  the  rolling  oceans,  and  knew  each  billow 
would  bear  on  its  foamy  back  a  load  of  goods  for  American  markets;  and 
that  each  departing  ship  would  heap  in  its  hold  the  dollars  that  Americans 
had  paid  for  those  goods.  And  he  knew  that,  with  such  a  policy,  American 
development  could  never  go  beyond  the  bondman  stage;  that  "the  land  of 
the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave"  would  indefinitely  remain  mortgaged  to 
the  lords  of  cheaper  labor,  the  host  of  shrewder  men. 

So  from  the  first  he  struggled  for  a  tariff  rate  which  seemed  small  lessen- 
ing of  the  burden  that  the  war  had  left.  Against  the  superficial  charge  of 
injustice  he  offered  the  defense  of  ultimate  benefit,  and  if  some  of  his 
countrymen  were  slow  to  see,  let  it  be  said  to  the  credit  of  a  majority  that 
they  followed  him — not  always  seeing,  but  ever  trusting  until  the  crisis  had 
passed. 

Surely  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  William  McKinley  did  more  than 
any  other  man  in  America  to  fix  and  maintain  the  policy  of  protection.  It 
can  scarcely  be  too  much  to  say  that,  without  him,  the  protective  policy 
would  have  been  overthrown. 

If  these  are  conceded,  it  must  follow  that  the  preparation  for  the  newer 
era,  developed  from  that  in  which  he  labored,  may  be  chiefly  credited  to 
him. 

It  was  necessary  to  foster  the  industries  of  the  United  States.  Maybe 
in  the  following  of  that  policy  some  selfish  persons  took  a  mean  and  un- 
patriotic advantage  of  their  countrymen,  and  claimed  a  concession  they 


286  McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER. 

neither  needed  nor  deserved.  But  in  the  main  the  effort  was  to  build  up 
such  a  wealth  as  no  nation  on  earth  ever  before  acquired  in  a  similar  lapse 
of  time,  by  peaceful  pursuits  or  the  conquests  of  a  victorious  war.  And  if 
the  day  came  when  all  that  wealth  was  needed,  it  may  be  triumphantly  re- 
joined that  the  money  was  here. 

Over  and  over  again  Mr.  McKinley  had  been  assailed  with  the  conten- 
tion that,  while  protection  would  infallibly  enrich  a  certain  favored  class-— 
the  manufacturers — it  would  as  certainly  impoverish  and  keep  in  poverty  the 
people  who  must  buy  their  goods.  But  the  issue  confounded  them.  Every 
class  in  America  shared  in  the  stupendous  prosperity  which  protection  in- 
sured. Never  was  labor  so  largely  employed,  never  had  it  been  so  munifi- 
cently rewarded.  Never  was  the  farmer  so  fortunately  situated.  Wide  as 
were  his  fields,  he  added  to  them.  Bountiful  as  were  his  harvests,  he  found 
markets  for  them.  Never  was  the  mechanic  so  much  in  demand.  Never 
was  the  artisan  so  much  sought  after.  And — as  the  flight  of  time  brought 
the  inevitable  desire  for  refinement — never  was  there  such  a  compensation 
for  the  artist,  or  the  writer,  the  singer  or  the  sculptor.  The  overflowing 
coffers  of  the  country  enriched  all  the  countrymen  who  deserved. 

Then  came  the  pause  when  a  nation,  rising  to  the  stature  of  maturity, 
looked  over  the  mountain  boundary,  looked  over  the  ocean  wall,  and  felt  the 
unformed  impulse  to  share  in  the  affairs  of  the  world.  It  was  so  natural,  as 
inevitable,  as  that  the  youth  of  health  and  strength  should  feel  the  stirring 
of  desire  to  mingle  with  his  kind.  It  is  not  scorn  of  home.  It  is  not  con- 
tempt for  the  precious  past.  But  it  is  obedience  to  a  law  which  Abram 
heard  away  there  in  Ur,  of  the  Chaldees,  and  obeyed  in  his  western  pilgrim- 
age. It  is  the  proc^oS  of  growth  which  the  Creator  meant  all  mankind 
should  feel. 

At  the  doors  of  the  continent  lay  the  island  of  Cuba.  From  time  before 
the  Republic  was  founded,  that  island  had  been  the  spoil  of  the  Spaniards. 
There  was  not  a  day  since  Ovando  landed  that  did  not  see  the  Cubans 
cruelly  treated  by  the  Don.  How  they  ever  throve  under  a  domination  so 
severe  is  one  of  the  mysteries.  The  Ruler  of  all  the  Earth  must  have  raised 
up  that  people  and  preserved  it  through  awful  adversity  for  a  purpose  neither 
its  leaders  nor  their  task  masters  could  foresee. 

But  the  tax  collector  was  there.  The  Castilian  despoiler  was  there.  The 
hand  of  the  oppressor  was  laid  heavily  upon  the  Cubans,  and  they  died  at 
the  edge  of  the  sword  through  two  hundred  years  of  tyranny. 

And  in  that  day  when  the  American  Republic  had  attained  its  growth, 


McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER.  287 

had  reached  its  manhood,  there  was  a  protest  against  a  continuance  of 
cruelty.  The  Republic  demanded  that  the  Don  cease  from  troubling;  that 
the  Cubans  be  rescued. 

President  McKinley  waited  until  the  united  voice  of  his  countrymen 
convinced  him  that  they  had  surely  arrived  at  years  of  national  discretion, 
and  that  their  challenge  was  not  the  utterance  of  a  passionate  mood  but  the 
expression  of  an  unalterable  determination.  And  then  he  issued  his  order  to 
Spain  : 

"Leave  the  West  Indies  forever!" 

There  was  reason  in  the  demand.  Cuba  lay  so  close  to  our  shores  that 
her  continual  suffering,  the  outrages  perpetrated  upon  her  people,  became  a 
scandal  in  the  eyes  of  the  Republic.  It  was  like  a  strong  man  standing  un- 
moved while  a  child  is  being  beaten  by  a  bully. 

Besides,  one  consequence  of  such  rule  as  the  Spaniards  maintained  was  a 
perilous  sanitary  condition  in  the  cities  that  traded  continually  with  the  ports 
of  the  States.  American  cities  had  learned  the  rules  of  health,  and  had 
banished  yellow  fever  and  the  cholera.  But  what  profit  in  that  provision  if 
a  ship  sailed  across  the  narrow  sea  and  spread  the  plague  upon  our  shores? 
There  was  reason  in  self  defense  for  the  notice  to  quit. 

That  fundamental  principle  of  the  nation  called  the  "Monroe  doctrine" 
forbade  any  power  in  the  old  world  from  extending  its  rule  in  the  new.  It 
is  but  a  logical  sequence  of  that  system  that  an  old  world  power  which 
cannot  in  two  hundred  years  complete  its  subjugation  of  a  new  world 
people  has  never  had  a  right  it  could  maintain  here;  that  no  king  from 
Europe  had  title  to  soil  in  the  Western  hemisphere  if  he  could  not  perfect 
that  title  in  that  lapse  of  time.  And  as  a  policy  of  the  nation  and  the  in- 
terest of  the  nation  joined  in  dictating  the  action,  the  Spaniards  were  com- 
manded to  retire.  The  time  had  come  when  President  McKinley  could  make 
his  case  good  even  in  the  courts  of  old-world  kings.  And  there  was  not  a 
murmur  of  protest  from  a  palace  abroad  when  Madrid  received  that  por- 
tentous command. 

But  there  was  another  reason — another  consideration  which  men  too 
often  overlook,  yet  which  was  of  the  most  stupendous  value  to  the  Re- 
public. War  with  a  foreign  power  would  reunite  a  country  divided  by  civil 
strife,  and  stubbornly,  ill-temperedly  refusing  to  perfect  its  peace. 

It  was  probably  admitted  that  the  passions  following  the  rebellion  and 
particularly  provoked  by  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln,  served  as 
warrant  for  a  severity  in  dealing  with  the  Southern  States  which  was  far  be- 


288  McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER. 

yond  the  boundaries  of  justice.  There  was  a  Draconian  rigidity  about  the 
laws  which  the  losers  were  compelled  to  obey;  a  perhaps  needless  austerity 
in  impressing  the  fact  of  conquest.  Sectional  passions  were  aroused,  sec- 
tional jealousies  and  animosities  were  inflamed  until  unthinking  men  both 
North  and  South  had  achieved  the  bad  success  of  creating  a  religion  of  hate. 
In  the  years  when  Major  McKinley  was  acting  the  citizen-soldier  part — put- 
ting away  his  sword  and  devoting  himself  to  the  activities  of  peace — many 
less  patriotic  and  wise  than  he  were  teaching  their  children  to  hate  the  South. 
As  the  Swiss  youth  imbibed  hatred  of  Austria  with  their  mother's  milk,  so 
these  children  in  the  North  were  filled  with  a  bitter  rage  against  the  children 
who  sat  in  the  Southland,  under  the  shadow  of  the  stars  and  stripes.  And  the 
generation  grew  up  in  that  enmity  for  brothers  in  the  Republic,  and  many 
men  profited  by  making  the  propagation  of  strife  their  one  profession — the 
division  of  their  country  their  one  occupation.  The  poets  say  that  love  be- 
gets love.  It  is  certainly  as  true  that  hatred  begets  hate.  And  if  the  youth 
of  the  North  approached  public  questions  always  with  the  poison  of  sectional 
prejudice  rankling  in  their  hearts  and  warping  their  judgments,  be  sure  the 
people  of  the  South  most  cordially  reciprocated.  To  thousands  above  the 
Ohio  river,  the  states  below  that  stream  were  still  "rebel."  To  thousands 
below  the  people  of  the  North  were  brutal  and  murderous  invaders. 

Through  all  the  period  when  the  nation  was  gathering  material  strength 
the  effort  of  wise  men  was  to  heal  that  hurt,  to  reunite  the  nation,  to  erase 
forever  that  bitter  dividing  sectional  line.  But  they  could  not  succeed. 
Throughout  Major  McKinley's  public  speeches,  dating  from  that  first  de- 
bate, when  he  was  scarcely  out  of  uniform,  clear  to  the  end  of  his  career,  one 
finds  to-day  no  word  of  anger  against  the  South;  one  finds  unnumbered  ex- 
pressions of  fraternal  love  and  good  will. 

Others  followed  his  example,  and  swelled  the  rising  chorus  of  a  newer 
Union.  But  it  was  from  1865  to  1898,  a  mere  mockery.  The  fabric  of 
fraternity  was  but_a  gossamer  web.  The  bridge  that  spanned  the  chasm  was 
a  network  of  fancy,  and  men  knew  they  could  not  cross.  The  very  brother- 
hood in  which  men  from  the  two  sections  met  in  public  and  private  life  was 
the  sheerest  superficiality,  and  each  was  ready  to  fly  to  arms  at  a  moment's 
notice. 

What,  above  all  things,  was  needed  as  an  absolute  condition  precedent 
to  national  advance?  Why,  national  unity!  And  no  man  had  been  able  to 
effect  it.  But  when  William  McKinley  heard  that  rising  demand  for  stern 
measures  with  Spain,  he  heard  as  well  the  pledge  of  a  new  and  everlasting 
bond  of  union. 


McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER.  289 

So  that  the  war  with  Spain  was  not  merely  the  checking  of  a  bully,  the 
act  of  a  humane  power,  the  safeguarding  of  cities  from  the  descent  of  the 
plague,  the  assuring,  of  security  to  Americans  resident  in  Cuba  and  the  pro- 
tection to  American  trade  with  that  island.  It  was,  as  well,  the  master  magic 
which  could  banish  strife  at  home;  it  was  the  building  of  a  Vulcan  forge  to 
weld  beyond  the  power  of  breaking  the  one  bond  "from  the  lakes  to  the 
gulf."  For  the  first  stroke  at  Americans  by  Spaniards  was  a  challenge  that 
was  answered  by  indignant  manhood  in  every  state  from  the  everglades  of 
Florida  to  the  snow-crowned  heights  of  Mount  Tacoma.  And  OUR  NA- 
TION sprang  to  arms! 

Sometimes  there  is  internal  strife  in  your  family,  in  your  circle  of  friends, 
in  your  party.  That  is  a  wise  father  who  can  deftly  devise  a  situation  which 
compels  his  household  to  make  common  cause.  That  is  a  shrewd  citizen 
who  can  rally  his  friends  by  a  stroke  which  menaces  all  of  them.  That 
politician  is  skillful  who  can  swiftly  sweep  away  dissension  by  a  turn  which 
menaces  the  whole  organization.  And  that  was  a  wise  President  who  saw 
behind  the  rising  war  cloud  the  rainbow  of  a  hope  which  nothing  else  could 
reveal. 

There  was  no  need  for  them  to  blow  up  the  Maine.  Without  that 
dastardly  act,  there  would  inevitably  have  come  a  change.  Spanish  oppres- 
sion in  Cuba  would  have  ceased.  The  reforms  demanded  by  the  Republic 
would  have  been  accomplished — every  one.  But,  it  would  have  been  by  the 
action  of  Spain,  and  without  inflicting  upon  that  nation  the  expense,  the 
humiliation  and  the  disaster  of  a  war.  Possibly,  too,  had  those  reforms  been 
made,  had  the  conscience  and  humanity  of  Americans  been  satisfied  without 
striking  a  blow,  the  abolishing  of  the  sectional  line  would  not  have  occurred. 

But  it  is  needless  to  speculate  on  what  might  have  occurred.  What  did 
occur  is  known.  It  was  definite.  At  the  moment  when  Spain,  had  she 
rightly  appreciated  the  situation,  should  have  borne  herself  with  all  dignity 
and  honor,  the  blow  which  hurled  down  her  house  was  struck.  In  the  mid- 
dle of  the  night  the  darkness  was  rifted  with  a  lance  of  flame,  the  world  was 
rocked  with  the  shock  of  explosion,  and  a  battleship,  on  an  errand  of  peace 
and  courtesy,  was  crushed  in  the  grip  of  a  submarine  mine — and  all  over  the 
still  surface  of  the  starlit  bay  floated  the  mangled  corpses  of  the  slain.  The 
darkest  deed  since  St.  Bartholomew  night,  the  most  savage  act  since  Cal- 
cutta's Black  Hole  had  stained  the  page  of  history,  and  Christian  civilization 
had  seen  a  Christian  nation  sound  the  deepest  deep  of  infamy. 

That  bursting  mine  jolted  the  molecules  of  mankind  into  a  new  combina- 


290  McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER. 

tion,  and  the  Republic  became  a  Union  indeed.    After  all,  blood  is  thicker 
than  water;  and  he  who  uttered  that — 

" — bubbling  cry 
Of  some  strong  swimmer  in  his  agony — " 

was  an  American.    Of  course  America  was  roused. 

The  story  of  the  War  with  Spain  has  been  well  told.  But  it  fails  to  im- 
press its  moral  if  you  miss  the  master  hand  of  President  McKinley  in  fixing 
forever  the  unity  of  the  Union.  He  appointed  to  the  command  of  American 
soldiers  those  who  had  commanded  with  ability,  either  North  or  South,  in 
the  Civil  War.  And  they  proved  his  sagacity,  for — without  exception — they 
quit  them  like  men.  They  were  strong.  The  flag  of  Washington  at  Valley 
Forge,  of  Gates  at  Yorktown,  of  Jackson  at  New  Orleans,  of  Perry  on  Lake 
Erie,  of  Lawrence,  and  Fremont,  and  Grant  was  the  one  banner  about  which 
they  rallied.  They  won  the  war.  And  they  brought  no  honor  to  either 
North  or  South— but  brought  it  all  HOME. 

This  cannot  well  be  overestimated.  The  time  had  come  when  the  Re- 
public must  advance  from  the  formative  stage  to  the  stature  of  a  power  of 
the  world.  It  could  not  do  so  divided.  Through  the  skillful  use  of  possi- 
bilities placed  in  his  hands  by  the  war,  President  McKinley  at  a  stroke,  and 
within  a  week  from  that  night  in  February  when  Havana  harbor  heaved 
with  the  heaving  of  a  treacherous  stroke,  made  his  people  one. 

Then  they  were  ready! 

Swiftly  came  the  knocking  of  Hawaii  for  admission  to  the  national  fold. 
It  needed  no  war.  No  cannon,  no  circling  sword  or  plunging  bayonet  was 
in  demand.  The  thousands  of  lives  sought  citizenship  in  the  Republic,  and 
the  material  millions  offered  themselves  for  the  nation's  enrichment.  And 
in  a  day  the  United  States  of  America  held  half  the  ocean  as  its  own. 

No  need  of  recapitulating.  The  Ladrones,  Porto  Rico,  and  the  Philip- 
pines, an  empire  wider  than  Ferdinand  knew,  a  region  richer  in  wealth  and 
more  pregnant  with  possibility  than  Carthage  conquered,  was  added  to  the 
Republic  in  a  year.  The  nation  which  had  insisted  on  a  home  market,  had 
taken  command  of  the  markets  of  the  world.  The  nation  which  had  only 
insisted  that  no  foreign  power  interfere  on  this  side  the  Atlantic,  stretched 
the  arm  of  might  and  the  word  of  command  into  the  camps  of  kings — and 
secured  obedience. 

Nothing  that  occurred  in  the  United  States  could  in  any  way  have  pro- 
duced the  events  which  took  place  in  China.  The  Boxer  rebellion  Tvva&  a 


McKINLEY:    BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER.  291 

local  event,  due  solely  to  conditions  existing  there.  American  interests — of 
merchant  and  missionary,  of  embassador  and  traveller,  of  scientist  and 
scholar — were  all  affected  by  those  massacres  which  amazed  the  world. 
Imagine,  if  you  will,  what  would  have  been  the  result  had  the  Republic  been 
in  1900  what  it  was  in  1890.  Then  we  had  no  army  in  the  Philippines.  The 
nations  of  Europe,  hurrying  in  response  to  that  cry  for  help  from  the  hun- 
dreds in  the  legation,  had  small  thought  of  America.  Well,  American 
merchants  had  been  massacred,  American  property  destroyed,  American 
missions  burned  and  American  consuls  assailed.  But  to  the  European  of 
1890  there  would  not  have  been  a  suggestion  of  America  appearing  on  the 
scene  with  force  of  arms. 

But  the  America  of  1900  providentially  had  a  force  at  hand.  The  fact 
had  already  been  established  that  the  Republic  was  a  world  power,  and  must 
be  considered  as  such.  And  when  General  Chaffee  marched  from  Tien  Tsin 
to  Pekin,  he  was  not  regarded  as  an  intruder.  He  was  not  looked  upon  with 
cold  superciliousness.  The  king's  men  knew  there  was  no  place  on  the  face 
of  the  earth  where  the  Republic  might  not  appear.  They  knew  it  had  the 
right  to  appear  at  any  point  where  its  interests  were  menaced,  or  where 
honor  called.  And  they  knew  it  had  the  power  to  go,  to  do,  and  to  return 
with  laurels. 

Perhaps  the  Republic's  influence  over  the  king's  men  at  Pekin  was  the 
greatest  evidence  of  President  McKinley's  masterly  administration.  That 
influence  checked  the  looting.  It  preserved  native  rights.  It  assisted  in 
a  just  retribution,  and  then  stayed  the  mailed  fist  of  unchristian  vengeance. 
It  prevented  the  partition  of  China,  and  insured  the  integrity  of  that  ancient 
empire.  And  it  loomed  before  the  world  as  a  nation  strong  enough  to  take 
care  of  itself  at  home  or  abroad,  and  wise  enough  to  be  just.  It  was  an  ex- 
hibition that  did  more  for  the  good  fame  of  the  Republic  than  any  other 
act  imaginable. 

And  not  a  detail  of  it  could  have  happened  had  not  the  army  been  in 
Luzon.  Not  a  detail  could  have  happened  in  1890! 

It  is  not  easy  for  a  little  man  to  change  his  mind.  The  small  man  must 
be  "consistent,"  because  he  can  sec  nothing  but  small  things;  because  he 
can  not  appreciate  the  changes  whii  ii  inevitably  come  in  the  world.  But 
the  world  does  change;  and  he  who  tries  to  make  the  clothes  of  yesterday  fit 
the  occasion  of  to-day  makes  utter  failure.  Not  many  men  who  followed 
Major  McKinley,  the  protectionist,  could  easily  grasp  the  purpose  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley,  the  supporter  of  the  gold  standard.  Not  all  who  indorsed 


292  McKINLEY:   BUILDER  OF  A  WORLD  POWER. 

him  in  his  financial  policy  could  appreciate  the  swift  changes  which  suc- 
ceeded each  other  in  the  world  policies  from  1898  to  1901.  Yet  each  was 
necessary  in  its  place,  and  if  the  President  had  failed  to  grasp  the  situation, 
if  he  had  failed  to  take  at  its  flood  that  tide  in  the  affairs  of  nations,  the  Re- 
public that  mourns  him  to-day  would  be  but  a  hermit  Union,  refusing  to 
employ  its  majestic  powers  and  of  no  more  consideration  in  the  assembly  of 
nations  than  is  the  navy  of  Switzerland  in  a  marine  exhibition. 

No  year  ever  brought  swifter  development  to  a  people  than  did  1898  to 
the  United  States  of  America.  Questions  of  military  policy  and  questions 
of  statesmanship,  matters  of  immediate  expediency  and  matters  that  looked 
to  the  future — all  these  crowded  the  hurrying  hours  of  that  most  immemorial 
year.  It  is  not  curious  that  even  the  President  was  outrun  by  the  speeding 
conditions.  When  Porto  Rico  became  a  part  of  the  United  States  it  was 
asked:  "Shall  her  products  come  in  free  at  the  ports  of  the  mainland?"  And 
President  McKinley,  pressed  upon  by  a  multitude  of  duties,  occupied  with  a 
myriad  cares,  filling  his  days  and  his  nights  with  most  careful  watching  of 
details  that  had  multiplied  in  a  twelvemonth,  said:  "It  is  our  plain  duty  to 
give  free  trade  to  Porto  Rico."  And  the  word  was  heralded  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth.  Then  came  the  practical.  If  that  sound  theory  should  be  en- 
forced in  actual  commerce,  a  disturbance  would  arise  which  would  prove 
lamentable.  It  were  better  to  preserve  the  forms  of  a  tariff  until  such  time 
as  revenues  of  the  island  would  support  the  government  of  the  island,  giving 
back,  meanwhile,  every  dollar  derived  from  the  Porto  Ricans  by  that  tariff. 
The  changing  conditions  had  made  that  the  wiser  plan. 

President  McKinley  led  his  fellow  countrymen  through  the  changes  of 
the  passing  years,  guiding  them  always  in  the  way  most  wise  for  that  peculiar 
time,  and  turning  to  new  methods  when  the  new  occasion  demanded.  And 
in  the  end  we  see  the  magnificent  structure  which  his  planning  and  his 
labors  have  perfected.  We  see  the  very  greatest  nation  on  earth,  made 
great  by  protection;  we  see  the  richest  nation,  made  rich  with  a  sound 
money;  we  see  the  strongest  nation,  made  strong  by  an  actual  union;  and  we 
see  the  most  potent  and  influential  nation  on  earth,  made  so  by  the  foreign 
policy  of  William  McKinley.  Remember — 

"For  I  doubt  not  through  the  ages 

One  increasing  purpose  runs; 
And  the  thoughts  of  men  are  widening 

With  the  process  of  the  suns," 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 
PRIVATE    LIFE    OF    WILLIAM    McKINLEY. 

"Mother  McKinley"  often  expressed  the  keynote  of  the  case  when  she 
said:  "He  was  a  good  boy." 

She  by  no  means  meant  that  young  William  lacked  virile  and  manly 
qualities.  On  the  contrary,  she  used  to  delight  in  telling  of  the  mischievous 
pranks  which  had  made  a  part  of  his  boyhood  existence.  But  there  was  a 
judgment  and  good  sense  abcut  his  escapades  which  absolutely  prevented 
them  from  partaking  of  the  nature  of  cruelty  and  saved  him  at  all  times  from 
acts  which  might  bring  shame  in  their  train  of  consequences.  He  was  a 
"good"  boy,  in  the  sense  that  he  was  not  a  "mean"  boy.  And  so,  while  he 
was  always  certain  to  command  the  respect  of  his  companions — of  all  that 
was  best  in  boyhood — he  was  a  loving  and  a  dutiful  son.  He  was  never 
afflicted  with  the  silly  theory  that  a  boy  need  not  obey  nor  respect  his  par- 
ents. For  this  those  parents  doubtless  deserve  a  large  measure  of  credit. 
Besides  so  measuring  their  lives  as  to  deserve  his  respect,  they  so  ordered  his 
life  as  to  insure  his  obedience.  And  in  his  whole  life  it  is  said  that  he  never 
wounded  either  father  or  mother  with  an  insolent  word. 

He  was  kind  to  his  brother  and  his  sisters.  The  money  he  earned  he  was 
always  willing  to  share  with  them,  and  paid  out  many  a  dollar  of  his  hard- 
earned  wages  for  their  education  or  for  little  presents  which  could  add  to 
their  happiness. 

Toward  his  mother  he  was  always  lovingly  deferential.  To  the  day  of  her 
death  he  was  solicitous  about  her,  tenderly  caring  for  her,  unwaveringly 
thoughtful.  A  very  beautiful  relation  was  that  which  existed  between  them. 
And  no  mother  was  ever  more  proud  of  her  son,  or  with  more  reason  de- 
clared that  he  had  grown  up  to  be  precisely  the  sort  of  man  she  knew  from 
the  beginning  he  would  be.  Toward  his  father  there  was  always  a  gentle 
deference,  a  filial  respect  and  the  fellowship  which  wise  men  can  cultivate  in 
their  sons.  His  father  lived  to  see  him  honored  by  his  countrymen,  and  in 
the  enjoyment  of  a  happy  home  and  a  competence.  And  the  stern  old  man 
who  had  chosen  his  location  with  a  view  of  'his  children's  good  always  a  little 
relaxed  the  grim  lines  of  mouth  and  brow  when  this  son  of  his  honest  man- 
hood was  in  his  presence. 

293 


294  PRIVATE  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

And  so  it  was  that  when  he  grew  to  maturity  and  established  a  home 
temple  of  his  own,  the  habit  of  a  lifetime  was  guaranty  that  he  would  bring 
happiness  and  not  sorrow  with  him. 

There  is  a  pretty  story  current  in  Canton  to  the  effect  that  young  Major 
McKinley  first  met  Ida  Saxton  shortly  after  locating  in  the  little  city,  and 
that  he  admired  her  greatly.  But  she  was  scarcely  more  than  a  school  girl 
at  the  time,  the  daughter  of  a  banker,  the  granddaughter  of  an  editor,  and  a 
girl  of  such  beauty  that  the  young  man,  with  nothing  but  his  profession  and 
his  hopes,  with  little  practice  and  no  property,  might  well  regard  her  hope- 
less. Besides,  there  was  small  opportunity  for  them  to  be  thrown  together. 
The  Saxtons  were  not  attendants  at  the  Methodist  church,  and  were  rarely 
seen  at  its  social  functions.  They  were  persons  of  wealth  and  established  po- 
sition and  much  sought  after. 

Yet  it  could  not  escape  him  that  the  charmingly  beautiful  girl  was  his 
ideal,  the  divinity  about  whom  the  dreams  of  an  honorable  young  man  may 
be  woven.  She  completed  her  studies  at  school,  and  went  for  a  trip  to  Europe 
in  company  with  her  mother.  They  were  gone  a  year.  When  they  returned 
young  Major  McKinley  had  evidently  advanced  somewhat  in  worldly  estate. 
He  had  secured  a  number  of  fees,  and  was  saving  money.  As  he  lived  at  all 
times  within  his  means,  he  had  arrived  at  the  honorable  distinction  of  a 
bank  account.  It  is  probable  he  selected  the  Saxton  bank  solely  because  it 
was  convenient  of  location,  being  near  the  stairway  which  led  to  his  modest 
office,  and  directly  on  his  way  as  he  passed  to  and  from  the  court-house.  And 
yet  it  must  have  been  a  matter  of  agreeable  surprise  to  him  when  he  entered 
the  bank  one  morning  and  found  Miss  Ida  Saxton  occupying  a  place  at  the 
cashier's  window. 

Of  course  they  had  met.  It  would  scarcely  have  been  possible  for  them 
to  escape  that.  But  there  had  been  small  acquaintance  between  them.  And 
this  new  relation,  which  touched  on  the  borders  of  both  the  business  and  the 
social  life,  was  a  means  of  developing  an  attachment  which  it  is  doubtful  if 
any  other  course  could  have  afforded. 

Miss  Saxton  had  taken  a  place  in  the  bank  because  of  an  impulse,  as  com- 
mon as  it  is  honorable,  that  she  must  "do  something."  There  was,  of  course, 
no  necessity  for  her  to  struggle  to  become  self-supporting.  But  there  was, 
on  the  other  hand,  no  purpose  in  her  mind  to  be  weakly  dependent. 

There  was  the  place  of  their  better  acquaintance.  There  he  learned  to  ad- 
mire more  and  more  the  bright,  happy  young  woman,  as  fair  as  the  morning, 
and  as  careful  as  the  American  daughter  should  be.  And  there  she  learned 


PRIVATE  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  295 

to  respect  the  strong,  steady  young  lawyer,  the  masterful  man,  the  prudent 
and  sagacious  citizen.  The  fact  was,  he  was  fair  to  look  upon,  strong,  health- 
ful of  body,  and  that  he  still  possessed  somewhat  of  the  glow  which  military 
glory  sheds  upon  those  who  had  honorable  part  in  the  great  struggle. 

Of  their  courtship  it  were  both  bold  and  unpardonable  to  speak.  What- 
ever detail  of  that  interesting  period  might,  with  propriety,  have  been  said 
while  both  were  living,  is  hushed  in  .the  shadow  of  the  death  chamber  now 
and  becomes  too  sacred  for  discussion. 

They  were  married  January  25,  1871.  William  McKinley  was  at  that 
time  twenty-eight  years  old  and  his  bride  was  five  years  younger.  It  is  a 
significant  fact  in  the  life  of  this  good  woman  that  she  almost  immediately 
united  with  the  Methodist  church,  and  joined  her  husband  in  attendance 
upon  its  forms  of  worship. 

In  1873  a  girl  baby  was  born  to  them,  and  the  fond  mother  bestowed 
upon  it  the  name  of  Kate.  It  is  said  to  have  been  a  beautiful  child,  and  was 
adored  by  its  parents,  and  by  the  grandparents  on  either  side.  For  by  this 
time  the  father  and  mother  of  William  McKinley  had  removed  from  Poland 
and  taken  up  their  residence  in  Canton.  The  strong  son  had  drawn  them 
from  the  place  which  had  been  home  so  long  and  established  them  in  the 
city  that  had  given  him  so  cordial  a  welcome. 

When  little  Kate  was  nearly  four  years  old  Mrs.  Saxton,  mother  of  Mrs. 
McKinley,  died.  The  blow  was  a  peculiarly  severe  one,  for  within  a  month 
her  second  child,  also  a  girl,  was  born — but  to  close  her  eyes  on  the  earth  al- 
most as  soon  as  she  had  opened  them.  They  named  her  Ida,  the  father 
hoping  in  the  brief  days  of  the  delicate  little  life  that  the  child  would  bring 
back  vigor  and  interest  in  existence  to  the  depressed  wife,  whose  grief  at  the 
death  of  her  own  mother  was  scarcely  assuaged. 

But  in  this  gentle  hope  he  was  doomed  to  disappointment,  for  little  Ida 
faded  from  among  them.  And  then  the  third  great  blow  fell,  for  a  few  weeks 
after  the  baby's  death  little  Kate  sickened  and  died. 

Ida  Saxton  had  been  a  strong,  healthy  girl.  She  was  _  not  delicate  of 
physique;  and  while  she  was  in  no  sense  buxom  or  amazonian,  she  was  far 
from  frail.  Yet  the  accumulated  shocks  and  sorrows  of  those  sad  days  com- 
pletely unstrung  her.  And  the  woman  who  deserved  and  might  have  had  a 
world  of  happiness,  a  heaven  of  domestic  joy  on  earth,  never  again  was  blest 
with  health. 

No  more  children  came  to  them,  but  their  home  has  always  catered  to 
the  rippling  laughter  and  the  joyous  songs  of  young  life.  Even  to  the  end, 


296  PRIVATE  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

even  on  that  last  day  at  Buffalo,  when  horror  leaped  from  the  heart  of  happi- 
ness, there  were  young  people  with  them.  But  in  that  hour  of  his  wife's 
great  trial,  when  he  could  not  share  her  suffering,  nor  take  an  iota  from 
the  black  pall  of  grief  which  enveloped  her,  William  McKinley  began  a  life 
of  devotion  a  thousand  times  more  gentle  and  kind  than  the  intensest 
courtship  of  a  lover.  And  through  all  the  long  years  that  have  followed — 
for  twenty-four  long  years — he  has  never  wavered  night  nor  day  in  the 
most  assiduous  care  a  husband  can  possibly  bestow.  No  time  has  been  so 
hurried,  no  demand  of  politics  so  exacting,  no  weariness  so  heavy  that  he 
has  failed  to  remember  her.  If  near  her,  he  has  gone  to  her,  and  expressed 
by  his  presence  the  thoughtful  love  which  he  felt.  If  she  were  absent  he  has 
always  sent  her  a  message.  And,  however  brief,  however  little  he  might  have 
to  say  that  would  interest  her,  he  has  kept  strong  and  true  that  faith  in  her 
wifely  heart  that  he  would  "love,  cherish  and  protect"  her  in  an  infinitely 
more  tender  way  then  any  vow  could  bind  him. 

For  a  while  after  the  death  of  the  little  girls  Mrs.  McKinley  concluded 
she  wanted  to  live  near  "Mother  McKinley,"  and  they  two  took  a  couple  of 
rooms  in  the  house  of  the  elders.  Her  own  mother  was  dead,  and  the  grief- 
stricken  woman  sorely  needed  the  strong,  steadfast  'hand  and  hearty  comfort 
of  that  fine  old  matron  who  had  done  so  much  in  building  the  character  of 
a  grand  American. 

But  presently  Major  McKinley  found  a  new  interest  with  which  he  hoped 
to  distract  his  wife's  mind  from  the  cloud  of  sorrows  that  would  not  lift. 
He  was  building  a  house.  He  was  establishing  a  home  of  their  very  own. 
And  in  the  occupation  of  watching  the  workmen  her  spirits  came  back  again. 
She  could  not  regain  her  physical  health,  and  never  has.  But  the  clouds 
were  dispelled,  and  the  old  cheerful,  happy  look  came  back  to  the  blue  eyes, 
and  the  fair  face  again  resumed  its  wonted  roundness  of  outline  and  sweet- 
ness of  expression.  And  these  have  never  again  departed. 

Of  course  no  man  deserves  praise  or  credit  for  kindness  to  his  wife;  and 
when  her  illness  renders  attention  the  more  necessary,  there  is  still  less  reason 
for  indulging  in  adulatory  phrases.  But  in  the  case  of  William  McKinley 
there  is,  even  with  the  most  undemonstrative,  warrant  for  expressing  the 
admiration  which  every  good  man  and  true  woman  must  certainly  feel. 

In  spite  of  a  physical  weakness  which  stubbornly  clung  to  the  little 
woman,  the  home  life  of  Major  and  Mrs.  McKinley  has  always  been  singu- 
larly happy.  She  loved  children,  as, has  been  said,  and  always  had  them 
around  her.  She  loved  music;  and  there  has  always  been  singing  and  the 


PRIVATE  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  297 

best  of  instrumentalists  at  her  home.  She  loved  roses;  and  the  house  has 
always  been  a  bower  of  floral  beauty  and  of  perfume. 

In  time  a  larger  house  was  builded,  and  into  it  the  family  removed.  It 
was  really  but  an  extending  of  the  dwelling  which  had  been  their  home 
in  the  old  days.  And  it  is  the  house  to  which  unnumbered  thousands  made 
pilgrimages  in  1896.  It  will  be  understood  that  Mrs.  McKinley  possessed 
a  fortune  in  her  own  right.  Her  father  died  late  in  the  seventies,  following 
his  wife's  demise;  and  the  Saxton  estate  was  divided  between  three  heirs — 
a  sister,  a  brother,  and  Mrs.  McKinley.  But  the  man  who  could  attend  her 
with  all  the  solicitude  of  a  mother  was  not  the  man  to  use  a  dollar  he  had 
not  earned.  When  financial  disaster  came  upon  him,  in  1893,  his  wife — for 
once  opposing  his  will — turned  over  all  her  property  for  the  benefit  of  those 
creditors  whom  a  security  debt  had  created.  The  good  home  went  too. 
And  the  man  who  had  done  so  much  for  his  country,  who  was  so  nearly  a 
model  of  American  manhood,  began  paying  rent  as  at  the  beginning.  The 
debts  were  all  wiped  out,  absolutely;  and  Mrs.  McKinley's  estate  was  released 
to  her,  and  the  old  home  became  again  the  property  of  the  man  who  had 
earned  it,  and  who  so  richly  deserved  it.  But  even  in  that  hour  of  a  new 
tribulation,  he  never  faltered  in  his  loving  care  for  his  wife,  or  the  filial  con- 
siderateness  he  had  always  paid  his  mother. 

When  that  mother  fell  ill  and  died,  her,  son  had  reached  the  highest 
honor  the  greatest  nation  can  bestow.  But  he  hurried  from  the  presidential 
mansion  to  her  bedside  at  Canton,  and  sorrowfully  followed  her  to  the 
grave. 

It  may  seem  by  a  reading  of  the  domestic  side  of  President  McKinley's 
life  that  it  is  more  sad  and  somber  than  is  the  lot  of  most  men  to  suffer. 
But  this,  a  thousand  friends  will  testify,  is  clearly  an  error.  The  home  life  of 
the  President  has  been  uniformly  happy.  Never  an  unkind  word,  never  a 
frown,  never  a  sorrow  inflicted  within  the  portals,  and  always  the  music  of 
song  and  laughter,  the  perfume  of  roses  and  the  blessing  of  loving  words — 
there  is  no  sadness  in  such  a  picture. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

McKINLEY'S   EULOGY  OF  LINCOLN. 

In  self-sacrifice  and  patriotism,  President  McKinley  reflected  many  quali- 
ties of  Abraham  Lincoln.  How  closely  he  had  studied  the  character  of  the 
great  Lincoln  is  shown  in  an  address  delivered  by  Mr.  McKinley  on  Lin- 
coln's Birthday  anniversary,  February  12,  1895,  before  the  Unconditional 
Republican  Club  of  Albany,  N.  Y.  Mr.  McKinley  said: 

"A  noble  manhood,  nobly  consecrated  to  man,  never  dies.  The  martyr 
of  liberty,  the  emancipator  of  a  race,  the  savior  of  the  only  free  government 
among  men  may  be  buried  from  human  sight,  but  his  deeds  will  live  in 
human  gratitude  forever. 

"The  story  of  his  simple  life  is  the  story  of  the  plain,  honest,  manly  citizen, 
true  patriot  and  profound  statesman  who,  believing  with  all  the  strength  of 
his  mighty  soul  in  the  institutions  of  his  country,  won,  because  of  them,  the 
highest  place  in  its  government — then  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  Union  he  held 
so  dear,  and  which  Providence  spared  his  life  long  enough  to  save.  We 
meet  to-night  to  do  honor  to  one  whose  achievements  have  heightened 
human  aspirations  and  broadened  the  field  of  opportunity  to  the  races  of 
men.  While  the  party  with  which  we  stand,  and  for  which  he  stood,  can 
justly  claim  him,  and  without  dispute  can  boast  the  distinction  of  being  the 
first  to  honor  and  trust  him,  his  fame  has  leaped  the  bounds  of  party  and 
country,  and  now  belongs  to  mankind  and  the  ages. 

"Lincoln  had  sublime  faith  in  the  people.  He  walked  with  and  among 
them.  He  recognized  the  importance  and  power  of  an  enlightened  public 
sentiment  and  was  guided  by  it.  Even  amid  the  vicissitudes  of  war  he  con- 
cealed little  from  public  review  and  inspection.  In  all  he  did  he  invited 
rather  than  evaded  examination  and  criticism.  He  submitted  his  plans  and 
purposes,  as  far  as  practicable,  to  public  consideration  with  perfect  frankness 
and  sincerity.  There  was  such  homely  simplicity  in  his  character  that  it 
could  not  be  hedged  in  by  the  pomp  of  place,  nor  the  ceremonials  of  high 
official  station.  He  was  so  accessible  to  the  public  that  he  seemed  to  take  the 
people  into  his  confidence.  Here,  perhaps,  was  one  secret  of  his  power.  The 
people  never  lost  their  confidence  in  him,  however  much  they  unconsciously 
added  to  his  personal  discomfort  and  trials.  His  patience  was  almost  super- 

298 


McKlNLEY'S  EULOGY  OF  LINCOLN.  299 

human.  And  who  will  say  that  he  was  mistaken  in  his  treatment  of  the 
thousands  who  thronged  continually  about  him?  More  than  once  when 
reproached  for  permitting  visitors  to  crowd  upon  him,  he  asked,  in  pained 
surprise,  'Why,  what  harm  does  this  confidence  in  men  do  me?' 

"In  all  the  long  years  of  slavery  agitation,  Lincoln  always  carried  the 
people  with  him.  In  1854  Illinois  cast  loose  from  her  old  Democratic  moor- 
ings and  followed  his  leadership  in  a  most  emphatic  protest  against  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  In  1858  the  people  of  Illinois  indorsed 
his  opposition  to  the  aggression  of  slavery,  in  a  State  usually  Democratic, 
even  against  so  popular  a  leader  as  the  Little  Giant.  In  1860,  the  whole 
country  indorsed  his  position  on  slavery,  even  when  the  people  were  con- 
tinually harangued  that  his  election  meant  the  dissolution  of  the  Union. 
During  the  war  the  people  advanced  with  him  step  by  step  to  its  final  over- 
throw. Indeed,  in  the  election  of  1864,  the  people  not  only  indorsed  emanci- 
pation, but  went  far  toward  recognizing  the  political  equality  of  the  negro. 
They  heartily  justified  the  President  in  having  enlisted  colored  soldiers  to 
fight  side  by  side  with  the  white  man  in  the  noble  cause  of  union  and  liberty. 
Aye,  they  did  more;  they  indorsed  his  position  on  another  and  vastly  more 
important  phase  of  the  race  problem.  They  approved  his  course  as  Presi- 
dent in  re-organizing  the  government  of  Louisiana,  and  a  hostile  press  did 
not  fail  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  this  meant  eventually  negro  suffrage 
in  that  State. 

"The  greatest  names  in  American  history  are  Washington  and  Lincoln. 
One  is  forever  associated  with  the  independence  of  the  States  and  formation 
of  the  Federal  Union;  the  other  with  universal  freedom  and  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union.  Washington  enforced  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
as  against  England;  Lincoln  proclaimed  its  fulfillment  not  only  to  a  down- 
trodden race  in  America,  but  to  all  people  for  all  time  who  may  seek  the 
protection  of  our  flag.  These  illustrious  men  achieved  grander  results  for 
mankind  within  a  single  century,  from  1775  to  1865,  than  any  other  men 
ever  accomplished  in  all  the  years  since  first  the  flight  of  time  began.  Wash- 
ington engaged  in  no  ordinary  revolution;  with  him  it  was  not  who  should 
rule,  but  what  should  rule.  He  drew  his  sword  not  for  a  change  of  rulers 
upon  an  established  throne,  but  to  establish  a  new  government  which  should 
acknowledge  no  throne  but  the  tribute  of  the  people.  Lincoln  accepted  war 
to  save  the  Union,  the  safeguard  of  our  liberties,  and  re-establish  it  on 
'indestructible  foundations'  as  forever  'one  and  indivisible.'  To  quote  his 
own  grand  words:  Now  we  are  contending  'that  this  Nation  under  God 


300  McKINLEY'S  EULOGY  OF  LINCOLN. 

shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth.' 

"Each  lived  to  accomplish  his  appointed  task.  Each  received  the  un- 
bounded gratitude  of  the  people  of  his  time  and  each  is  held  in  great  and 
ever-increasing  reverence  by  posterity.  The  fame  of  each  will  never  die;  it 
will  grow  with  the  ages,  because  it  is  based  upon  imperishable  service  to 
humanity;  not  to  the  people  of  a  single  generation  or  country,  but  to  the 
whole  human  family,  wherever  scattered,  forever. 

'The  present  generation  knows  Washington  only  from  history,  and  by 
that  alone  can  judge  him.  Lincoln  we  know  by  history  also,  but  thousands 
are  still  living  who  participated  in  the  great  events  in  which  he  was  leader 
and  master.  Many  of  his  contemporaries  survived  him;  some  are  here  yet 
in  almost  every  locality.  So  Lincoln  is  not  far  removed  from  us;  he  may  be 
said  to  be  still  known  to  the  millions — not  surrounded  by  the  mist  of 
antiquity,  nor  a  halo  of  idolatry  that  is  impenetrable.  He  never  was  inac- 
cessible to  the  people;  thousands  carry  with  them  yet  the  words  which  he 
spoke  in  their  hearing;  thousands  remember  the  pressure  of  his  hand;  and 
thousands  have  not  forgotten  that  indescribably  sad,  thoughtful,  far-seeing 
expression  which  impressed  everybody.  Nobody  could  keep  the  people 
away  from  him,  and  when  they  came  he  would  suffer  no  one  to  drive  them 
back.  So  it  is  that  an  unusually  large  number  of 'the  American  people  came 
to  know  this  great  man  and  that  he  is  still  so  well  remembered  by  them.  It 
cannot  be  said  that  they  were  all  mistaken  about  him  or  that  they  misinter- 
preted his  greatness.  Men  are  still  connected  with  the  Government  who 
served  during  his  administration.  There  are  at  least  two  senators,  and  per- 
haps twice  as  many  representatives,  who  participated  in  his  first  inaugura- 
tion— men  who  stood  side  by  side  with  him  in  the  trying  duties  of  his  admin- 
istration and  who  have  been,  without  interruption,  in  one  branch  or  another 
of  the  public  service  ever  since.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
still  has  among  its  members  one  whom  Lincoln  appointed,  and  so  of  other 
branches  of  the  Federal  judiciary.  His  faithful  private  secretaries  are  still 
alive  and  have  rendered  posterity  a  great  service  in  their  history  of  Lincoln 
and  his  times.  They  have  told  the  story  of  his  life  and  public  services  with 
such  entire  frankness  and  fidelity  as  to  exhibit  to  the  world  'the  very  inner 
courts  of  his  soul.' 

'This  host  of  witnesses,  without  exception,  agree  as  to  the  true  nobility 
and  intellectual  greatness  of  Lincoln.  All  proudly  claim  for  Lincoln  the 
highest  abilities  and  the  most  distinguished  and  self-sacrificing  patriotism. 


McKINLEY'S  EULOGY  OF  LINCOLN.  303 

Lincoln  taught  them,  and  has  taught  us,  that  no  party  or  partisan  can  escape 
responsibility  to  the  people;  that  no  party  advantage,  or  presumed  party 
advantage,  should  ever  swerve  us  from  the  plain  path  of  duty,  which  is  ever 
the  path  of  honor  and  distinction.  He  emphasized  his  words  by  his  daily  life 
and  deeds.  He  showed  to  the  world  by  his  lofty  example,  as  well  as  by  pre- 
cept and  maxim,  that  there  are  times  when  the  voice  of  partisanship  should 
be  hushed  and  that  of  patriotism  only  be  heeded.  He  taught  that  a  good 
service  done  for  the  country,  even  in  aid  of  an  unfriendly  administration, 
brings  to  the  men  and  the  party,  who  rise  above  the  temptation  of  temporary 
partisan  advantage,  a  lasting  gain  in  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  people. 
He  showed  that  such  patriotic  devotion  is  usually  rewarded,  not  only  with 
retention  in  power  and  the  consciousness  of  duty  well  and  bravely  done,  but 
with  the  gratification  of  beholding  the  blessings  of  relief  and  prosperity,  not 
of  a  party  or  section,  but  of  the  whole  country.  This  he  held  should  be  the 
first  and  great  consideration  with  all  public  servants. 

"Lincoln  was  a  man  of  moderation.  He  was  neither  an  autocrat  nor  a 
tyrant.  If  he  moved  slowly  sometimes,  it  was  because  it  was  better  to  move 
slowly  and  he  was  only  waiting  for  his  reserves  to  come  up.  Possessing 
almost  unlimited  power,  he  yet  carried  himself  like  one  of  the  humblest  of 
men.  He  weighed  every  subject.  He  considered  and  reflected  upon  every 
phase  of  public  duty.  He  got  the  average  judgment  of  the  plain  people.  He 
had  a  high  sense  of  justice,  a  clear  understanding  of  the  rights  of  others,  and 
never  needlessly  inflicted  an  injury  upon  any  man.  He  always  taught  and 
enforced  the  doctrine  of  mercy  and  charity  on  every  occasion.  Even  in  the 
excess  of  rejoicing,  he  said  to  a  party  who  came  to  serenade  him  a  few  nights 
after  the  Presidential  election  in  November,  1864:  'Now  that  the  election  is 
over,  may  not  all  having  a  common  interest  reunite  in  a  common  effort  to 
save  our  common  country?  So  long  as  I  have  been  here  I  have  not  wil- 
lingly planted  a  thorn  in  any  man's  bosom.  While  I  am  deeply  sensible  to 
the  high  compliment  of  a  re-election,  and  duly  grateful,  as  I  trust,  to  Al- 
mighty God  for  having  directed  my  countrymen  to  a  right  conclusion,  as  I 
think,  for  their  own  good,  it  adds  nothing  to  my  satisfaction  that  any  other 
man  may  be  disappointed  or  pained  by  the  result/  " 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TAKES  THE  OATH  OF  OFFICE. 

Theodore  Roosevelt  became  President  of  the  United  States  at  3  132  o'clock 
Saturday  afternoon,  September  14,  1901.  The  oath  of  office  was  adminis- 
tered by  Judge  John  R.  Hazel,  of  the  United  States  District  Court,  in  the 
library  of  the  residence  of  Mr.  Ansley  Wilcox,  at  Buffalo'.  Mr.  Wilcox  was 
an  old  friend  of  the  Vice-President,  and  the  latter  had  made  Mr.  Wilcox's 
house  his  home  during  his  stay  in  Buffalo,  after  the  shooting  of  the  President. 

The  delay  in  taking  the  oath  after  the  death  of  the  President  was  the  result 
of  the  sanguine  feeling  among  the  people  that  President  McKinley  would 
recover  from  his  wounds.  No  one  shared  this  feeling  in  a  higher  degree  than 
the  Vice-Presideht.  When  the  news  that  the  President  had  been  shot  became 
public  Vice-President  Roosevelt  was  in  the  East.  He  started  immediately 
for  Buffalo,  and  was  at  the  President's  bedside  as  soon  as  possible.  He 
remained  in  Buffalo  until  the  physicians  announced  that  there  was  no  fear 
of  the  President's  death,  and  then  left  for  the  Adirondacks. 

When  the  President  began  to  sink  Thursday  night  messages  were  sent  to 
the  Vice-President  and  those  members  of  the  Cabinet  who>,  like  himself,  had 
left  Buffalo,  deluded  into  the  belief  that  the  President  would  soon  be  able  to  re- 
turn to  the  Capital.  The  Vice-President,  with  his  usual  promptitude,  started 
on  the  return  trip  to  Buffalo,  greatly  saddened  by  the  news  which  made  such  a 
step  necessary.  He  made  a  hard  night  ride  from  the  North  Woods  to  Albany, 
and  by  the  use  o>f  a  special  train  reached  Buffalo  at  1 135  o'clock  Saturday  after- 
noon. 

To  avoid  the  crowd  which  had  gathered  at  the  Union  Station  to  see  him 
the  Vice-President  alighted  at  the  Terrace  Station  of  the  New  York  Central, 
where  a  police  and  military  escort  awaited  him.  He  insisted  first  of  all  on  visit- 
ing Mrs.  McKinley  and  offering  condolences  to  her  in  her  hour  of  anguish. 
This  step  he  desired  to  take  simply  as  a  private  citizen,  and  when  it  was  accom- 
plished the  Vice-President  announced  himself  as  ready  to  take  the  oath  as 
President.  A  strong  escort  of  military  and  police  had  assembled  at  the  Mil- 
burn  house  to  escort  him  to  Mr.  Wilcox's,  but  its  presence  annoyed  the  Vice- 
president,  and  he  halted  the  guards  with  a  quick,  imperative  military  com- 
mand, saying  he  would  have  only  two  policemen  to  go  along  with  him.  Later 

304 


PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH.  305 

he  announced  that  he  did  not  want  to  establish  the  precedent  of  going  about 
guarded. 

The  place  selected  for  the  administration  of  the  oath  was  the  library  of 
Mr.  Wilcox's  house,  a  rather  small  room,  but  picturesque,  the  heavy  oak  trim- 
mings and  the  massive  bookcases  giving  it  somewhat  the  appearance  of  a  legal 
den.  A  pretty  bay  window  with  stained  glass  and  heavy  hangings  formed  a 
background,  and  against  this  Colonel  Roosevelt  took  his  position. 

Judge  Hazel  stood  near  'him  in  the  bay  window,  and  Colonel  Roosevelt 
showed  his  almost  extreme  nervousness  by  plucking  at  the  lapel  of  his  long 
frock  coat  and  nervously  tapping  the  hardwood  floor  with  his  heel. 

He  stepped  over  once  to  Secretary  Root  and  for  about  five  minutes  they 
conversed  earnestly.  The  question  at  issue  was  whether  the  President  should 
first  sign  an  oath  of  office  and  then  swear  in  or  whether  he  should  swear  in  first 
and  sign  the  document  in  the  case  after. 

Secretary  Root  ceased  his  conversation  with  Colonel  Roosevelt,  and,  step- 
ping back,  while  an  absolute  hush  fell  upon  every  one  in  the  room,  said,  in  an 
almost  inaudible  voice : 

"Mr.  Vice-President,  I "  Then  his  voice  faltered,  and  for  fully  two 

minutes,  the  tears  came  down  his  face  and  his  lips  quivered  so  that  he  could  not 
continue  his  utterances.  There  were  sympathetic  tears  from  those  about  him, 
and  two  great  drops  ran  down  either  cheek  of  the  successor  of  William  Mc- 
Kinley. 

Mr.  Root's  chin  was  on  his  breast.  Suddenly  throwing  back  his  head  as  if 
with  an  effort,  he  continued  in  broken  voice : 

"I  have  been  requested,  on  behalf  of  the  Cabinet  of  the  late  President,  at 
least  those  who  are  present  in  Buffalo,  all  except  two,  to  request  that  for  rea- 
sons of  weight  affecting  the  affairs  of  government,  you  should  proceed  to  take 
the  constitutional  oath  of  President  of  the  United  States." 

Colonel  Roosevelt  stepped  farther  into  the  bay  window,  and  Judge  Hazel, 
taking  up  the  constitutional  oath  of  office,  which  had  been  prepared  on  parch- 
ment, asked  him  to  raise  his  right  hand  and  repeat  it  after  him.  There  was  a 
hush  like  death  in  the  room  as  the  Judge  read  a  few  words  at  a  time,  and 
Colonel  Roosevelt,  in  a  strong  voice  and  without  a  tremor,  and  with  his  raised 
hand  steady,  repeated  it  after  him. 

"And  thus  I  swear,"  he  ended  it.  The  hand  dropped  by  the  side,  the  chin 
for  an  instant  rested  on  the  breast,  and  the  silence  remained  unbroken  for  a 
couple  of  minutes  as  though  the  new  President  of  the  United  States  were  offer- 
ing silent  prayer.  Judge  Hazel  broke  it,  saying : 


306  PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TAKES  OATH. 

"Mr.  President,  please  attach  your  signature,"  and  the  President,  turning 
to  a  small  table  near  by,  wrote  "Theodore  Roosevelt"  at  the  bottom  of  the  doc- 
ument in  a  firm  hand. 

The  new  President  was  visibly  shaken,  but  he  controlled  himself  admirably, 
and  with  the  deep  solemnity  of  the  occasion  full  upon  him,  he  announced  to 
those  present  that  his  aim  would  be  to  be  William  McKinley's  successor  in 
deed  as  well  as  in  name.  Deliberately  he  proclaimed  it  in  these  words : 

"In  this  hour  of  deep  and  terrible  bereavement,  I  wish  to  state  that  it  shall 
be  my  aim  to  continue  absolutely  unbroken  the  policy  of  President  McKinley 
for  the  peace  and  prosperity  and  honor  of  our  beloved  country." 

The  great,  far-reaching  significance  of  this  pledge  to  continue  the  policy  of 
the  dead  President,  announced  at  the  very  threshold  of  a  new  governmental 
regime,  profoundly  impressed  his  hearers,  and  President  Roosevelt's  first  step 
after  taking  the  oath  was  in  line  with  its  redemption.  His  first  act  was  to  ask 
the  members  of  the  Cabinet  to  retain  their  portfolios  in  order  to  aid  him  to 
conduct  the  government  on  lines  laid  down  by  him  whose  policy  he  had  de- 
clared he  would  uphold.  Such  an  appeal  was  not  to  be  resisted,  and  every 
member  of  the  Cabinet,  including  Secretary  of  State  Hay  and  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  Gage,  who  were  communicated  with  in  Washington,  have  agreed  for 
the  present,  at  least,  to  retain  their  several  portfolios. 

President  Roosevelt  remained  in  Buffalo  until  the  funeral  cortege  started 
for  Washington,  when  he  accompanied  it. 

Theodore  Roosevelt  was  born  October  20,  1858,  at  No.  28  East  Twen- 
tieth street,  New  York  City.  His  father,  also  Theodore  Roosevelt,  was  a 
member  of  an  old  New  York  Dutch  family,  and  Mr.  Roosevelt  is  of  the 
eighth  generation  of  the  stock  in  the  United  States.  Mingled  with  the 
Dutch  in  Theodore  Roosevelt's  veins  are  strains  of  English,  Celtic,  and 
French.  His  mother  was  Miss  Martha  Bulloch,  and  came  of  a  distinguished 
Georgia  family,  which  had  given  to  that  state  a  Governor,  Archibald  Bul- 
loch, in  revolutionary  times.  In  a  later  generation  a  member  of  the  family 
built  the  Confederate  privateer  Alabama. 

The  father  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  was  a  merchant  and  importer  of  glass- 
ware. During  the  Civil  War  he  was  a  noted  figure  in  New  York.  He  had 
great  strength  of  character  and  liking  for  practical  benevolence,  which  made 
him  foremost  in  many  such  charities.  Newsboys'  lodging-houses,  the  allot- 
ment system,  which  permitted  soldiers  during  the  war  to  have  portions 
of  their  pay  sent  to  their  families,  and  other  form*  of  direct  help  to  the 
poorer  classes  found  in  him  a  champion.  His  ancestors  had  been  aldermen, 


PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH.  307 

judges  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  city,  and  representatives  in  the  National 
Congress.  In  revolutionary  times  New  York  chose  a  Roosevelt  to  act  with 
Alexander  Hamilton  in  the  United  States  Constitutional  Convention. 
Roosevelt  street  was  once  a  cowpath  on  the  Roosevelt  farm,  and  the  Roose- 
velt hospital  is  the  gift  of  a  wealthy  member  of  a  recent  generation  of  the 
family. 

As  a  child  Theodore  Roosevelt  was  puny  and  backward.  He  could  not 
keep  up  with  his  fellows  either  in  study  or  play,  and  on  this  account  was 
taught  by  a  private  tutor  at  home.  The  country  residence  of  the  Roosevelts 
was  at  Oyster  Bay,  Long  Island,  and  here  the  children  were  brought  up. 
They  were  compelled  by  their  father  to  take  plenty  of  outdoor  exercise,  and 
young  Theodore,  soon  realizing  that  he  must  have  strength  of  body  if  he  was 
to  do  anything  in  life,  entered  into  the  scheme  for  the  improvement  of  his 
physical  condition  with  the  same  enthusiasm  and  determination  which  has 
characterized  every  act  of  his  life.  He  grew  up  an  athlete,  strong  and  active, 
and  when  he  entered  Harvard  in  1875  he  soon  became  prominent  in  field 
sports.  He  became  noted  as  a  boxer  and  wrestler,  and  was  for  a  time  captain 
of  the  college  polo  team.  He  did  not  neglect  his  studies,  and  when  he  was 
graduated,  in  1880,  he  took  high  honors.  During  his  stay  in  the  university 
he  had  been  editor  of  the  Advocate,  a  college  paper,  and  gave  particular 
attention  to  the  study  of  history  and  natural  history.  He  became  a  member 
of  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Greek  letter  fraternity. 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  college  course  he  went  abroad  for  a  year,  spend- 
ing part  of  the  time  in  study  in  Dresden.  His  love  for  athletics  led  him  to 
successfully  attempt  the  ascent  of  the  Jung-Frau  and  the  Matterhorn,  and 
won  for  him  a  membership  in  the  Alpine  Club  of  London.  He  returned  to 
New  York  in  1881,  and  in  the  same  year  married  Miss  Alice  Lee  of  Boston. 
Two  years  later  he  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  his  wife  and  his  mother  within 
a  week. 

Theodore  Roosevelt  has  been  an  ardent  student  of  history  from  his  col- 
lege days,  and  before  he  was  twenty-three  years  old  had  entered  the  field 
himself  as  a  writer.  He  is  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Washington,  Lincoln, 
and  Grant.  On  his  return  from  Europe,  and  while  engaged  on  his  historical 
work,  he  entered  the  law  office  of  his  uncle,  Robert  B.  Roosevelt,  with  the 
design  of  fitting  himself  for  the  bar.  He  was  of  too  restless  a  disposition  to 
find  content  in  such  a  sober  calling,  and  the  whole  bent  of  his  mind,  as  shown 
by  his  reading,  his  writing,  and  the  effort  to  do  something  extraordinary, 
something  that  would  mark  him  above  his  fellows,  which  had  made  him  a 


308  PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH. 

bidder  for  college  championships  and  prompted  him  to  tempt  the  dangers 
of  the  Swiss  mountain  peaks,  sent  him  hurrying  into  politics  before  he  had 
settled  down  to  anything  like  deep  study  of  the  law. 

He  attended  his  first  primary  in  1881,  in  the  Twenty-first  assembly  dis- 
trict of  New  York.  It  was  a  gathering  with  little  to  charm  the  ordinary 
young  man  of  aristocratic  lineage  and  wealth,  but  Theodore  Roosevelt  had 
studied  history  with  a  purpose.  He  knew  that  through  the  primary  led  the 
way  to  political  preferment,  and  he  at  once  entered  into  the  battle  of  politics, 
in  which  he  was  to  prove  a  gladiator  of  astonishing  prowess,  routing  and 
terrifying  his  enemies,  but  often  startling  his  allies  by  the  originality  and 
recklessness  of  his  methods. 

The  natural  enthusiasm  of  young  Roosevelt,  his  undeniable  personal 
charm,  and  the  swirl  of  interest  with  which  he  descended  into  the  arena  of 
local  politics,  made  him  friends  on  every  side  in  a  community  where  leaders 
are  at  a  high  premium,  and  within  a  few  months  the  young  college  man  was 
elected  to  the  Assembly  of  the  state  from  his  home  district. 

His  ability  and  his  methods  were  in  strong  evidence  at  the  following 
session  of  the  Legislature.  He  proved  a  rallying  power  for  the  Republican 
minority,  and  actually  succeeded  in  passing  legislation  which  the  majority 
submitted  to  only  through  fear  and  which  his  own  party  in  the  state  would 
never  have  fathered  had  it  been  in  power.  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  the  undisputed 
leader  of  the  Republicans  in  the  Assembly  within  two  months  after  his  elec- 
tion, and  he  immediately  turned  his  attention  to  the  purification  of  New 
York  City.  This  would  have  appalled  a  man  less  determined  or  more 
experienced.  But  the  young  aspirant  for  a  place  in  history  reckoned  neither 
with  conditions  nor  precedents.  His  success,  considering  the  strength  of  the 
combination  against  which  he  was  arrayed,  was  extraordinary.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  securing  the  passage  of  the  bill  which  deprived  the  city  council  of 
New  York  of  the  power  to  veto  the  appointments  of  the  mayor,  a  preroga- 
tive which  had  nullified  every  previous  attempt  at  reform  and  had  made  the 
spoliation  of  the  city's  coffers  an  easy  matter  in  the  time  of  Tweed  and  other 
bosses. 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  methods,  it  was  cheerfully  predicted  by  his  political 
opponents,  would  certainly  result  in  his  retirement  from  participation  in  the 
state  councils  of  New  York,  but  this  proved  far  from  the  case.  Wherever 
Theodore  Roosevelt  has  been  thrown  with  any  class  of  people,  wherever 
they  have  come  to  know  him  personally,  he  has  attracted  to  himself  en- 
thusiastic friendship  and  confidence.  Theatrical  though  many  of  his  acts 


PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH.  309 

have  appeared,  his  honesty,  his  personal  fearlessness,  and  the  purity  of  his 
motives  have  not  been  questioned. 

He  became  so  popular  that  not  only  was  he  returned  to  three  sessions  of 
the  Assembly,  but  his  party  in  the  state  soon  realized  that  he  was  one  of  its 
strongest  men,  and  he  was  sent  to  the  Republican  National  Convention  of 
1884  as  chairman  of  the  New  York  delegation. 

Meanwhile  he  had  been  hammering  away  at  corruption  in  New  York, 
and  had  secured  the  passage  of  the  act  making  the  offices  of  the  county 
clerk,  sheriff,  and  register  salaried  ones.  He  had  been  chairman  of  the 
committee  to  investigate  the  work  of  county  officials,  and,  as  a  result  of  that 
investigation,  offered  the  bill  which  cut  off  from  the  clerk  of  the  county  of 
New  York  an  income  in  fees  which  approximated  $82,000  per  annum;  from 
the  sheriff,  $100,000,  and  from  the  register  also  a  very  high  return  in  fees. 
From  the  county  offices  to  the  police  was  not  far  and  Roosevelt  was  agitat- 
ing an  investigation  and  reform  in  the  guardianship  of  the  city  when  he  left 
the  Legislature.  After  the  convention,  to  which  he  went  uninstructed,  but 
in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Edmunds  against  James  G.  Elaine,  his 
health  failed.  The  deaths  of  his  wife  and  mother  had  been  a  severe  shock, 
for  Mr.  Roosevelt  is  a  man  of  the  strongest  personal  attachments.  He  turned 
aside  from  public  life  for  a  time  and  went  West. 

He  had  been  a  lover  of  hunting  from  boyhood,  and  when  he  decided  to 
spend  some  time  in  the  wilds  of  Montana,  he  took  up  the  life  as  he  found  it 
there.  On  the  banks  of  the  Little  Missouri  he  built  a  log  house,  working 
on  it  himself,  and  there  turned  ranchman,  cowboy  and  hunter.  He  engaged 
in  one  of  the  last  of  the  big  buffalo  hunts,  and  saturated  himself  with  the  life 
of  the  West.  His  trips  in  this  and  later  years  were  not  alone  confined  to  this 
section  of  the  West,  and  his  courage,  intelligence,  and  companionable  nature 
made  him  a  name  which  in  later  years  drew  to  his  standard  thousands  of 
cowboys,  among  whom  his  name  had  come  to  mean  all  that  they  admire,  and 
all  that  appeals  to  their  natures.  The  love  and  admiration  was  not  one- 
sided, for  Mr.  Roosevelt  came  to  regard  these  hardy,  open-hearted,  plain- 
spoken  guardians  of  the  wilderness  as  the  finest  types  of  manhood. 

In  these  years  and  between  1886  and  1888  M»\  Roosevelt  was  also  busy 
on  much  of  his  literary  work.  The  most  important  of  his  works — "The 
Winning  of  the  West,"  a  history  in  four  volumes  of  the  acquisition  of  the 
territory  west  of  the  Alleghenies — required  an  enormous  amount  of  research. 
On  its  publication  it  leaped  at  once  into  popularity,  and  soon  acquired  a 
reputation  as  a  most  reliable  text-book. 


310  PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT   TAKES   OATH. 

His  hunting  trips  and  his  months  of  life  among  the  men  and  the  game 
of  the  West  have  supplied  the  material  for  a  number  of  Mr.  Roosevelt's 
books,  among  them  "The  Wilderness  Hunter,"  "Hunting  Trips  of  a  Ranch- 
man," and  "Ranch  Life  and  the  Hunting  Trail."  His  most  noted  work  of 
recent  years  is  "The  Rough  Riders,"  being  a  history  of  the  formation,  the 
battles,  career,  and  disbandment  of  the  remarkable  body  of  soldiers  com- 
prising the  regiment  which  Mr.  Roosevelt  recruited  largely  himself,  and  of 
which  he  was  lieutenant-colonel  and  colonel  in  the  brief  campaign  in  Cuba. 
His  style  is  interesting  and  clear,  and  while  the  story  is  told  in  the  (first 
person,  there  is  a  simplicity  of  narrative  and  a  cordiality  of  praise  to  all  who 
seem  to  deserve. 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  more  important  works  have  been  historical,  but  his  writ- 
ings have  not  been  confined  to  this  subject.  He  has  contributed  many 
articles  to  scientific  magazines,  particularly  on  discrimination  of  species  and 
sub-species  of  the  larger  animals  of  the  West.  A  species  of  elk  is  named 
after  him,  and  he  made  known  the  enlarged  Western  species  of  a  little 
insectivora  called  the  shrew. 

This  period  of  writing  and  hunting  was  broken  by  two  important  events. 
He  was  defeated  as  candidate  for  mayor  of  New  York  and  he  married  again. 
The  second  wife  of  the  Vice  President  elect  was  Miss  Edith  Kermit  Carow, 
daughter  of  an  old  New  York  family.  They  have  five  children — three  sons 
and  two  daughters.  The  marriage  took  place  in  1886,  and  in  the  same  year 
Theodore  Roosevelt  was  the  Republican  nominee  for  mayor  of  his  native 
city.  Opposed  to  him  were  Abram  S.  Hewitt,  the  Democratic  candidate, 
and  Henry  George,  the  apostle  of  single  tax.  So  great  an  enthusiasm  had 
been  created  by  Mr.  George's  book,  "Progress  and  Poverty,"  and  so  quickly 
did  he  attach  to  himself  all  the  floating  element  dissatisfied  with  the  regime 
of  both  the  old  parties  and  without  the  vested  wealth  threatened  by  the 
theories  of  their  leader  that  both  of  the  old  parties  were  alarmed.  It  was  said 
that  fear  that  George  would  be  elected  sent  thousands  of  Republican  votes 
to  Hewitt,  whose  chances  of  success  seemed  greatly  better  than  those  of  his 
young  Republican  opponent.  Hewitt  was  elected,  but  Mr.  Roosevelt  re- 
ceived a  larger  proportion  of  the  votes  cast  than  had  any  other  Republican 
candidate  for  mayor  up  to  that  time. 

For  years  after  this  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  not  prominent  in  politics.  He 
spent  his  time  in  writing  and  hunting  trips  to  the  West.  Never  an  idle  man, 
he  accomplished  an  immense  amount  of  research  in  the  preparation  of  his 
Jiistorical  works. 


PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH.  311 

President  Harrison  appointed  Theodore  Roosevelt  a  member  of  the 
United  States  Civil  Service  Commission  May  13,  1889.  While  in  the  New 
York  Legislature  much  of  his  efforts  had  been  directed  to  the  improvement 
of  the  public  service.  He  was  one  of  the  most  noted  advocates  in  the  coun- 
try of  the  merit  system,  and  his  enmity  to  the  spoilsman  had  won  him  objur- 
gations of  press  and  party  on  numberless  occasions.  To  his  new  duties  he 
brought  enthusiastic  faith  in  the  righteousness  and  the  expediency  of  a 
civil-service  system,  and  he  at  once  embarked  on  a  campaign  for  establish- 
ing its  permanency  and  for  its  extension,  which  again  made  him  the  butt  of 
almost  daily  attacks.  In  Congress  and  in  the  ranks  of  the  leaders  of  his 
party  hundreds  of  opponents  sprang  up  to  attack  him,  but  he  held  to  his 
way  and  eventually  won  to  his  own  way  of  thinking  many  public  men. 
Though  always  determined  and  aggressive,  Mr.  Roosevelt  is  a  man  of  great 
tact,  and  to  this  no  less  than  to  the  resolute  assurance  of  his  methods  was  due 
the  success  of  his  efforts  for  the  extension  of  the  civil  service  in  the  national 
service. 

He  served  for  six  years,  two  of  them  under  President  Harrison's  suc- 
cessor, Mr.  Cleveland.  In  that  time  the  number  of  persons  who  were  made 
subject  to  the  civil-service  law  was  increased  from  12,000  to  nearly  40,000, 
and  the  still  further  great  increase  made  by  the  orders  of  President, Cleveland 
in  the  late  years  of  his  first  administration  was  largely  due  to  Mr.  Roose- 
velt's efforts.  He  was  not  a  member  of  the  commission  when  they  were 
promulgated,  but  they  had  been  considered  by  the  commission  and  were 
favorably  regarded  by  the  President  almost  a  year  before  they  were  made 
law  by  the  President's  order. 

In  the  years  he  then  spent  in  Washington  Mr.  Roosevelt  made  many 
strong  friends.  In  the  commission  he  was  loved  and  respected  by  every  one, 
from  his  fellow  commissioners  to  the  laborers.  He  declined  to  be  president 
of  the  commission,  though  the  place  was  offered  him  more  than  once,  but 
he  was  the  acknowledged  force  and  head  of  its  work.  When  the  great  ex- 
tensions afterward  made  by  the  President  were  first  proposed  to  Mr.  Cleve- 
land he  suggested  that  it  would  be  better  to  codify  the  rules  of  the  commis- 
sion before  taking  such  action.  This  was  done,  though  it  took  some  time, 
and  shortly  after  it  had  been  accomplished  the  chief  examiner  of  the  commis- 
sion, Mr.  Webster,  died,  which  again  put  affairs  in  such  shape  that  it  was 
regarded  as  inexpedient  to  add  greatly  to  the  duties  of  the  commission  at 
that  time. 

As  a  result,  the  order  for  the  large  extension  of  the  operation  of  the 


312  PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH. 

civil-service  law,  which  had  been  in  contemplation  by  the  President  and  the 
commission  for  more  than  a  year,  and  with  which  Mr.  Roosevelt  had  much 
to  do,  was  not  promulgated  until  after  he  had  resigned  from  the  commission 
to  accept  the  appointment  as  police  commissioner  of  the  city  of  New  York 
under  Mayor  Strong.  President  Cleveland,  who  had  reappointed  Mr.  Roose- 
velt as  civil-service  commissioner,  though  he  had  been  originally  named  for 
the  place  as  a  Republican  by  President  Harrison,  strongly  advised  Mr. 
Roosevelt  not  to  leave  the  commission  and  not  to  take  the  New  York  place. 
The  President's  letter  to  Mr.  Roosevelt  on  his  resignation  is  full  of  expres- 
sions of  the  highest  esteem  and  appreciation  of  his  services. 

In  the  wave  of  reform  which  swept  over  New  York  in  1894-95  the  men, 
including  Mayor  Strong,  who  were  borne  into  power  were  something  of  the 
same  stamp  as  the  civil-service  commissioner.  They  were  of  the  class  which 
fought  political  rings,  and  they  turned  to  Mr.  Roosevelt  to  take  a  hand  in 
purifying  the  police  force  of  New  York  City,  which  was  alleged  to  be  a  sink 
of  political  rottenness  and  studied  inefficiency.  Mr.  Roosevelt  resigned  as 
civil-service  commissioner  May  5,  1895,  an(l  was  appointed  police  commis- 
sioner of  New  York  City  May  24  following. 

The  uproar  that  followed  the  introduction  of  Roosevelt  methods  in  the 
conduct  of  the  New  York  police  force  has  never  been  equaled  as  a  police 
sensation  in  that  city.  Within  a  month  after  his  appointment  the  whole 
force  was  in  a  state  of  fright.  The  new  commissioner  made  night  rounds 
himself,  and,  being  unknown  to  the  men,  he  caught  scores  of  them  in  dere- 
liction of  duty.  He  dismissed  and  promoted  and  punished  entirely  on  a 
plane  of  his  own.  Politics  ceased  to  save  or  help  the  men,  and  the  bosses 
were  up  in  arms.  In  this  emergency  an  attempt  was  made  to  have  Roose- 
velt's appointment  by  Mayor  Strong  vetoed  by  the  city  council,  and  it  was 
discovered  that  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  passed  some  twelve  years  prior, 
had  taken  the  power  of  veto  from  the  city  council.  Theodore  Roosevelt 
was  the  author  of  this  act,  and  its  passage  had  been  secured  after  one  of  the 
strongest  fights  he  had  made  when  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature. 

Commissioner  Roosevelt  announced  that  he  would  enforce  the  laws  as 
he  found  them.  He  gave  special  attention  to  the  operations  of  the  excise 
law  on  Sunday,  and  after  severe  measures  had  been  used  on  some  of  the  more 
hardy  saloon-keepers,  New  York  at  last  had,  in  June,  1895,  for  the  first  time 
within  the  memory  of  living  man,  a  "dry"  Sunday.  A  great  deal  of  good 
was  done  by  Commissioner  Roosevelt  in  breaking  up  much  of  the  blackmail 
which  had  been  levied  by  policemen;  in  transferring  and  degrading  officers 


PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH.  313 

who  were  notoriously  responsible  for  the  bad  name  the  force  had,  and  in 
making  promotions  for  merit,  fidelity,  and  courage,  Mr.  Roosevelt's  career 
as  a  police  commissioner  made  him  extremely  unpopular  with  the  class  at 
which  his  crusade  was  aimed. 

The  fierce  crusade  against  the  saloon-keepers  was  brief,  and  its  effect 
lasted  but  a  few  weeks.  The  new  commissioner  gave  his  attention  to  more 
important  matters,  and  really  made  the  force  cleaner  than  it  -had  been  be- 
fore. He  undoubtedly  gained  the  hearty  devotion  of  the  better  class  of 
policemen.  He  was  most  careful  of  their  comfort,  and  quick  to  see  and 
reward  merit.  He  was  also  quick  to  punish,  and  this  kept  the  worse  half  of 
the  men  on  their  good  behavior. 

One  important  result  Mr.  Roosevelt  obtained  in  this  position  was  the 
dissipation  of  much  of  the  antagonism  which  had  theretofore  been  apparent 
on  every  occasion  between  labor  unions  and  the  force.  Men  on  strike  had 
been  accustomed  to  regard  the  policeman  as  a  natural  enemy,  but  all  this 
was  changed.  On  one  occasion,  when  a  large  number  of  operatives  were 
out  of  work,  Mr.  Roosevelt  sent  for  their  leaders,  and,  after  a  discussion  on 
the  situation,  suggested  that  the  strikers  should  organize  pickets  to  keep 
their  own  men  in  order.  He  promised  that  the  police  should  support  and 
respect  the  rights  of  these  pickets  and  the  result  was  most  satisfactory.  The 
threat  of  a  cordon  of  police  was  removed  from  the  strikers,  and  no  collision 
such  as  had  occurred  on  so  many  similar  occasions,  took  place  with  the 
guardians  of  the  law. 

The  attacks  of  the  enemies  which  Mr.  Roosevelt's  methods  raised  up 
against  him  were  not  confined  to  verbal  denunciation  nor  expressions 
through  the  press.  Dynamite  bombs  were  left  in  his  office,  a  part  of  his 
associates  on  the  police  board  fought  his  every  move,  and  all  the  skill  of 
New  York  politicians  with  whom  he  interfered  was  exercised  to  trap  him  into 
a  situation  where  he  would  become  discredited  in  his  work.  In  this  they 
were  unsuccessful  and  the  stormy  career  of  the  police  force  continued.  In 
the  end  the  new  commissioner  conquered.  He  had  the  necessary  power  and 
the  personal  courage  and  tenacity  of  purpose  to  carry  out  his  plans.  He 
fought  blackmail  until  he  had  practically  stopped  it  and  he  promoted  and 
removed  men  without  regard  to  color,  creed,  or  politics.  He  resigned  in 
April,  1897,  to  become  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Theodore  Roosevelt  was  appointed  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
April  1-9,  1897.  The  troubles  of  the  Cubans  with  Spain,  the  long  history 
of  oppression  and  outrage  to  which  they  had  been  subjected,  and  the  years 


314  PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH. 

of  warfare  they  had  known  with  the  armies  of  Weyler  and  Campos,  had 
excited  American  sympathy,  and  many  public  men  realized  that  interference 
by  the  United  States  was  almost  assured.  In  this  connection  it  was  realized 
by  President  McKinley  and  his  advisers  that  the  navy  was  not  in  condition 
to  make  it  an  effective  war  instrument  in  the  impending  conflict.  In  casting 
about  for  a  man  to  fill  the  position  of  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy',  which 
place  carried  w.ith  it  much  of  the  executive  work  which  would  be  required  in 
putting  fighting  ships  into  shape,  the  President  and  Secretary  Long  were 
favorably  disposed  toward  Mr.  Roosevelt,  who  was  one  of  the  many  candi- 
dates for  the  place.  His  work  on  the  naval  war  of  1812  had  acquired  fame 
for  its  accuracy  and  its  exhibition  of  wide  knowledge  of  naval  matters  on 
the  part  of  the  author  and  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  asked  to  accept  the  appoint- 
ment. 

He  brought  to  the  duties  of  the  office  a  great  interest  in  the  work,  as  well 
as  the  tremendous  energy  and  talent  for  closely  studying  and  mastering  his 
work  wljich  had  characterized  him  in  other  fields.  He  also  brought  to  the 
position  some  of  his  startling  methods,  and  again  proved  himself  "a  storm 
center,"  a  name  he  had  already  been  given,  and  to  which  he  has  earned  better 
title  in  each  succeeding  year.  In  the  fall  of  1897  he  was  detailed  to  inspect 
the  fleet  gathered  at  Hampton  Roads,  and  he  kept  the  commanders  and  their 
jackies  in  a  ferment  for  a  week.  Whenever  he  thought  of  a  drill  he  would 
like  to  see,  he  ordered  it.  The  crews  were  called  to  night  quarters  and  all 
sorts  of  emergency  orders  were  given  at  all  sorts  of  hours.  When  the  Assis- 
tant Secretary  came  back  to  Washington  to  report,  he  had  mastered  some  of 
the  important  details  of  the  situation,  at  least. 

During  his  rather  brief  connection  with  the  department  Mr.  Roosevelt 
was  a  strong  advocate  of  the  naval  personnel  bill.  He  was  also  in  charge  of 
the  purchase  of  auxiliary  vessels  after  war  was  actually  declared. 

He  had  brought  about  the  purchase  of  many  guns,  much  ammunition, 
and  large  stores  of  provisions  for  the  navy.  He  had  secured  a  great  increase 
in  the  amount  of  gunnery  practice.  He  had  hurried  the  work  on  the  new 
ships  and  had  the  old  ones  repaired.  He  had  caused  every  vessel  to  be  sup- 
plied with  coal  to  her  full  capacity,  and  had  the  crew  of  every  ship  recruited 
to  its  full  strength.  His  services  were  fully  recognized  by  Secretary  Long, 
who  thanked  him  in  a  letter  full  of  appreciation  when  he  left  his  place  in  the 
Navy  Department.  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  urged  to  remain  in  his  place  by 
many  of  the  most  prominent  newspapers  of  the  country,  who  believed  that 
his  services  there  would  be  of  great  value  in  the  approaching  struggle, 


PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH.  315 

Mr.  Roosevelt  had  determined  to  resign  his  position  in  order  to  take 
active  service  in  the  field.  His  adventurous  nature  would  not  allow  him  to 
remain  in  an  office  when  there  was  a  prospect  of  fighting  for  the  flag.  He 
had  determined  to  organize  a  regiment  of  Western  men,  whom,  he  rightly 
believed,  would  strike  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  Spaniards.  Mr.  Roose- 
velt's resignation  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy  bears  date  of  May  6, 
1898.  His  appointment  as  lieutenant-colonel,  First  Regiment,  United  States 
Volunteer  Cavalry,  is  dated  May  5,  1898. 

The  First  United  States  Volunteer  Cavalry  was  one  "of  the  most  remark- 
able fighting  aggregations  ever  enlisted  in  any  country.  It  was  chosen 
from  some  3,500  applicants  and  numbered  about  900.  The  plains  gave  it  its 
largest  membership,  and  the  name  under  which  it  soon  came  to  be  known 
was  "Roosevelt's  Rough  Riders." 

Dr.  Leonard  Wood,  a  United  States  Army  officer,  and  a  close  friend  of 
Colonel  Roosevelt,  was  made  colonel  of  the  regiment.  Colonel  Roosevelt  be- 
lieved he  was  not  sufficiently  well  informed  concerning  military  matters  to 
handle  the  regiment  during  the  preliminary  work,  and  he  readily  acquiesced 
in  the  appointment  of  his  friend.  The  regiment  rendezvoused  at  San  An- 
tonio, Texas,  and  there  was  kept  at  work  learning  the  discipline  of  soldier 
life,  until  it  was  finally  called  to  the  front.  Among  the  recruits  were  hun- 
dreds of  cowboys  who  were  perfect  horsemen  as  well  as  dead  shots.  But 
such  an  outburst  of  popular  interest  attended  the  recruiting  of  this  regiment 
that  Colonel  Wood  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Roosevelt  were  soon  over- 
whelmed with  applications  for  enlistment  from  the  college  men,  athletes, 
clubmen,  sons  of  millionaire  parents,  who  loved  the  idea  of  adventure  and 
battle  in  such  company.  As  a  result  several  companies  were  recruited  from 
the  pick  of  the  young  men  of  the  country.  Nearly  every  noted  club  of  the 
country  had  its  quota,  and  scores  of  Wall  street  stockbrokers  wore  khaki  in 
the  ranks.  When  finally  the  regiment  was  gathered  at  Tampa,  Florida,  it 
constituted  a  body  of  men  than  whom  it  would  be  hard  to  find  any  more 
perfectly  fitted  for  such  war  as  the  conflict  with  Spain  in  the  jungles  of  Cuba 
assured.  Old  Indian  fighters  were  there  by  the  score,  and  there  were  even 
six  full-blooded  Indians  among  the  enlisted  men. 

The  Rough  Riders,  it  was  originally  intended,  should  be  mounted,  and 
as  cavalry  they  went  to  the  rendezvous  at  Tampa.  But  when  the  time  came 
to  go  to  Cuba  there  was  no  room  on  the  transports  for  horses,  and  these 
cavalrymen,  like  the  rest  of  the  men  who  had  enlisted  in  all  the  regiments 
assembled  at  the  Florida  port,  were  mad  to  get  to  the  front.  Rather  than 


316  PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT  TAKES   OATH. 

not  see  some  of  the  fighting,  the  commander  of  the  Rough  Riders  secured 
a  place  for  his  men  among  the  troops  sent  to  participate  in  the  siege  of 
Santiago,  and  they  went  as  dismounted  cavalry.  As  such  they  went  to  Cuba 
and  fought  through  the  brief  but  bloody  campaign  before  the  besieged  city. 
They  never  had  an  opportunity  to  display  their  skill  as  horsemen  after  they 
left  the  training  camps  at  San  Antonio  and  Tampa,  but  they  won  a  reputa- 
tion for  courage  and  cheerful  patience  under  hardship,  battle,  and  disease 
which  is  not  surpassed  in  history. 

This  was  not  the  first  military  service  of  Roosevelt.  Soon  after  his 
graduation  from  Harvard  he  had  joined  the  Eighth  Regiment,  New  York 
National  Guard,  and  had  been  in  time  promoted  to  the  captaincy  of  a  com- 
pany. He  remained  a  militiaman  for  four  years,  leaving  his  command  only 
when  he  took  up  his  permanent  residence  in  Washington  as  a  member  of  the 
civil-service  commission. 

The  transports  carrying  the  army  of  invasion  to  Cuba  sailed  from  Port 
Tampa  June  13,  1898.  Thirty  large  vessels  carried  the  troops  and  took  six 
days  to  reach  Daiquiri,  the  little  port  to  the  east  of  the  harbor  of  Santiago, 
where  the  army  was  disembarked.  The  Rough  Riders  were  in  the  brigade 
commanded  by  General  S.  B.  M.  Young,  together  with  the  First  (white)  and 
Tenth  (colored)  Regular  Cavalry  Regiments,  and  was  a  part  of  the  division 
commanded  by  General  Joseph  Wheeler. 

The  first  fight  of  the  Rough  Riders  took  place  in  the  advance  from 
Daiquiri  toward  Santiago.  They  were  sent  out  on  a  hill  trail  to  attack  the 
position  of  the  Spaniards,  who  blocked  the  road  to  the  town.  The  Spanish 
occupied  ridges  opposite  to  those  along  which  the  trail  used  by  the  Rough 
Riders  led,  and  a  fierce  fight  took  place  in  the  jungle.  The  Spanish  had 
smokeless  powder,  and  it  was  almost  impossible  to  locate  them  in  the  under- 
brush. The  Rough  Riders  behaved  with  great  gallantry,  and  took  the  posi- 
tion occupied  by  the  enemy,  but  not  without  considerable  loss.  For  dis- 
tinguished gallantry  in  this  action,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Roosevelt  was  pro- 
moted to  be  Colonel  July  n,  1898.  The  place  of  this  engagement  is  called 
Las  Guasimas,  "the  thorns,"  from  the  large  number  of  trees  of  that  species 
found  there.  The  Rough  Riders  in  this  action  acted  in  concert  with  other 
attacking  forces  composing  the  vanguard  of  the  army.  Several  days  after 
this  General  Young  was  taken  with  fever,  and  Colonel  Wood,  taking  com- 
mand of  the  brigade,  Colonel  Roosevelt  became  commanding  officer  of  the 
regiment. 

In  this  capacity  he  commanded  the  Rough  Riders  in  the  battle  of  San 


PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TAKES  OATH.  31? 

Juan,  where  they  withstood  a  heavy  fire  for  a  long  time,  and  finally,  when 
ordered  to  advance,  made  a  gallant  charge,  capturing  two  of  the  hills  occu- 
pied by  the  enemy.  The  fall  of  Santiago  followed  the  American  success,  and 
a  period  of  inactivity  began  for  the  American  troops.  Insufficient  transpor- 
tation had  entailed  improper  and  insufficient  food,  and,  together  with  the 
effects  of  the  climate,  began  to  have  serious  effects  on  the  troops.  Fever 
decimated  their  ranks,  and  those  who  were  still  able  to  attend  to  their  duties 
were  weakened  by  disease. 

It  soon  became  apparent  to  the  officers  in  command  of  the  Americans 
that  the  only  salvation  for  their  men  was  removal  to  the  North.  It  had 
been  reported  that  yellow  fever  was  epidemic  among  the  soldiers  in  camp 
about  Santiago,  and  while  this  was  not  at  all  true,  most  of  the  men  were 
suffering  from  malarial  fever,  and  there  was  some  fear  of  the  introduction 
of  the  tropic  scourge  into  the  United  States  if  the  troops  were  brought  home 
suffering  from  it. 

Colonel  Roosevelt  was  in  command  of  the  brigade  at  this  time,  owing  to 
General  Wood  having  been  made  Governor-General  of  Santiago,  and  as  such 
the  commander  of  the  Rough  Riders  discussed  with  the  other  Generals  an 
appeal  to  the  authorities  to  remove  the  troops  back  to  the  United  States. 
There  was  disinclination  on  the  part  of  the  regular  officers  to  take  the  initia- 
tive, as  much  correspondence  had  taken  place  between  General  Shafter  and 
the  War  Department,  the  latter  stating  the  reasons  why  it  seemed  inex- 
pedient to  cause  the  removal  at  that  time.  In  this  emergency  Colonel 
Roosevelt  prepared  a  presentation  of  the  situation,  and,  after  reading  over 
the  rough  draft  to  the  other  commanders,  submitted  it  to  General  Shafter. 

Directly  afterward  a  circular  letter  was  prepared  and  signed  by  all  the 
Generals  and  commanding  officers  and  presented  to  General  Shafter.  This 
came  to  be  known  as  "the  round  robin,"  and  its  result  was  instantaneous. 
Both  letters,  Colonel  Roosevelt's  and  the  round  robin,  were  published 
throughout  the  United  States  and  created  a  profound  sensation.  Within 
three  days  after  they  had  been  delivered  to  General  Shafter  the  order  for  the 
return  of  the  army  was  issued. 

The  Rough  Riders,  with  their  Colonel,  returned  to  Camp  Wikoff,  at  the 
northern  extremity  of  Long  Island,  in  late  August,  and  on  September  15, 
1898,  were  mustered  out  of  service  with  Colonel  Roosevelt. 

The  campaign  for  the  control  of  New  York  State  in  the  approaching 
election  of  a  Governor  had  already  begun  when  the  Rough  Riders  returned 
from  Cuba.  Colonel  Roosevelt's  name  had  often  been  mentioned  for  the 


318  PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TAKES  OATH. 

Republican  nomination  and  the  popular  enthusiasm  for  this  selection  was" 
supported  by  the  leaders  of  the  party  in  the  state.  Governor  Frank  S. 
Black  had  been  elected  by  an  enormous  plurality  two  years  previously,  and 
according  to  all  traditions  should  have  been  renominated.  He  was  set  aside, 
however,  for  the  new  hero,  and  the  convention  at  Saratoga  nominated  Col- 
onel Roosevelt  with  a  hurrah.  The  friends  of  Governor  Black  had  fought 
bitterly  so  long  as  there  seemed  a  chance  of  success,  and  they  started  the 
rumor  that  Colonel  Roosevelt  was  ineligible  for  the  nomination,  as  he  had 
relinquished  his  residence  in  New  York  when  he  went  to  Washington  to 
enter  the  Navy  Department. 

The  actual  campaign  was  a  most  picturesque  one.  B.  B.  Odell,  chairman 
of  the  state  committee  and  now  Governor  of  New  York,  was  opposed  to 
Colonel  Roosevelt  stumping  the  state  in  his  own  behalf,  but  it  soon  became 
apparent  that  general  apathy  existed,  and  consent  was  reluctantly  given  to 
the  candidate  to  do  so.  There  followed  a  series  of  speeches  that  woke  up 
the  voters.  Colonel  Roosevelt,  by  nature  forceful,  direct,  and  theatrical  in 
his  manner  and  method,  went  back  and  forward,  up  and  down  New  York, 
accompanied  by  a  few  of  his  Rough  Riders  in  their  uniforms.  These  cow- 
boys made  speeches,  telling,  usually,  how  much  they  thought  of  their  Col- 
onel, and  the  tour  met  with  success.  Colonel  Roosevelt  was  elected  Gov- 
ernor over  Augustus  Van  Wyck,  the  Democratic  candidate,  by  a  plurality  of 
about  17,000  votes. 

Among  the  achievements  of  Governor  Roosevelt  as  chief  executive  of 
the  Empire  State  were  the  enforcement  of  the  law  to  tax  corporations, 
which  had  been  passed  at  a  special  session  of  the  Legislature  called  by  the 
Governor  for  that  purpose;  making  the  Erie  Canal  Commission  non-parti- 
san; his  aid  to  the  tenement  commission  in  their  work  for  the  betterment 
of  the  poor  in  New  York,  and  in  breaking  up  the  sweatshops  through  rigid 
enforcement  of  the  factory  law. 

As  a  writer  Mr.  Roosevelt  has  been  a  contributor  to  magazines  of  in- 
numerable articles  on  historical,  political,  and  scientific  subjects.  A  list  of 
his  more  extended  and  important  works  includes  "The  Winning  of  the 
West,"  "Life  of  Governor  Morris,"  "Life  of  Thomas  Hart  Benton,"  "Naval 
War  of  1812,"  "History  of  New  York,"  "American  Ideals  and  Other  Es- 
says," "The  Wilderness  Hunter,"  "Hunting  Trips  of  a  Ranchman,"  "Ranch 
Life  and  the  Hunting  Trail,"  "The  Strenuous  Life,"  and  "The  Rough 
Riders." 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

GREAT     EVENTS     OF     THE     WORLD     DURING     PRESIDENT 
McKINLEY'S    ADMINISTRATIONS. 

William  McKinley  was  inaugurated  as  the  twenty-fifth  President  of  the 
United  States  March  4,  1897,  succeeding  Grover  Cleveland,  who  was  serving 
his  second  term.  Garret  A.  Hobart  was  sworn  in  as  Vice-President  on  the 
same  day.  The  campaign  between  Bryan  and  McKinley  had  been  one  of  the 
most  vigorously-fought  in  the  history  oi  the  nation.  The  Democratic  party 
made  the  money  question  paramount,  and  the  Republican  victory  on  that  issue 
induced  McKinley  to  call  an  extra  session  of  Congress  eleven  days  after  his  in- 
auguration. The  gold  standard  was  adopted,  after  which  Congress  adjourned. 

During  April,  May  and  June  Turkey  and  Greece  were  at  war.  Greece  was 
the  aggressor,  but  the  outcome  of  the  short  campaign  was  disastrous  for  King 
George's  troops,  which  were  defeated  in  every  battle  by  the  Turks,  who  dis- 
played a  knowledge  of  warfare  that  struck  surprise  throughout  Europe.  Greece 
\vas  made  to  pay  a  heavy  indemnity  and  to  cede  Thessaly  to>  Turkey  at  the 
ireaty  oi  peace,  signed  September  18. 

The  first  heavy  shipments  of  gold  from  the  Klondike  region  began  to  arrive 
at  San  Francisco  and  Puget  Sound  ports.  The  output  reached  over  $20,000,000 
a  year. 

The  boundary  treaty  between  Venezuela  and  Great  Britain  was  ratified  at 
Washington  June  14.  It  was  regarding  this  boundary  that  President  Cleveland 
in  the  previous  December  threatened  Great  Britain  with  war  unless  justice  was 
done  the  South  American  republic. 

July  24  the  Dingley  tariff  bill  became  a  law,  the  President  having  signed  it. 
This  bill  was  practically  a  substitution  of  the  old  McKinley  tariff  for  the  Wil- 
son bill. 

The  first  general  knowledge  of  automobiles  was  spread  by  long  newspaper 
reports  of  a  race  between  horseless  carriages  in  France.  The  machines  were 
driven  by  electricity  and  gasoline. 

August  25  is  Independence  day  in  Uruguay.  While  engaged  in  celebrating 
the  event  President  Borda  was  shot  and  killed  by  an  assassin. 

Star  Pointer,  the  famous  pacing  stallion,  on  August  28  lowered.the  world's 
record  for  a  mile  at  Readville,  Mass.,  to  1 159^. 

321 


322        GREAT  EVENTS  DURING  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATIONS. 

Charles  A.  Dana,  for  years  famous  as  the  editor  of  the  New  York  Sun, 
died  at  Glen  Cove,  Long  Island,  October  17. 

An  attempt  to  assassinate  President  Diaz  of  Mexico  September  15  failed. 
During  Diaz's  term  in  office — more  than  twenty  years — no  less  than  eight  at- 
tempts to  kill  him  were  made.  Twice  he  was  slightly  injured. 

Dr.  Frithof  Nansen,  the  Norwegian  arctic  explorer,  whose  expedition  came 
nearer  reaching  the  North  Pole  than  any  previous  attempt,  reached  America  in 
October  on  a  lecture  tour.  He  was  paid  $65,000  for  fifty  lectures,  probably  the 
largest  sum  every  paid  for  such  work. 

A  conspiracy  against  the  President  of  Brazil  resulted  in  a  concerted  attack 
on  him  November  5.  He  was  not  injured,  but  his  brother  was  fatally  wounded 
and  the  minister  of  war  was  killed  in  his  efforts  to  save  the  life  of  the  Presi- 
dent. 

Mrs.  Nancy  A.  McKinley,  the  aged  mother  of  President  McKinley,  died 
at  Canton  December  12.  She  was  buried  in  the  President's  family  plot  at  Can- 
ton, where  McKinley's  two  daughters  lie  buried. 

1898  was  an  eventful  year  in  McKinley's  administration  owing  to  the  out- 
break of  the  Spanish  war.  In  Europe  it  will  be  best  remembered  because  of 
deaths  of  Gladstone  and  Bismarck. 

The  insurrection  in  Cuba  had  reached  a  stage  when  humanitarian  efforts  on 
the  part  of  this  country  seemed  necessary  owing  to  the  reconcentrado  methods 
introduced  by  Weyler.  The  battleship  Maine  was  sent  to  Havana,  arriving 
there  January  25.  No  demonstration  was  made,  but  it  was  hoped  the  moral 
effect  of  the  presence  of  a  warship  would  lead  to  good  results. 

The  Maine  was  blown  up  by  a  submarine  mine  February  15.  The  events 
of  the  Spanish  war  will  follow  chronologically. 

February  8 — Letter  was  published  written  by  Minister  De  Lome  disparaging 
President  McKinley.    After  publication  of  the  letter  De  Lome  asked  the 
Spanish  government  to  accept  his  resignation. 
February  15 — Battleship  Maine  blown  up. 
February  17 — United  States  government  appointed  a  naval  court  to  inquire 

into  the  cause  of  the  destruction  of  the  Maine. 
March  5 — General  Fitzhugh  Lee's  recall  requested  by  the  Spanish  government 

and  promptly  refused  by  the  United  States. 

March  7 — Bill  introduced  in  the  House  appropriating  $50,000,000  for  national 
defense.  Passed  the  House  March  7  and  the  Senate  MaYch  8,  and  was 
signed  by  the  President. 

March  12 — Battleship  Oregon  sailed  from  San  Francisco  to  meet  the  Atlantic 
squadron. 


GREAT  EVENTS  DURING  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATIONS.         323 

March  12 — Spain  offered  armistice  to  the  Cuban  insurgents. 

March  25 — Report  of  the  Maine  Court  of  Inquiry  delivered  to  the  President 
and  transmitted  to  Congress,  reaching  there  March  28. 

April  5 — United  States  consuls  in  Cuba  recalled. 

April  1 1 — President  McKinley  sends  message  to  Congress  on  the  Cuban  situ- 
ation, in  which  he  advises  intervention  without  recognition  of  the  Cuban 
government. 

April  19 — Congress  recognizes  independence  of  Cuba  and  authorizes  the  use  of 
United  States  forces  in  intervention. 

April  20 — President  issues  ultimatum  to  Spain. 

April  21 — An  infernal  machine  was  sent  President  McKinley,  but  the  White 
House  detectives  grew  suspicious  of  the  peculiar  package  and  it  was  in- 
vestigated. It  was  filled  with  a  powerful  explosive. 

April  22 — Proclamation  announcing  war  issued  by  President  McKinley. 

April  23 — President  McKinley  issued  a  call  for  125,000  volunteers. 

April  24 — War  against  the  United  States  formally  declared  by  Spain. 

May  I — Spanish  fleet  at  Manila  entirely  destroyed  by  Dewey's»fleet. 

May  8 — Miss  Helen  Gould  sent  the  government  a  check  for  $100,000  to  add 
to  the  war  fund. 

May  19 — William  Ewart  Gladstone  died  at  Hawarden.  He  was  England's 
greatest  parlimentarian  and  a  leader  for  many  years.  He  was  acknowl- 
edged throughout  the  world  as  one  of  the  ablest  men  of  modern  times. 
He  was  born  in  1809. 

May  19 — Arrival  of  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago,  Cuba. 

May  25 — Second  call  for  75,000  volunteers  issued  by  the  President. 

June  3 — Merrimac  sunk  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago  by  Lieutenant  Hobson. 

June  20 — United  States  Army  of  Invasion  landed  in  Cuba  under  General 
'*  Shatter. 

July  i  and  2 — El  Caney  and  San  Juan,  Cuba,  captured  by  United  States  troops 
with  heavy  loss. 

July  3 — Admiral  Cervera's  fleet  attempted  to  escape  and  was  entirely  destroyed 
by  United  States  fleet  under  command  of  Commodore  Schley. 

July  3-6 — No  newspapers  were  published  in  Chicago  in  these  days  of  great 
events  on  sea  and  land,  owing  to  a  strike  of  the  stereotypers.  New  men 
were  secured  July  6  and  publication  resumed.  The  newspaper  owners 
formed  a  trust  to  fight  the  workers.  Bulletin  boards  throughout  the  city 
were  used  to  convey  the  latest  news  to  the  citizens. 

July  4 — The  French  line  steamer  La  Bourgoyne  collided  with  the  British  ship 


324        GREAT  EVENTS  DURING  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATIONS. 

Cromartyshire  sixty  miles  south  of  Sable  Island,  near  Newfoundland, 
and  sunk.     Five  hundred  and  sixty  of  the  725  persons  on  board  were 
drowned. 
July    — Agitation  of  the  Dreyfus  case  in  France  followed  by  anti-Semitic 

riots. 
July  26 — Spanish  government,  through  French  Ambassador  Cambon,  asked 

for  terms  of  peace. 

July  30 — Prince  Otto  Leopold  von  Bismarck  died  at  Friedrichsruh.    He  had 
been  chancellor  of  the  German  Empire  and  for  thirty  years  was  the 
greatest  figure  in  European  politics.    He  was  born  in  1815. 
August  12 — Peace  protocol  signed  and  armistice  proclaimed.    Cuban  blockade 

raised. 

September  18 — Miss  Winnie  Davis,  daughter  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  known 
as  the  "Daughter  of  the  Confederacy,"  died  at  Narragansett  Pier,  R.  I. 
She  was  born  in  Richmond,  Va.,  in  1864.  Her  efforts  to  cement  the  union 
between  the  North  and  the  South  in  recent  years  received  high  praise. 
October  17 — University  of  Chicago  conferred  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  on  Presi- 
dent McKinley. 

October  18 — United  States  takes  formal  possession  of  Porto  Rico. 
December  10 — Peace  treaty  signed  at  Paris. 

The  year  1899  witnessed  the  closing  acts  of  the  Spanish  war  proper,  but  in 
the  meantime  the  troops  left  in  the  Philippine  Is'ands  came  in  conflict  with 
Aguinaldo's  forces,  and  the  friction  soon  lead  to  the  Filipino  outbreak.  Hos- 
tilities were  opened  February  4,  when  the  American  lines  just  without  Manila 
were  attacked  by  20,000  insurgents.  The  attack  was  repulsed  with  great  loss, 
and  the  American  troops  under  General  Otis  then  took  the  aggressive.  Sev- 
eral fierce  engagements  resulted,  in  which  the  Americans  were  invariably  vic- 
torious. 

In  Europe  the  Dreyfus  trial  attracted  great  attention  during  July  and  Au- 
gust. Later  the  South  African  trouble  came  up  and  overshadowed  all  other 
subjects.  The  war  was  the  final  outcome  of  the  Jameson  raid  of  1895,  by 
which  a  party  of  Englishmen  hoped  to  overthrow  the  Transvaal  Republic  un- 
der President  Kruger,  and  establish  a  province  under  the  protection  of  En- 
gland. 

Kruger's  reply  to  England's  demands  for  a  new  franchise  law  was  given 
September  17.  It  repudiated  England's  claim,  and  both  sides  knew  war  to  be 
inevitable.  Preparations  for  the  conflict  at  once  began, 

October  12  the  Boers  invaded  British  territory  and  on  the  2Oth  of  that 


GREAT   EVENTS  DURING  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATIONS.         M» 

month  the  first  battle,  at  Glencoe,  resulted.  Both  commanders  were  killed. 
The  battle  did  not  give  either  side  the  advantage.  Mafeking  was  besieged 
October  26  and  Ladysmith  October  28.  Kimberley,  where  Cecil  Rhodes 
was  at  the  time,  next  found  a  cordon  of  Boer  soldiers  and  batteries  sur- 
rounding it.  The  Boers  were  successful  in  the  engagements  at  Modder  River 
and  Colenso,  although  both  sides  sustained  heavy  loss.  The  year  closed  with 
the  three  towns  under  siege  and  the  British  disheartened. 

President  McKinley  signed  the  peace  treaty  with  Spain  February  10,  and 
the  Queen  Regent  of  Spain  signed  the  document  March  17,  ending  the  war 
formally.  Already  there  had  been  severe  engagements  in  the  Philippines 
and  many  of  the  volunteers  who  served  in  Cuba  were  sent  to  the  new  posses- 
sions in  the  Pacific. 

General  Lawton  and  General  McArthur  were  the  most  prominent  in  the 
campaigns  in  the  interior  of  Luzon.  They  drove  the  enemy  from  town  to 
town,  capturing  many  prisoners.  On  April  27  Colonel  Funston  of  the  Twen- 
tieth Kansas  Regiment,  with  two  volunteers  as  companions,  swam  the  Rio 
Grande  River  in  the  face  of  a  murderous  fire  from  the  concealed  enemy.  A 
rope  was  carried  across  and  by  this  means  the  soldiers  were  enabled  to  follow 
on  rafts.  The  exploit  ranks  next  to  Dewey's  victory  in  Philippine  war 
annals. 

The  "embalmed  beef"  investigation  ended  at  Washington  February  6. 
On  the  following  day  the  President  suspended  General  Eagan  from  duty  for 
six  years  for  his  attack  on  General  Miles  during  the  hearing  of  the  beef 
scandal. 

Dewey  was  made  a  full  admiral  by  Congress  March  3. 

Charles  M.  Murphy  rode  a  mile  on  a  bicycle  in  57  4-5  seconds,  behind  an 
engine  with  a  wind  shield. 

Captain  Alfred  Dreyfus  returned  to  France  from  Devil's  Island  July  i. 
His  trial  began  July  7.  He  was  again  found  guilty,  but  the  sentence  of  ten 
years'  imprisonment  was  not  enforced,  which  was  a  practical  vindication  of 
the  artillery  officer. 

Secretary  of  War  Alger  resigned  July  15,  and  Elihu  Root  was  appointed 
to  succeed  him  July  22. 

Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  born  1843,  died  at  New  York  September  12. 

Admiral  Dewey  arrived  at  New  York  from  the  Philippines  via  the  Suez 
Canal  September  26.  A  great  naval  demonstration  in  the  harbor  and  an  im- 
mense parade  followed. 

The  American  Cup  defender,  Columbia,  defeated  Sir  Thomas  Lipton's 


326         GREAT  EVENTS  DURING  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATIONS. 

Shamrock  I.  off  New  York  harbor  in  the  international  yacht  races  Octo- 
ber 20. 

Vice-President  Hobart  died  at  Paterson,  N.  J.,  November  21.  He  was 
born  in  1844. 

World  interest  at  the  opening  of  the  year  1900  was  centered  in  the 
heroic  struggle  of  the  Boers,  who  in  the  rapid  campaigns  of  November  and 
December,  1899,  had  won  several  notable  victories  over  the  British  forces 
and  had  Mafeking,  Ladysmilh  and  Kimberley  beleaguered.  The  tide  of 
war  swept  the  soldiers  of  the  Transvaal  and  the  Orange  Free  State  irresist- 
ibly along.  It  was  in  the  dark  days  of  England's  plight,  that  orders  were 
issued  from  London  to  recall  General  Buller,  and  Lord  Roberts  was  selected 
to  take  charge  of  the  South  African  armies. 

Roberts  arrived  at  Cape  Town,  January  10.  In  a  few  weeks  all  was  in 
readiness  for  the  advance  and  the  tide  had  turned.  General  French's  dash 
relieved  Kimberley  February  15,  and  Cronje  was  driven  back  at  Modder 
drift  the  same  day.  The  intrepid  Boer  leader  with  his  4,000  men  intrenched 
himself  at  Paardeberg  on  the  Modder  River,  but  was  forced  to  capitulate 
on  February  27.  This  was  a  severe  blow  to  the  republican  forces. 

The  onward  march  of  Roberts  continued,  Bloemfontein,  the  capital  of 
the  Orange  Free  State,  being  entered  March  13.  On  March  28,  the  siege 
of  Ladysmith  was  raised.  June  5,  Pretoria  was  entered  and  then  began 
the  guerrilla  warfare  which  continued  throughout  the  year.  In  October 
Kruger  fled  from  South  Africa,  landing  in  France  November  22. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  Boer  war  was  the  Boxer  uprising  in  China, 
which  horrified  the  entire  civilized  world  by  its  atrocities.  Beginning  in 
March  and  April  reports  began  to  come  from  China  telling  of  hordes  of 
fanatics,  who  were  threatening  the  lives  and  property  of  missionaries.  The 
real  state  of  affairs  was  not  realized  until  in  May,  when  the  Boxers  grew 
so  strong  they  overawed  the  government,  and  on  May  28,  they  seized 
Peking,  the  capital.  Then  the  world  stood  aghast,  but  it  was  too  late  to 
save  the  lives  of  thousands  of  Christian  Chinese. 

Threats  from  Europe  failed  to  accomplish  the  all-important  object  and 
when,  on  June  16,  Baron  von  Ketteler,  the  German  minister  to  China,  was 
murdered,  armed  forces  were  rushed  to  China.  After  weeks  of  desultory 
fighting,  in  which  several  hundred  of  the  allied  forces  were  killed,  the  inter- 
national relief  column  entered  Peking,  August  15.  Minister  Conger  was 
alive,  he  along  with  many  other  whites  having  fortified  the  British  legation, 
where  the  attacks  of  the  armed  rabble  and  Boxers  were  repulsed. 


GREAT   EVENTS  DURING  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATIONS.         327 

The  European  powers  took  possession  of  the  Chinese  government  and 
each  demanded  a  heavy  indemnity  for  the  losses  sustained.  It  was  through 
the  intervention  of  President  McKinley  and  Secretary  Hay,  that  the  Chi- 
nese were  enabled  to  make  satisfactory  terms  with  the  other  nations  which 
had  troops  in  China.  The  "open  door"  policy,  by  which  commercial  rights 
were  accorded  all  nations  at  the  ports  of  China,  was  a  victory  for  the  United 
States.  At  the  end  of  the  year  the  allies  were  in  possession  of  Peking,  while 
the  Emperor  and  Dowager  Empress  were  in  the  interior.  There  was  no 
fighting  of  any  consequence  after  August. 

In  the  Philippines,  the  insurgents  were  gradually  falling  back  before  the 
advance  of  the  American  forces.  Aguinaldo  retreated  to  the  mountains  and 
his  followers  were  in  great  part  dispersed.  Here  and  there  would  be  found 
a  small  armed  band,  but  the  skirmishes  invariably  resulted  in  American 
victories. 

The  result  of  the  gubernatorial  election  in  Kentucky,  in  1899,  was  long 
in  doubt  and  both  Democrats  and  Republicans  attempted  to  seize  the  State 
government.  Excitement  was  intense  when,  on  January  30,  William  Goebel, 
the  Democratic  aspirant,  was  shot  and  fatally  wounded.  He  died  February  3. 
Governor  Taylor,  the  Republican  incumbent,  was  indicted  as  an  accessory  to 
the  crime.  For  a  time  serious  trouble  was  feared,  but  the  courts  were 
allowed  to  settle  the  claim  and  civil  war  was  averted. 

February  5,  the  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  was  signed,  amending  the  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  treaty.  The  chief  feature  of  the  old  treaty  was  the  agreement  that 
any  canal  joining  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  would  be  jointly  controlled. 
America  is  now  free  to  build  and  control  an  isthmian  canal. 

/A  fire  at  Ottawa,  Canada,  swept  several  square  miles  of  area  April  26, 
rendering  1,500  persons  homeless  and  destroying  $15,000,000  worth  of 
property. 

May  28,  a  total  eclipse  of  the  sun  was  visible  in  most  of  the  Southern 
States,  and  several  good  photographs  of^the  heavenly  bodies  obtained. 

McKinley  and  Roosevelt  were  nominated  at  Philadelphia,  June  21. 

Three  hundred  lives  were  lost  and  $10,000,000  worth  of  property 
destroyed  in  a  fire  which  started  in  the  North  German  Lloyd  piers  at  New 
York  and  communicated  to  the  ocean  liners  Saale,  Bremen  and  Main. 

July  5,  Bryan  and  Stevenson  were  nominated  at  the  Kansas  City  con- 
vention. 

King  Humbert  of  Italy  was  assassinated  by  an  anarchist  from  Paterson, 
N.  J.,  named  Bresci,  July  30.. 


328         GREAT   EVENTS  DURING  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATIONS. 

A  hurricane  swept  the  gulf  states  on  the  night  of  September  8,  reaching 
the  proportions  of  a  tidal  wave  at  Galveston.  A  large  portion  of  the  city 
was  wrecked,  6,000  lives  lost,  and  property  worth  $12,000,000  destroyed. 
The  havoc  created  by  the  waters  has  no  parallel  in  American  annals,  with 
the  possible  exception  of  the  Johnstown  disaster. 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  Senator,  Secretary  of  Treasury,  and  Secretary  of 
State,  died  at  Washington,  October  21.  He  was  one  of  the  Republican 
leaders  for  many  years. 

November  6,  the  national  election  resulted  in  the  re-election  of  President 
McKinley  by  a  large  majority. 

Conditions  in  South  Africa,  remained  practically  unchanged  during  the 
fall  of  1900,  and  the  spring  of  1901.  The  Boers  refused  to  surrender  and 
harassed  the  British  whenever  possible.  England  formally  annexed  both 
the  Transvaal  and  the  Orange  Free  State,  but  the  encouragement  of  the 
continental  powers  of  Europe  induced  the  Boers  to  continue  the  struggle. 
President  Kruger  made  his  home  in  Holland.  Mrs.  Kruger  died  at  Pre- 
toria, where  she  remained  when  her  husband  left  for  Europe. 

England's  gloom  was  intensified  when,  in  January,  it  was  announced 
that  the  health  of  the  aged  Queen  Victoria  was  rapidly  failing.  She  died 
January  22,  and  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  proclaimed  King  Edward  VII. 
The  coronation  will  take  place  in  1902.  ^ 

McKinley  and  Roosevelt  were  inaugurated  March  4. 

Former  President  Benjamin  Harrison  died  at  his  Indianapolis  home, 
March  13.  After  his  term  as  President,  he  resumed  the  practice  of  law  and 
appeared  in  some  of  the  most  important  international  cases  of  recent  years, 

The  rebellion  in  the  Philippines,  which  had  lost  its  effectiveness  in  1900, 
received  another  blow  when,  on  March  23,  General  Funston,  with  a  few 
companions,  captured  Aguinaldo.  The  Americans  were  accompanied  by  a 
band  of  Filipinos.  The  natives  announced  that  they  had  taken  the  Ameri- 
cans prisoners,  and  were  taking  them  to  Aguinaldo.  By  this  ruse  his  hiding 
place  was  discovered.  Aguinaldo  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United 
States  and  was  given  a  residence  in  Manila,  where  he  is  under  surveillance. 

In  industrial  circles,  the  most  momentous  event  of  the  year  was  the 
incorporation  of  the  billion  dollar  steel  trust,  by  J.  Pierpont  Morgan,  Andrew 
Carnegie,  and  others,  April  I.  The  consolidation  of  the  various  interests 
lead  to  a  strike  by  the  Amalgamated  Association  of  Steel,  Iron  and  Tin 
Workers,  June  30,  under  the  leadership  of  Theodore  Shaffer,  of  Pittsburg. 


GREAT  EVENTS  DURING  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATIONS.         329 

The  strike  was  not  well  organized  and  many  of  the  men  refused  to  obey  the 
orders  to  walk  out. 

President  and  Mrs.  McKinley  left  Washington  on  an  extended  tour, 
April  29.  They  travelled  through  the  South,  along  the  Mexican  border 
and  through  Southern  California,  reaching  San  Francisco  May  12.  Here 
Mrs.  McKinley  was  taken  seriously  ill.  The  tour  was  announced  at  an  end. 
After  a  week  of  rest  Mrs".  McKinley  was  able  to  return  to  Washington  by 
easy  stages. 

May  28,  Cuba  voted  to  accept  the  Platt  amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

During  the  first  few  days  of  July  an  oppressively  hot  wave  swept  over  the 
country,  hundreds  dying  from  the  heat.  In  New  York  the  suffering  was 
pathetic.  Following  this  wave  came  a  period  of  drouth,  which  extended 
over  the  entire  country  doing  inestimable  damage  to  crops.  In  some  dis- 
tricts rain  did  not  fall  for  two  months,  and  vegetation  all  perished.  Prices 
of  produce  rose  rapidly,  but  copious  rains  in  August  and  September  saved 
many  of  the  late  crops. 

Dowager  Empress  Frederick,  mother  of  Emperor  Wilhelm  of  Germany, 
died  at  Berlin  in  August.  She  had  been  living  in  practical  retirement  since 
the  death  of  her  husband,  Emperor  Frederick,  in  1888.  She  was  the  oldest 
child  of  Queen  Victoria. 

After  years  of  negotiations,  the  United  States  and  Denmark  arranged 
satisfactory  terms,  September  2,  and  the  Danish  West  Indies,  three  small 
islands  near  Porto  Rico,  will  be  transferred  to  this  country.  The  chief  object 
in  acquiring  these  islands  was  to  get  possession  of  the  port  of  St.  Thomas, 
one 'of  the  best  in  the  West  Indies.  The  islands  are  St.  Thomas,  St.  John 
and  St.  Croix.  The  price  paid  is  a  little  over  $4,000,000. 

September  2,  President  "and  Mrs.  McKinley  started  for  the  Pan-Amer- 
ican Exposition,  where  the  President  had  arranged  to  deliver  an  address 
on  President's  Day,  September  5.  The  address  was  a  notable  one,  as  it  out- 
lined McKinley's  national  policy  for  the  coming  years.  Within  24  hours 
cf  the  deliverance  of  the  famous  speech,  the  President  was  shot  down  by 
the  assassin. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 
THE  FUNERAL  SERVICE  AT  BUFFALO. 

The  first  funeral  service  over  the  remains  of  President  McKinley  was 
held  at  the  Milburn  house  in  Buffalo,  Sunday,  September  15,  at  n  o'clock. 

At  the  house  on!y  the  President's  wife,  his  relatives,  his  personal  friends, 
and  his  official  family  were  gathered  for  their  last  farewell.  It  was  simply 
the  funeral  of  William  McKinley,  the  man. 

Grief  is  too  weak  a  word  for  what  Mrs.  McKinley  suffered.  It  was  not 
merely  the  loss  of  one  dear  to  her.  It  was  the  loss  of  all  there  was  in  the 
world,  the  one  strong  arm  on  which  for  years  she  has  leaned  for  support, 
almost  as  a  child  leans  upon  its  mother. 

There  is  a  story  of  unwavering  patience  and  devotion  in  that  part  of  the 
late  President's  life  which  only  has  been  touched  upon,  much  as 
has  been  said  about  it,  and  which  even  those  who  knew  most  of  its  details 
can  hardly  grasp,  in  the  all  but  unparalleled  depth  of  love  that  it  involves. 

Even  in  their  own  sorrow  the  thoughts  of  all  who  were  gathered  about 
the  dead  President's  bier  in  the  room  below  were  going  out  in  pity  to  her 
whose  desolation  was  so  utter,  so  far  beyond  all  hope. 

The  extremity  of  pathos  was  reached  when,  before  the  ceremony,  Mrs. 
McKinley,  the  poor,  grief-crushed  widow,  had  been  led  into  the  chamber 
by  her  physician,  Dr.  Rixey,  and  had  sat  awhile  alone  with  him  who  had 
supported  and  comforted  her  through  all  their  years  of  wedded  life. 

Her  support  was  gone,  but  she  had  not  broken  down.  Dry-eyed,  she 
gazed  upon  him.  She  fondled  his  face.  She  did  not  seem  to  realize  he 
was  dead. 

Then  she  was  led  away  to  the  head  of  the  stairs,  where  she  could  hear 
the  services. 

The  extremity  of  impressiveness  followed  when  the  new  President*  stood 
beside  the  casket  steeling  himself  for  a  look  into  the  face  of  the  dead. 

The  tension  in  the  room  was  great.  Every  one  seemed  to  be  waiting. 
The  minister  of  the  gospel  stood  with  the  holy  book  in  his  hand  ready  to 
begin. 

Perhaps  »t  might  have  been  sixty  seconds.  It  seemed  longer.  Then 

330 


THE    FUNERAL  SERVICE   AT   BUFFALO.  331 

the  President  turned  and  advanced  one  step.  He  bowed  his  head  and 
looked.  Long  he  gazed,  standing  immovable,  save  for  a  twitching  of  the 
muscles  of  the  chin.  At  last  he  stepped  back.  Tears  were  in  President 
Roosevelt's  eyes  as  he  went  to  the  chair  reserved  for  him. 

Another  dramatic  scene  came  when  the  service  was  over  and  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Locke  had  pronounced  the  benediction.  Before  any  one  had  moved, 
and  while  there  was  the  same  perfect  stillness,  Senator  Hanna,  who  had 
not  before  found  courage  to  look  upon  the  dead  face  of  his  friend,  stepped 
out  from  where  he  had  been  standing  behind  Governor  Odell.  It  was 
his  last  chance  to  see  the  features  of  President  McKinley.  There  was  a 
look  on  his  face  that  told  more  than  sobs  would  have  done.  It  was  the 
look  of  a  man  whose  grief  was  pent  up  within  him. 

The  Senator  had  quite  a  few  steps  ito  take  to  get  to  the  head  of  the 
casket.  When  he  got  to  the  head  of  the  bier,  by  President  Roosevelt,  he 
stood  with  his  head  resting  on  his  breast  and  his  hands  clasped  behind  his 
back,  looking  down  on  the  face  of  his  friend.  He  stood  there  possibly  a 
minute,  but  to  every  one  it  seemed  more  like  five.  No  one  stirred  while 
he  stood.  The  scene  was  beyond  expression. 

A:>  ,.,...  <ator  turned  his  head  around  those  in  the  room  saw  his  face, 
and  there  were  tears  trickling  down  it.  One  of  the  Cabinet  members  put 
out  his  arm  and  the  Senator  instinctively  seemed  to  follow  it.  He  went 
between  Senator  Long  and  Attorney-General  Knox  and  sat  down  in  a 
chair  near  the  wall;  then  he  bowed  his  head. 

To  most  of  those  present  at  the  services  at  the  Milburn  house,  the  dead 
President  had  been  friend  and  comrade,  a  relationship  beside  which  that  of 
President  seemed  for  the  moment  to  sink  into  insignificance.  It  was  as  his 
friends  that  they  heard  the  two  hymns  sung  and  the  passage  from  the  Bible 
read. 

It  was  so  impressive  that  the  people  who  were  there  stood  silent,  with 
something  tugging  at  their  throats  and  making  sobs  impossible.  There  were 
no  sobs  heard,  and  yet  there  were  those  there  who  had  known  the  dead 
President  all  his  life.  Many  eyes  were  filled  with  tears,  but  they  were  shed 
softly.  *  While  the  services  proceeded  there  was  no  audible  sound  of  grief. 

But  in  the  faces  of  every  one.  from  President  and  the  Cabinet  Ministers 
down  to  soldier  and  servant,  grief  of  the  deepest  kind  was  written  too  plainly 
to  be  mistaken,  and  the  tears  stole  silently  down  the  furrows  in  the  faces 
of  gray-haired  friends  who  had  known  intimately  the  man  whose  funeral 
it  was. 


THE    FUNERAL   SERVICE   AT   BUFFALO. 

The  service  at  the  Miiburn  house  began  a  few  minutes  after  1 1  o'clock 
and  it  was  over  in  about  fifteen  minutes. 

The  entire  military  and  naval  force  formed  in  company  front  near  the 
house  and  there  awaited  the  time  for  the  services  to  begin. 

Meantime  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  officials  high  in  the  government 
service,  and  near  friends  of  the  martyred  President  began  to  fill  the  walks 
leading  up  to  the  entrance  of  the  Miiburn  residence.  They  came  separately 
and  in  groups,  some  walking,  while  those  in  carriages  were  admitted  within 
the  roped  enclosure  up  to  the  curb. 

Two  and  two,  a  long  line  of  men  of  dignified  bearing  marched  up  to  see 
the  house — the  foreign  commissioners  sent  to  the  exposition,  and  after 
them  the  State  commissioners.  With  the  foreigners  was  a  colonel  of  the 
Mexican  army  in  his  full  uniform  of  black  with  scarlet  stripes  and  peaked 
gold  braided  cap.  The  other  members  of  the  Cabinet  in  the  city,  Secretary 
Long,  Attorney-General  Knox.  Postmaster  General  Smith,  the  close  confi- 
dants and  friends  of  the  late  chief,  Senator  Hanna,  Judge  Day,  Governors 
Odell,  Yates,  and  Gregory,  Representatives  Alexander  and  Ryan,  Major- 
General  Brooke,  E.  H.  Butler,  H.  H.  Kohlsaat,  and  many  others  were 
present. 

It  was  just  eight  minutes  before  the  opening  of  the  service  when  a  cov- 
ered barouche  drove  up  to  the  house,  bringing  President  Roosevelt  and 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wilcox,  at  whose  home  he  is  a  guest.  The  President  looked 
grave  as  he  alighted  and  turned  to  assist  Mrs.  Wilcox  from  the  carriage. 
His  face  did  not  relax  into  a  smile  to  the  salutation  of  those  nearest  the 
carriage,  but  he  acknowledged  the  greetings  silently  and  with  an  inclina- 
tion of  the  head.  Word  passed  up  the  well  filled  walk  that  the  President 
had  arrived,  and  those  waiting  to  gain  entrance  fell  back,  making  a  narrow 
lane,  through  which  Mr.  Roosevelt  passed  along  to  the  house. 

Outside  the  house  there  was  a  half  hour  of  silence  and  waiting.  Within 
the  house  of  death  was  woe  unspeakable. 

In  the  drawing-room,  to  the  right  of  the  hall,  as  President  Roosevelt 
entered,  the  dead  chieftain  was  stretched  upon  his  bier.  His  head  was  to 
the  rising  sun.  On  his  face  was  written  the  story  of  the  Christian  forbear- 
ance with  which  he  had  met  his  martyrdom.  Only  the  thinness  of  his 
face  bore  mute  testimony  to  the  patient  sufferin'g  he  had  endured. 

The  dead  President  was  dressed  as  he  always  was  in  life.  The  black 
frock  coat  was  buttoned  across  the  breast  where  the  first  bullet  of  the 
assassin  had  struck.  The  black  string  tie  below  the  standing  collar  showed 


THE    FUNERAL   SERVICE   AT    BUFFALO.  333 

the  little  triangle  of  white  shirt  front.  The  right  hand  lay  at  his  side.  The 
left  was  across  his  body.  He  looked  as  millions  of  his  countrymen  have 
seen  him. 

The  body  lay  in  a  black  casket  on  a  black  bearskin  rug.  Over  the  lower 
limbs  was  hung  the  starry  banner  he  had  loved  so  well.  The  flowers  were 
few,  as  befitted  the  simple  nature  of  the  man.  A  spray  of  white  chrysanthe- 
mums, a  flaming  bunch  of  blood  red  American  Beauty  roses,  and  a  magnifi- 
cent bunch  of  violets  were  on  the  casket.  That  was  all.  Behind  the  head, 
against  a  pier  mirror,  between  the  two  curtained  windows,  rested  two  superb 
wreaths  of  white  asters  and  roses.  These  were  the  only  flowers  in  the 
room. 

Two  sentries,  one  from  the  sea  and  one  from  the  land,  guarded  the 
remains.  They  stood  in  the  window  embrasures  behind  the  head  of  the 
casket.  The  one  on  the  north  was  a  sergeant  of  infantry.  In  the  other 
window  was  the  sailor,  garbed  in  the  loose  blue  blouse  of  the  navy. 

The  family  had  taken  leave  of  their  loved  one  before  the  others  arrived. 
Mrs.  Hobart,  widow  of  the  Vice-President  during  Mr.  McKinley's  first 
term;  Mrs.  Lafayette  McWilliams  of  Chicago,  Miss  Barber,  Miss  Mary 
Barber,  and  Dr.  Rixey  remained  with  Mrs.  McKkiley  during  the  services. 

The  other  members  of  the  family — Mr.  and  Mrs.  Abner  McKinley,  Miss 
Helen  McKinley,  Mrs.  Duncan,  Miss  Duncan,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Barber,  and 
Dr.  and  Mrs.  Baer — had  withdrawn  into  the  library  to  the  north  of  the 
drawing-room,  in  which  the  casket  lay,  and  here  also  gathered  other  friends 
when  the  service  was  held. 

The  friends  and  public  associates  of  the  dead  President  all  had  oppor- 
tunity to  view  the  remains  before  the  service  began.  The  members  of 
the  Cabinet  had  taken  their  leave  before  the  others  arrived.  They  remained 
seated  beside  their  dead  chief  while  the  sad  procession  viewed  the  body. 
They  were  on  the  north  side  of  it.  A  place  directly  at  the  head  had  been 
reserved  for  President  Roosevelt.  Secretary  Root  sat  alongside  this  empty 
chair.  'Then  came  Attorney-General  Knox,  Secretary  Long,  Secretary 
Hitchcock,  Secretary  Wilson,  and  Postmaster-General  Smith,  in  the  order 
named. 

Senator  Hanna  entered  the  room  at  this  time,  but  did  not  approach  the 
casket.  His  face  was  set  like  an  iron-willed  man  who  would  not  let  down 
the  barriers  of  his  grief.  The  Senator  spoke  to  no  one.  His  eyes  were 
vacant.  He  passed  through  the  throng  arid  seated  himself  behind  Governor 


334  THE    FUNERAL   SERVICE   AT   BUFFALO. 

Odell,  sinking  far  down  into  his  chair  and  resting  his  head  upon  his  hand. 
During  all  the  service  that  followed  he  did  not  stir. 

Just  before  n  o'clock  President  Roosevelt  entered,  coming  into  the 
room  from  the  rear  through  the  library.  After  passing  into  the  hall  he  had 
made  his  way  around  through  the  sitting-room  behind  into  the  library. 
There  was  an  instantaneous  movement  in  the  room  as  the  President  ap- 
peared. The  procession  was  still  passing  from  the  south  side,  around  the 
head  of  the  casket  and  back  between  it  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet 
seated  at  its  side. 

Every  one  rose  and  all  eyes  were  turned  toward  the  President.  He 
moved  forward  again  with  the  tide  of  the  procession  to  his  place  at  the  head 
of  the  line  of  Cabinet  officers.  He  held  himself  erect,  his  left  hand  carrying 
his  silk  hat.  Those  who  were  coming  toward  him  fell  back  on  either  side  to 
let  him  pass.  He  paused  once  or  twice  to  shake  hands  silently,  but  there 
was  no  smile  to  accompany  his  greetings.  He,  too,  like  the  man  deep  down 
in  his  seat  against  the  wall,  who  had  forgotten  to  rise  when  the  President  of 
the  United  States  entered,  seemed  to  be  restraining  a  great  grief. 

When  President  Roosevelt  reached  the  head  of  the  line  of  Cabinet  officers 
he  kept  his  face  away  from  the  casket.  The  infantryman  guarding  the  dead 
stood  before  him  rigid  as  a  statue.  Although  the  Commander-in-Chief 
approached  until  he  could  have  touched  him,  the  soldier  did  not  salute.  The 
President  spoke  to  Secretary  Root,  or  perhaps  it  would  be  more  precise  to 
say  that  the  latter  spoke  to  him. 

Colonel  Bingham,  the  aid  to  the  President,  standing  ten  feet  below  the 
foot  of  the  casket  at  the  side  of  the  loyal  Cortelyou,  glanced  in  the  direction 
of  the  Rev.  Charles  Edward  Locke  of  the  Delaware  Avenue  Methodist  Epis- 
copal Church,  who  was  to  conduct  the  service. 

The  pastor  was  at  the  door  leading  into  the  hall,  a  station  whence  his 
words  could  be  heard  at  the  head  of  the  stairs.  The  signal  was  given  and 
there  welled  out  from  the  hall  the  beautiful  words  of  "Lead,  Kindly  Light," 
sung  by  a  quartet.  It  was  one  of  President  McKinley's  favorite. hymns. 
Every  one  within  sound  of  the  music  knew  it  and  half  of  those  in  the  room 
put  their  faces  in  their  hands  to  hide  their  tears.  Controller  Dawres  leaned 
against  a  bookcase  and  wept.  President  Roosevelt  seemed  to  be  swaying 
to  and  fro  as  if  his  footing  were  insecure. 

When  the  singing  ended  the  clergyman  read  from  the  fifteenth  chapter 
of  the  First  Corinthians.  All  had  risen  as  he  began  and  remained  standing 
through  the  remainder  of  the  service.  Again  the  voices  rose  with  the  words 


THE    FUNERAL   SERVICE   AT   BUFFALO.  335 

of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  the  words  President  McKinley  had  repeated 
at  intervals  of  consciousness  during  the  day  of  agony  before  he  died.  As  the 
music  died  away  the  pastor  spoke  again. 

"Let  us  pray,"  he  said,  and  every  head  fell  upon  its  breast.  He  began 
his  invocation  with  a  stanza  from  a  hymn  sung  in  the  Methodist  Church. 
His  prayer  was  as  follows: 

"O,  God,  our  help  in  ages  past, 
Our  hope  for  years  to  come, 
Our  shelter  from  the  stormy  blast 
And  our  eternal  home. 

"We,  thy  servants,  humbly  beseech  thee  for  manifestations  of  thy  favor 
as  we  come  into  thy  presence.  We  laud  and  magnify  thy  holy  name  and 
praise  thee  for  all  thy  goodness.  Be  merciful  unto  us  and  bless  us,  as, 
stricken  with  overwhelming  sorrow,  we  come  to  thee.  Forgive  us  for  our 
doubts  and  fears  and  faltering  faith;  pardon  all  our  sins  and  shortcomings 
and  help  us  to  say,  Thy  will  be  done.' 

"In  this  dark  night  of  grief  abide  with  us  till  the  dawning.  Speak  to  our 
troubled  souls,  O  God,  and  give  to  us  in  this  hour  of  unutterable  grief  the 
peace  and  quiet  which  thy  presence  only  can  afford.  We  thank  thee  that 
thou  answerest  the  sobbing  sigh  of  the  heart,  and  dost  assure  us  that  if  a 
man  die  he  shall  live  again.  We  praise  thee  for  Jesus  Christ,  thy  Son,  our 
Savior  and  elder  brother;  that  he  came  'to  bring  life  and  immortality  to 
light,'  and  because  he  lives  we  shall  live  also.  We  thank  thee  that  death  is 
victory,  that  'to  die  is  gain.' 

"Have  mercy  upon  us  in  this  dispensation  of  thy  providence.  We  be- 
lieve in  thee,  we  trust  thee,  our  God  of  love — 'the  same  yesterday,  to-day, 
and  forever.'  We  thank  thee  for  the  unsullied  life  of  thy  servant,  our 
martyred  President,  whom  thou  hast  taken  to  his  coronation,  and  we  pray 
for  the  final  triumph  of  all  the  divine  principles  of  pure  character  and  free 
government  for  which  he  stood  while  he  lived  and  which  were  baptized  by 
his  blood  in  his  death. 

"Hear  our  prayer  for  blessings  of  consolation  upon  all  those  who  were 
associated  with  him  in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  government; 
especially  vouchsafe  thy  presence  to  thy  servant  who  has  been  suddenly 
called  to  assume  the  holy  responsibility  of  our  Chief  Magistrate. 

"O  God,  bless  our  dear  nation,  and  guide  the  ship  of  State  through 


336  THE   FUNERAL  SERVICE  AT   BUFFALO. 

stormy  seas;  help  thy  people  to  be  brave  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Lord 
and  wise  to  solve  all  the  problems  of  freedom. 

"Graciously  hear  us  for  comforting  blessings  to  rest  upon  the  family  circle 
of  our  departed  friend.  Tenderly  sustain  thine  handmaiden  upon  whom  the 
blow  of  this  sorrow  most  heavily  falls.  Accompany  her,  O  God,  as  thou 
hast  promised,  through  this  dark  valley  and  shadow,  and  may  she  fear  no  evil 
because  thou  art  with  her. 

"All  these  things  we  ask  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord,  who  has 
taught  us  when  we  pray  to  say,  'Our  Father,  who  art  in  Heaven,  hallowed 
be  thy  name.  Thy  kingdom  come;  thy  will  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in 
Heaven.  Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread,  and  forgive  us  our  trespasses  as 
we  forgive  those  who  trespass  against  us;  and  lead  us  not  into  temptation, 
but  deliver  us  from  evil,  for  thine  is  the  kingdom  and  the  power  and  the 
glory  forever.  Amen.* 

"May  the  grace  of  our  Lord,  Jesus  Christ,  the  love  of  God  the  Father, 
and  communion  of  the  Holy  Spirit  be  with  us  all  evermore.  Amen." 

All  present  joined  in  the  Lord's  prayer  as  the  minister  repeated  it,  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's  voice  being  audible  at  the  back  of  the  room. 

The  service  concluded  with  a  simple  benediction. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

LYING  IN  STATE  IN  BUFFALO. 

The  funeral  services  of  William  McKinley,  the  man,  took  place  in  the 
Milburn  house  in  Buffalo,  Sunday  morning,  September  15.  The  funeral  of 
William  McKinley,  the  President,  commenced  the  next  afternoon  in  the 
official  residence  of  the  city  where  he  died. 

At  the  city  hall  in  Buffalo  everything  was  as  he,  who  never  denied  the 
people's  desire  to  meet  him  face  to  face,  and  who  paid  with  his  life  for  the 
self-sacrifice,  would  have  had  it.  From  noon  into  another  day,  the  reverent 
thousands  upon  thousands  flowed  past  his  bier,  taking  a  last  look  on  the  face 
they  so  loved  for  what  it  meant  to  them  and  their  country. 

The  funeral  cortege  left  the  house  of  President  Milburn  of  the  exposi- 
tion at  1 1 145  o'clock.  Slowly  and  solemnly,  in  time  to  the  funeral  march,  it 
moved  between  two  huge  masses  of  men,  women  and  children,  stretching 
away  two  miles  and  a  half  to  the  city  hall.  Nearly  two  hours  were  required 
to  traverse  the  distance. 

Fully1  50,000  people  saw  it  pass.  They  were  packed  into  windows, 
perched  on  roofs,  massed  on  verandas,  and  compressed  into  solid  masses 
covering  the  broad  sidewalks  and  grass  plots.  Most  of  them  stood  bare- 
headed as  it  passed.  Young  and  old,  the  strong  and  the  age-bent  and  the 
lame  faced  it  with  hats  in  hand,  unmindful  of  wind  and  rain. 

All  eyes  were  on  the  hearse.  President  Roosevelt,  who  rode  first  in  the 
line,  might  have  claimed  some  attention  for  the  living  if  he  would.  Instead 
he  shrank  back  in  his  carriage  out  of  sight.  The  day  belonged  to  him  who 
had  gone,  and  the  new  President  would  have  it  so. 

The  Sixty-fifth  Regiment  New  York  National  Guard  band  led  the  line. 
Behind  it  were  the  military  escort  and  a  full  battalion  of  soldiers  made  up  of 
national  guardsmen,  United  States  infantry,  United  States  artillery  and 
United  States  marines-  Then  came  the  carriage  of  President  Roosevelt 
and  members  of  the  Cabinet,  preceding  the  hearse.  Behind  came  the  line 
of  carriages  of  friends  and  associates  of  the  dead  President. 

The  waiting  cadences  of  Chopin's  funeral  march  rose  and  fell.  In  the  tear- 
starting  productions  of  that  music-famed  Pole,  the  overflowing  heart  of  a 
nation,  mourning  the  foul  work  of  another  Pole,  found  bitterest  expression. 

339 


340  LYING  IN  STATE  IN  BUFFALO. 

The  liquid  tones  of  bells  attuned  came  up  from  the  southward  to  mellow 
Chopin's  funeral  cry  with  a  note  of  hope. 

While  the  military  band  poured  out  music  the  chimes  in  the  belfry  of  old 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral  reverently  rendered  "Abide  With  Me,"  "Nearer,  My 
God,  to  Thee,"  and  then  "America." 

All  night  decorators  had  been  at  work  preparing  the  city  hall.  Funeral 
bunting  was  draped  inside  and  outside.  During  the  storm  of  the  early 
morning  the  exterior  decorations  were  torn  down,  and  some  of  the  bunting 
became  entangled  in  the  machinery  of  the  great  clock  on  the  tower.  It 
stopped  with  the  hands  pointed  to  a  quarter  past  two,  the  hour  at  which  the 
President  had  breathed  his  last  on  the  preceding  night. 

A  block  away  ropes  had  been  stretched  across  the  streets  leading  to  the 
city  hall,  and  behind  these  the  crowd  was  massed  in  thousands.  Its  mere 
weight  pushed  the  ropes  out  of  place,  and  the  police  were  constantly  over- 
powered in  trying  to  hold  the  crowd  in  line  against  the  patient  multitude 
which  neither  threat  of  rain  nor  the  storm  itself  could  disturb. 

The  head  of  the  funeral  line  reached  the  city  hall  a  few  minutes  after 
noon.  The  military  escort  marched  down  past  the  main  entrance,  wheeled 
into  line  and  came  to  "present  arms"  at  the  moment  the  storm  which  had 
been  threatening  broke.  Rain  fell  in  torrents  and  belated  thunder  peals 
mingled  detonations  through  it. 

The  carriages  carrying  President  Roosevelt  and  the  Cabinet  members 
rolled  up  and  were  discharged.  Then  the  hearse  came,  and  four  sergeants 
of  the  United  States  army  and  four  quartermasters  from  the  naval  detach- 
ment lifted  the  casket  on  their  shoulders  and  bore  it  within,  while  the  band 
played  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 

Directly  above  the  spot  where  the  coffin  was  to  lie  there  was  a  dome  of 
black  bunting,  within  which  hung  straight  down  above  the  coffin  four 
American  flags,  forming  with  their  lower  edges  a  cross  which  pointed  to  the 
four  points  of  the  compass. 

President  Roosevelt  and  the  Cabinet  ranged  themselves  about  the  spot 
where  the  body  was  to.  rest.  Mr.  Roosevelt  stood  at  the  foot  of  the  coffin 
on  its  right  hand,  with  Secretary  Root  opposite  and  facing  him.  On  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's  left  were  Attorney-General  Knox,  Secretary  Long  and 
Secretary  Wilson.  On  Mr.  Root's  right  hand  were  Postmaster-General 
Smith,  Secretary  Hitchcock  and  Mr.  Cortelyou,  the  President's  private  sec- 
retary. 

The  casket's  upper  half  was  open.    The  lower  half  was  draped  in  a  flag 


LYING  IN  STATE  IN  BUFFALO.  341 

upon  which  were  masses  of  red  and  white  roses.  The  body  of  the  President 
lay  on  its  back  and  was  clad  in  a  black  frock  coat,  with  the  left  hand  resting 
across  the  breast.  One  glance  at  the  face,  startlingly  changed  from  its 
appearance  in  life,  told  the  story  of  the  suffering  which  had  been  endured 
before  death  came. 

Not  a  word  was  said.  As  soon  as  the  coffin  had  been  arranged,  President 
Roosevelt  and  Mr.  Root,  followed  by  the  other  secretaries,  led  the  way 
past  the  coffin  on  either  side,  each  glancing  for  a  moment  at  the  dead  face. 
They  then  passed  quickly  out  of  the  western  entrance.  Behind  them  came 
Senator  Hanna,  Senator  Fairbanks  and  about  one  hundred  more  men  and 
women  who  had  been  waiting  in  the  city  hall  or  who  had  accompanied  the 
body  from  the  Milburn  residence. 

President  Roosevelt  and  those  who  immediately  followed  him  had  passed 
out  of  the  building  at  eighteen  minutes  after  one  o'clock,  and  there  was  a 
slight  delay  while  the  guard  was  posted.  At  the  head  of  the  coffin  stood 
Sergeant  Galway  of  the  Seventy-fourth  Infantry  Regiment  of  the  regular 
army.  Chief  Master  at  Arms  Luze  of  the  Indiana  stood  facing  him  at  the 
foot  with  his  drawn  cutlass  at  his  shoulder.  On  the  south,  facing  the  coffin, 
stood  Sergeant  Gunther  of  the  Fourteenth  Regiment,  and  Coburn,  a  sailor 
from  the  Indiana,  stood  facing  him  on  the  north. 

The  lines  approached  the  eastern  entrance  from  Eagle  street  on  the  north 
and  Church  street  on  the  south.  They  were  formed  by  the  police,  two 
abreast,,  and  approached  the  hall  in  a  wide  sweeping  curve  of  humanity, 
which  was  drawn  in  constantly  at  the  entrance  of  the  building  where  the 
currents  joined.  Between  files  of  police  the  stream  from  the  north  passed 
by  on  the  north  side  of  the  coffin,  while  the  southern  stream  flowed  by  on 
the  south.  Both  passed  quickly  out  at  the  western  entrance  and  down  the 
steps,  dispersing  in  various  directions. 

Nothing  was  heard  in  the  building  but  the  tread  of  feet  on  the  marble 
floor  as  the  crowd  passed  through  without  stopping  at  the  rate  of  about 
one  hundred  and  sixty  a  minute.  Each  individual  had  time  only  for  a  hasty 
glance  as  he  was  urged  forward  by  the  police  and  by  those  who  followed. 
The  plan  was  so  arranged  that  four  persons  could  pass  the  coffin,  two 
abreast  on  each  side,  at  the  same  moment. 

As  the  afternoon  wore  on  and  the  lines  grew  longer  at  their  source,  much 
faster  than  they  were  melting  away  at  the  hall,  the  police  found  it  necessary 
to  urge  greater  haste  in  order  that  as  many  as  possible  might  be  admitted. 

"Move  right  along;   move  right  along,  now;   step  lively,  please;   hurry 


34S  LYING  IN  STATE  IN  BUFFALO. 

up;  move  right  up,  now,"  they  repeated  over  and  over,  at  the  same  time 
urging  the  crowd  forward  with  their  hands.  In  spite  of  their  efforts,  which 
necessarily  marred  to  some  extent  the  solemnity  of  the  scene,  the  crowds 
outside  continued  to  increase. 

The  great  majority  of  the  crowd  was  made  up  of  what  political  orators 
call  the  "common  people."  It  was  noticed  that  there  were  many  working- 
men  in  the  lines,  and  apparently  they  were  not  the  least  sincere  of  the 
mourners.  A  workingman  and  his  wife  and  children  were  the  first  to  see  the 
face  of  the  departed  President  when  the  lines  commenced  to  move. 

Nothing  could  more  clearly  show  the  hold  which  William  McKinley  had 
on  the  hearts  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  While  he  lived  they  gave 
him  their  votes.  Dead,  they  did  their  all  to  testify  the  regard  in  which 
they  held  him.  Accustomed  to  rising  early  six  days  in  the  week,  they  rose 
early  again  on  this  seventh  and  took  possession  of  the  streets.  From  break- 
fast time  until  afternoon  they  held  their  places. 

The  first  woman  seen  to  shed  a  tear  was  clad  in  rusty  brown.  Her  garb, 
neat  and  well  brushed  though  it  was,  and  the  knotted  finger  with  which  she 
clasped  a  faded  shawl,  told  of  life  by  hard  work.  She  looked  once  on  the 
dead  face  and  burst  into  tears. 

Men  and  women  struggled  along  for  hours  through  the  press  in  stolid 
patience  to  press  kisses  upon  the  cold  glass.  Little  children  were  led  past 
weeping  as  if  they  had  lost  a  father.  G.  A.  R.  men  marched  by,  lifting  their 
hands  to  their  hats  in  a  last  military  salute  to  "the  major"  and  the  President, 
who  was  to  them  also  "commander." 

Not  by  any  means  all  who  passed  were  born  under  the  flag  they  now 
call  theirs.  From  the  East  Side  came  troops  of  Poles,  denouncing  the  act 
of  Czolgosz,  their  countryman  in  blood.  Italians  came  in  troops,  their 
women  uncovering  shawled  heads  and  dropping  tears  for  the  man  whose 
language  they  probably  could  not  speak.  And  before  and  behind  through- 
out the  constant  stream  was  the  American  workingman,  bearing  himself  as  if 
he  realized  the  loss  of  his  best  friend. 

Among  the  foremost  to  reach  the  coffin  was  a  slender  man,  poorly 
dressed,  with  iron-gray  hair  and  mustache.  The  little  G.  A.  R.  copper  button 
was  in  his  coat  lapel.  Beside  the  coffin  he  leaned  over  and  made  a  menacing 
gesture  with  his  hand: 

"Curse  the  man  that  shot  you!"  he  said. 

The  police  urged  him  forward,  and  he  went  out  shaking  his  head  and 
muttering  against  the  anarchists. 


LYING  IN  STATE  IN  BUFFALO.  343 

Many  men  and  women  brought  with  them  young  children,  whom  they 
raised  in  their  arms  to  see  and  perhaps  remember  in  after  life  the  face  of  the 
President.  A  tattered  and  grimy  bootblack,  with  his  box  slung  over  his 
shoulder,  leading  by  the  hand  his  sister,  smaller  but  no  less  grimy  than  he, 
filed  by,  walking  on  tiptoe  to  see. 

The  Indians  came  in  the  late  afternoon,  fifty  chiefs  from  the  Pan-Amer- 
ican Indian  congress,  with  squaws  and  papooses.  Geronimo,  Blue  Horse, 
Flat  Iron,  Little  Wound  and  Red  Shirt  led  them.  Each  red  man,  little  or 
high,  carried  a  white  carnation  in  his  hand,  which  he  laid  reverently  upon 
the  coffin  of  the  "Great  Father."  Two  chubby  little  Indian  girls  forgot,  and 
went  on,  each  clasping  her  flower  in  a  little  brown  hand. 

The  storm  came  again  after  two  o'clock,  and  with  renewed  fury.  The 
rain  fell  in  torrents,  and  was  driven  by  the  wind  in  sheets  like  small  cataracts. 
But  the  lines  and  masses  of  people  waiting  for  a  chance  to  see  their  President 
for  a  last  time  never  wavered.  About  half  carried  umbrellas.  They  served 
no  purpose  except  to  further  drench  those  who  had  none,  until  the  wind 
caught  them,  turned  them  inside  out  and  whirled  them  into  the  gutters. 
Hats,  women's  as  well  as  men's,  followed. 

By  this  time  the  waiting  crowds  had  reached  the  most  cosmopolitan 
stage.  Silk-hatted  men  and  women  in  automobile  coats  waited  in  line  with 
mechanics  and  women  from  the  factories  and  stores.  All  were  drenched,  and 
all  seemed  alike  indifferent. 

They  came  through  the  city  hall  rotunda  with  water  streaming  from 
their  garments,  until  pools  and  rivers  formed  on  the  marble  floor.  Great 
baskets  of  sawdust  had  to  be  brought  in  and  spread  to  absorb  it  lest  people 
should  fall  on  the  slippery  floors. 

The  officials  of  the  exposition  and  the  representatives  of  foreign  govern- 
ments commissioned  to  attend  the  exposition  with  exhibits  from  other  coun- 
tries were  in  the  lines.  Soldiers  of  the  regular  army,  in  their  blue  cape  coats, 
went  by,  and  also  policemen  off  duty,  holding  their  helmets  in  their  hands. 
National  guardsmen  with  khaki  gaiters;  colored  men,  among  them  James 
Parker,  who  figured  in  the  capture  of  Czolgosz;  little  girls  in  their  Sunday 
dresses,  with  their  braided  hair  over  their  shoulders;  young  men,  husbands 
and  wives,  mothers  with  their  sons  or  daughters,  went  by  in  the  never-ending 
stream. 

Many  flowers  were  sent  to  the  house  and  others  were  sent  to  the  city 
hall.  Among  them  was  a  large  wreath  of  purple  asters,  with  a  card  on 
which  was  written: 


344  LYING  IN  STATE  IN  BUFFALO. 

"Farewell  of  Chief  Geronimo,  Blue  Horse,  Flat  Iron  and  Red  Shirt  and 
the  700  braves  of  the  Indian  congress.  Like  Lincoln  and  Garfield,  President 
McKinley  never  abused  authority  except  on  the  side  of  mercy.  The  mar- 
tyred Great  White  Chief  will  stand  in  memory  next  to  the  Savior  of  mankind. 
We  loved  him  living,  we  love  him  still." 

On  the  other  side  of  the  card  was  the  following: 

"Geronimo's  eulogy.  The  rainbow  of  hope  is  out  of  the  sky.  Heavy 
clouds  hang  about  us.  Tears  wet  the  ground  of  the  tepees.  The  chief  of  the 
nation  is  dead.  Farewell." 

Flowers  were  received  at  the  hall  also  from  Helen  Miller  Gould  Tent  No. 
8,  Daughters  of  Veterans;  from  the  commissioners  of  Chile  to  the  exposi- 
tion; from  Manuel  de  Aspiroz,  the  Mexican  Ambassador  to  the  United 
States,  and  his  family;  from  the  Cuban  commissioners  to  the  exposition; 
from  the  Mexican  commissioners,  and  from  General  Porfirio  Diaz,  President 
of  Mexico. 

Monotonously  the  streams  of  people  flowed  past  the  coffin  while  twilight 
fell  and  darkness  gathered.  The  interior  of  the  city  hall  was  illuminated  by 
electricity,  and  the  streets  in  the  vicinity  were  brightly  lighted.  Toward  sun- 
set the  sky  cleared,  and  there  was  an  immediate  increase  in  the  already  enor- 
mous crowds. 

The  endurance  of  the  people  finally  gave  out  at  II  o'clock  at  night. 
At  that  time  practically  everybody  who  sought  the  opportunity  had  seen 
the  dead  President  and  the  doors  were  closed.  The  military  guard  detailed 
by  order  of  General  Brooke  was  left  in  charge  of  the  body. 

A  death  mask  of  the  President's  face  was  made  by  Eduird  L.  A.  Pausch 
of  Hartford,  Conn.  Pausch  has  modeled  the  features  of  many  of  the  dis- 
tinguished men  who  have  died  in  this  country  in  recent  years.  The  mask  is  a 
faithful  reproduction  of  the  late  President  McKinley's  features. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 
THE    FUNERAL   TRAIN    TO    WASHINGTON. 

From  the  scene  of  President  McKinley's  assassination  to  the  Capital  of 
the  nation  the  hearse  of  the  murdered  President  made  its  way.  Through  al- 
most half  a  thousand  miles,  past  a  hundred  towns  that  had  been  blessed 
through  his  services,  between  two  lines  of  mourners  that  massed  in  unnum- 
bered throngs  all  the  way  from  Buffalo  to  Washington,  the  hurrying  train 
proceeded,  anguished  mourners  within  the  cars,  loving  and  sorrow-stricken 
friends  without. 

President  McKinley  had  left  Washington,  September  6,  1901,  in  the  full 
tide  of  life,  in  the  full  flush  of  hope  and  power.  His  cold  body,  with  life 
extinct,  started  on  the  return  Monday,  September  16,  housed  in  the  mourn- 
ful trappings  of  woe. 

From  7  o'clock  in  the  morning  to  8  o'clock  at  night  the  solemn  progress 
continued.  In  the  flush  of  the  September  dawn  the  nation's  dead  was  hurried 
out  of  the  city,  which,  waving  a  sad  farewell  with  its  one  hand,  clutched  tight 
his  murderer  with  the  other.  The  roar  of  mad  Niagara  sank  to  a  growl  of 
thirsty  vengeance  reserved  for  the  wretch  that  remained,  and  the  mists  rose 
up  from  the  deeps  of  the  dead,  and  bent  in  gentle  majesty  to  the  south  as  the 
echo  of  departing  wheels  wore  away. 

Never  was  such  a  funeral  procession.  Never  before  was  a  death  so  cause- 
less, a  chief  so  beloved  so  pitilessly  laid  low,  and  never  was  humanity  startled 
from  universal  peace  with  a  grief  so  sad. 

It  was  a  curious  journey  for  the  five  draped  cars,  with  their  engine  banked 
in  black.  The  half  hundred  attendants — the  widow  with  her  friends,  the  new 
President  with  his  advisers,  the  guards  and  escort  making  up  the  visible  gov- 
ernment of  the  nation,  hurrying  from  the  threshold  of  woe  to  the  vestibule  of 
a  new  administration. 

No  other  business  occupied  the  road's  attention  till  this  caravan  of  the 
dead  should  pass.  Ahead  of  it  ran  a  pilot  engine,  insuring  against  any  possi- 
ble accident.  Behind  it  all  business  waited  till  it  was  far  away. 

Loving  hearts  devised  new  forms  of  testimony  to  the  fallen  chief,  and 
gentle  hands  discharged  the  duties  that  the  day  imposed.  Time  and  again 
the  track  was  heaped  for  rods  with  all  manner  of  flowers  before  the  on-com- 

345 


3-16  THE  FUNERAL  TRAIN  TO  WASHINGTON. 

ing  train.  American  Beauty  roses  were  piled  above  the  rails.  Glowing 
asters  and  gleaming  violets  alternated  with  wild  flowers  and  the  vivid  reds 
and  yellows  of  autumn  leaves.  And  the  iron  wheels  that  whirled  the  funeral 
party  south  cut  through  the  banks  of  bloom  and  filled  the  air  with  perfume 
as  fragrant  as  the  nation's  love. 

Schools  were  dismissed,  and  little  groups  of  boys  and  girls  stood  in  silent, 
puzzled  wonder  as  the  train  rolled  past.  At  every  cross-road  from  dawn  to 
dark  were  gathered  farmers'  teams,  with  men  and  women,  waiting  to  pay 
their  silent,  tearful  tribute  to  the  dead.  At  every  town  the  flags  were  held 
at  half-mast,  and  the  streets  were  crowded  with  the  masses  of  Americans  sin- 
cere in  their  sympathy  for  the  living,  profoundly  sorrowing  for  the  dead. 

There  were  traces  of  tears  in  every  face.  There  were  evidences  of  respect 
in  every  attitude.  The  bells  of  every  village  tolled  while  the  flag-draped 
coffin  went  hurrying  past. 

Nothing  more  pathetic  marked  the  whole  procession  than  the  homely 
badges  of  black  and  purple  ribbon  worn  by  men  in  the  towns  and  little  cities. 
There  had  been  no  time  for  the  emblems  of  factory  fashioning  to  reach  them, 
and  little  rosettes  composed  by  women's  hands  dotted  the  bosoms  of  dresses 
and  the  lapels  of  coats. 

Business  was  suspended.  All  interest  in  life  was  held  in  abeyance,  for  the 
nation's  dead  was  going  by. 

The  one  relief  to  this  monotone  of  woe  was  furnished  by  lads  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, who  took  coins  from  their  slender  stores  of  saving,  and  laid  them  on 
the  rails,  rescuing  them,  flattened,  when  the  train  had  passed.  And  they  will 
preserve  these  among  their  treasures  to  the  end  of  life. 

Down  the  Susquehanna  River  the  banks  seemed  lined  with  watchers,  who 
had  assembled  for  a  view,  the  one  tribute  possible  for  them  to  pay.  Upon  the 
opposite  side  of  the  track  a  highway  ran,  and  farmers'  homes,  fronting  it, 
were  draped  in  mourning,  and  in  their  windows  displayed  the  portraits  of 
the  President  so  foully  slain,  with  flags  and  flowers  wreathed  into  borders, 
and  flashing  their  testimony  of  sorrow  to  those  who  accompanied  the  dead. 
Shortly  after  leaving  Buffalo  Mrs.  McKinley  was  persuaded  to  lie  down, 
and  she  rested  there  undisturbed  for  hours,  her  friends  watching  her  con- 
tinually, and  attentive  to  her  every  want.  She  was  speechless,  simply  staring 
straight  before  her  as  if  the  meaning  of  this  awful  blow  could  not  be  compre- 
hended. Toward  noon  she  rose,  and  sat  at  a  window,  looking  off  at  the  fleeting 
panorama  of  hills  and  fields,  and  reverent  friends  who  vainly  yearned  to 
lighten  her  sorrow.  There  were  no  tears  until  the  train  paired  in  the  station 


THE  FUNERAL  TRAIN  TO  WASHINGTON.  347 

at  Harrisburg.  The  crowds  had  been  very  dense,  and  she  became  conscious 
that  thousands  peered  intently  into  the  coaches  as  they  passed;  so  she  moved 
away  from  the  window  and  still  sat  silent.  There  was  a  moment's  wait  in  the 
station  and  then  the  iron  arches  of  the  roof  rang  with  the  swelling  numbers 
of  the  song,  "Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee!"  The  Harrisburg  Choral  Society, 
300  strong,  had  assembled  at  the  farther  wall ;  and  the  rolling  tide  of  its  mel- 
ody filled  the  great  structure.  It  came  to  the  silent  little  woman  in  the  sec- 
ond coach,  so  sadly,  hopelessly  alone;  and  she  bowed  her  head  and  wept. 

As  the  train  pulled  out  the  Choral  Society  took  up  the  lines :  "My  Coun- 
try, 'Tis  of  Thee;"  and  as  the  sorrowing  guardians  were  hurried  away  ten 
thousand  voices  in  the  crowd  outside  the  depot  and  along  the  streets  evi- 
dently without  prearrangement,  joined  in  that,  their  funeral  anthem: 

"Our  Father's  God,  to  Thee, 
Author  of  Liberty, 

To  Thee  we  sing. 
Long  may  our  land  be  bright 
With  Freedom's  holy  light — 
Protect  us  with  Thy  might, 

Great  God,  our  King!" 

Through  its  wavering  melody  sounded  the  note  of  a  bugle.  A  trum- 
peter was  sounding  "Taps." 

President  Roosevelt,  his  Cabinet  and  friends  occupied  the  fourth  car,  and 
transacted  such  business  as  could  not  be  postponed.  Between  them  and 
Mrs.  McKinley's  coach  was  a  combination  diner  and  buffet  car;  and  there 
the  new  President  went  for  luncheon  at  noon.  The  women  who  attended 
Mrs.  McKinley  brought  refreshments  to  her,  and  urged  her  to  eat;  but  she 
could  not.  The  forward  car,  a  "combination,"  was  occupied  by  the  mem- 
bers of  the  escort  party  and  a  number  of  correspondents,  while  in  the  com- 
partment immediately  back  of  the  engine  such  baggage  as  was  necessary  for 
the  party's  immediate  use  was  stored. 

The  last  car  on  the  train  was  an  observation  car,  in  the  center  of  which 
the  casket  was  placed.  About  it  was  grouped  the  sentinels  from  the  army 
and  the  navy — whose  guardian  care  was  no  longer  needed;  and  beside  it  re- 
posed masses  of  floral  offerings.  The  car  was  so  arranged  that  a  view  of  the 
interior  could  be  had  by  the  crowds  that  were  passed. 

At  Baltimore  the  train  was  reversed,  the  catafalque  car  being  placed  in 
front,  while  the  others  occupied  their  relative  positions  in  the  rear. 


348  THE  FUNERAL  TRAIN  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Darkness  came  shortly  after  the  train  left  Baltimore,  and  the  lights  of 
farm  houses  in  the  country  still  revealed  the  waiting  watchers — always  stand- 
ing, always  uncovered,  always  mutely  joining  in  the  universal  expression  of 
grief. 

Night  enveloped  the  Capital  City  in  its  mighty  pall  as  the  funeral  proces- 
sion ended.  The  train  pulled  into  the  depot  at  8:38.  The  run  from  Buffalo 
had  been  made  in  an  average  of  thirty-five  miles  an  hour.  The  President 
and  his  friends  alighted.  Mrs.  McKinley  was  assisted  to  her  carriage.  The 
stalwart  soldiers  and  sailors  gently  lifted  the  casket  from  its  place  in  the  car 
and  carried  it  through  a  waiting,  silent,  tearful  crowd,  to  the  hearse  at  the 
gates,  and  it  was  driven  slowly  along  the  streets  to  the  White  House. 

It  was  a  sad  home-coming.  Just  two  weeks  before  President  McKinley, 
full  of  life  and  crowned  with  all  the  honors  that  a  successful  career  could 
earn,  happy  in  the  love  of  his  people  and  the  respect  of  the  world,  had  gone 
to  visit  the  Buffalo  Exposition;  to  lend  some  measure  of  encouragement  to 
that  enterprise,  and  to  see  the  marvels  that  had  been  there  assembled.  In  the 
midst  of  them  he  had  fallen.  And  here,  at  the  end  of  a  fortnight,  in  the  dark- 
ness of  an  autumn  night,  in  the  silence  of  an  inexpressible  sorrow,  his  hearse 
was  rolling  dully  along  the  avenue,  and  only  the  prayers  and  eulogies  and 
lying  in  state  separated  all  that  was  mortal  of  William  McKinley  from  the 
unending  rest  of  the  grave. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

THE  LAST  NIGHT  IN  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Borne  upon  the  shoulders  of  stalwart  representatives  of  the  army  and 
navy,  of  which  he  had  been  Commander-in-Chief  for  more  than  four  years, 
all  that  was  mortal  of  William  McKinley,  late  President  of  the  United  States, 
was  returned  to  the  capital  of  the  nation. 

As  President  McKinley  left  the  White  House  the  morning  of  July  5  for 
a  vacation  trip  to  his  home  at  Canton,  O.,  some  of  the  attaches  of  the 
Executive  Mansion  assembled  on  the  portico  to  bid  him  a  fond  farewell  and 
express  their  hope  for  a  pleasant  trip. 

"Take  good  care  of  yourselves,  boys,  until  I  come  back  in  the  fall,"  was 
the  President's  response  as  he  entered  his  waiting  carriage  and  was  driven 
to  the  railroad  station  to  take  the  train  for  home.  These  were  the  last  words 
ever  uttered  by  William  McKinley  in  the  shadow  of  the  big  white  mansion 
which  had  been  his  official  residence  since  March  4,  1897. 

He  came  back  in  the  fall,  as  he  had  promised  he  would,  not  in  the  flush 
of  manhood,  buoyant  in  spirits  and  recuperated  from  the  arduous  duties  of 
his  official  position,  but  in  a  narrow,  black-cloth-covered  casket,  around 
which  were  draped  the  colors  he  had  fought  to  defend  when  in  his  teens, 
and  which  in  maturer  years  he  had  seen  floating  victoriously  in  every  quarter 
of  the  globe. 

Following  his  bier  as  chief  mourner  came  his  successor  to  the  Presidency, 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  accompanied  by  the  members  of  his  official  family 
and  thousands  of  his  countrymen,  who  mourned  in  silence  his  untimely  end. 

Never  before  in  the  history  of  the  capital  of  this  nation  has  such  a  scene 
been  witnessed  as  that  presented  along  the  magnificent  boulevard  known  as 
Pennsylvania  avenue.  Although  it  was  well-nigh  impossible  to  distinguish 
anything  perfectly  in  the  gjoom  of  the  night,  mothers  brought  their  children 
in  arms,  and  stood  patiently  watching  until  the  cavalcade  passed  up  the 
avenue  and  was  finally  hidden  from  view  in  the  grounds  surrounding  the 
Executive  Mansion. 

It  was  a  distinguished  party  which  awaited  at  the  Pennsylvania  railroad 
station  the  home-coming  of  William  McKinley. 

Among  the  first  arrivals  at  the  railroad  station  were  Secretary  of  State 

340 


35G  THE   LAST  NIGHT   IN  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

Hay  and  Secretary  Gage  of  the  Treasury  department.  Both  wore  upon 
their  high  silk  hats  mourning  bands  for  members  of  their  own  families — 
the  Secretary  of  State  for  a  son  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  a  wife 
who  was  one  of  the  most  notable  figures  of  the  administration  now  closed. 

While  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  funeral  train  a  passenger  train  pulled 
into  the  station  from  the  west,  and  among  those  who  alighted  and  pushed 
his  way  through  the  crowd  was  Senator  William  E.  Mason  of  Illinois,  accom- 
panied by  his  wife  and  little  ones.  As  the  Senator  from  Illinois  passed 
through  the  crowd  he  was  recognized,  and  amid  the  hum  and  buzz  of  con- 
versation could  be  distinguished  the  words:  "There  goes  Senator  Mason." 

Meanwhile  the  crowd  on  the  station  platform  was  each  second  becoming 
augmented  by  the  arrival  of  men  distinguished  in  army  and  navy  circles  and 
the  walks  of  civil  life.  Judson  Lyons,  Register  of  the  United  States  Treas- 
ury/ whose  name  adorns  every  bank  note  of  the  government,  was  con- 
spicuous in  the  throng,  not  only  on  account  of  his  towering  height  and 
figure  but  for  his  color  as  well,  for  the  successor  of  General  Rosecrans, 
formerly  Register  of  the  Treasury,  is  a  negro. 

Nodding  plumes  of  yellow,  red,  and  white,  marking  the  different 
branches  of  the  army,  cavalry,  artillery,  and  infantry,  respectively,  were 
conspicuous  in  the  throng,  while  the  gold  laced  and  chapeaued  naval  officers 
present  reminded  the  spectator  of  an  army  and  navy  reception  night  at  the 
White  House. 

To  add  to  this  effect,  there  was  Captain  Charles  McCauley  of  the  Marine 
Corps  and  Captain  J.  C.  Gilmore  of  the  artillery,  both  of  whom  had  been 
detailed  at  the  Executive  Mansion  by  President  McKinley  to  assist  him  in 
receiving  the  public  at  the  various  receptions  held  during  the  gay  season 
when  in  charge  of  the  State,  War,  and  Navy  department  here;  Sergeant-at- 
Arms  Ransdell  of  the  United  States  Senate,  the  bosom  friend  and  com- 
panion of  the  late  President  Harrison,  who  appointed  him  Marshal  of  the 
District  of  Columbia;  Acting  Secretary  of  War  William  Gary  Sanger; 
Colonel  Frank  Denny,  U.  S.  Marine  Corps;  Lieutenant  Thomas  Wood, 
President  McFarland,  and  Commissioner  John  W.  Ross  of  the  District  of 
Columbia;  Chief  Wilkie  of  the  U.  S.  Secret  Service;  General  George  H. 
Harries  and  the  members  of  the  staff  of  the  National  Guard  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  in  full  uniform. 

Standing  at  attention  in  full  dress  uniform,  with  swords  at  their  side, 
stood  a  dozen  sergeants  of  the  Signal  Corps  of  the  United  States  Army, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Charles  McKay  Saltzman.  It  was  to  be 


THE   LAST   NIGHT   IN   THE   WHITE    HOUSE.  351 

their  solemn  duty  to  act  as  body  bearers  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  relieving  the  sailors  and  soldiers  who  had  performed  this  duty  from 
Buffalo  to  the  Capitol.  These  body  bearers  were  George  H.  Kelly,  Isaac 
Hamilton,  Frank  Gunnard,  Harry  T.  Burlingame,  Stephen  Bledsoe,  Eugene 
Lazar,  Joseph  H.  Embleton,  Harry  S.  Gribbelle,  Charles  G.  Monroe, 
William  H.  Taylor,  Thomas  A.  Davis,  and  James  S.  Holmes. 

Not  a  loud  word  was  uttered,  and  the  scene  about  the  station  was  of  a 
most  awe-inspiring  and  impressive  nature  as  an  engine  draped  with  black 
came  slowly  puffing  into  the  shed,  and  instantly  all  heads  were  bared.  It 
was  the  engine  drawing  the  funeral  party,  and  a  hush  of  expectancy  per- 
vaded the  entire  group  gathered  upon  the  platform  to  await  its  coming. 
Hardly  had  the  driving  wheels  ceased  to  revolve  before  the  body  bearers 
were  boarding  the  front  car,  which  contained  the  casket  and  floral  tributes, 
which  almost  concealed  from  view  the  earthly  remains  of  William  McKinley. 
Secretaries  Hay  and  Gage  led  a  mournful  procession  to  the  rear  car  of  the 
train,  in  which  President  Roosevelt  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were 
seated. 

In  deference  to  the  wishes  of  Mrs.  McKinley,  the  family,  and  immediate 
relatives  of  the  President,  a  passageway  was  opened  for  them  at  the  lower 
end  of  the  platform  in  order  that  they  might  evade  the  gaze  of  a  curious 
crowd.  Carriages  were  drawn  up  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  train,  and, 
assisted  by  Colonel  Bingham  and  Dr.  Rixey,  Mrs.  McKinley  was  led  to  a 
victoria  and  driven  to  the  White  House.  She  seemed  to  be  bearing  up 
remarkably  well  under  the  strain  to  which  she  has  been  subjected,  although 
the  lines  under  her  eyes  and  the  haggard  expression  of  the  features  showed 
it  was  only  by  the  greatest  exertion  of  will  power  that  she  was  being 
restrained  from  a  collapse. 

Abner  McKinley  and  his  family  occupied  nie  next  two  carriages,  and 
Mrs.  Baer,  formerly  Miss  Mabel  McKinley,  and  her  husband,  were  assigned 
a  carriage  to  themselves.  Mrs.  Baer  was  attired  in  deep  mourning,  and  it 
was  with  difficulty,  even  with  the  aid  of  her  crutches,  that  she  could  sustain 
herself  sufficiently  to  traverse  the  short  distance  from  the  train  to  her 
carriage. 

While  this  scene  was  in  the  focus  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  guard 
of  honor,  composed  of  army  and  navy  officers,  were  escorting  President 
Roosevelt  from  his  car  to  his  position  in  the  carriage  just  behind  the  hearse 
which  was  to  convey  the  body  of  his  predecessor  to  the  executive  mansion. 
Close  beside  the  President  walked  big  George  Foster,  the  secret  service 


352  THE   LAST  NIGHT   IN   THE  WHITE   HOUSE. 

agent,  who  had  accompanied  President  McKinley  on  nearly  all  of  his  trips. 

General  John  R.  Brooke  walked  beside  the  President  on  the  left,  and 
immediately  behind  came  Secretaries  Gage  and  Hay,  walking  arm  in  arm. 
Five  special  detectives  kept  guard  over  this  quartet — Sergeants  Clark  and 
Foy  of  New  York,  Detective  Carroll  of  Newark,  N.  J.,  and  Detectives  Helan 
and  McNamee  of  Washington. 

These  detectives  had  instructions  not  to  let  the  President  out  of  their 
sight  until  he  was  safely  ensconced  in  his  house,  the  residence  of  his  brother- 
in-law,  Paymaster  W.  S.  Cowles  of  the  United  States  Navy,  in  the  fash- 
ionable part  of  Washington.  As  soon  as  the  President  entered  his  carnage 
with  General  Brooke  the  detectives  closed  around  it  and  permitted  no  one 
to  come  within  twenty  feet  of  its  occupant. 

Prior  to  the  President  entering  his  carriage  there  was  a  delay  for  a  few 
minutes  at  the  entrance  to  the  baggage-room  to  permit  the  remains  of 
President  McKinley  to  be  borne  through  the  crowd  and  placed  in  the  hearse 
awaiting  them.  This  sable  equipage  was  drawn  by  six  black  horses,  each 
animal  covered  with  a  heavy  black  netting,  and  each  horse  led  by  a  negro 
groom  in  regulation  funeral  dress. 

There  was  a  shuffling  of  feet  as  the  crowd  of  distinguished  men  in  attend- 
ance upon  the  President  followed  his  footsteps,  which  led  towards  waiting 
carriages  and,  surrounded  by  clattering  cavalry  and  fully  equipped  infantry, 
President  Roosevelt  and  the  escort  left  the  railroad  station  and  started  up 
Pennsylvania  avenue  through  the  lanes  of  people,  who  occupied  every  avail- 
able inch  of  room  from  the  curbstone  to  the  building  line  of  the  houses 
against  which  they  pressed. 

It  was  a  weird  but  solemn  spectacle  that  greeted  the  vision  of  President 
Roosevelt  and  his  escort  as  they  rode  through  the  silent  streets  of  the  capital 
to  make  preparation  for  the  funeral  services  to  be  held  in  the  Capitol  Build- 
ing next  day.  Men,  women,  and  children  peered  into  the  darkness  in  a 
vain  endeavor  to  ascertain  who  were  the  occupants  of  the  carriages,  but  in 
this  they  were  disappointed,  for  darkness  threw  a  veil  over  the  scene  from 
one  end  of  the  route  to  the  other. 

All  that  could  be  seen  was  the  gleam  of  sabers  as  the  cavalry  clattered 
up  the  avenue  and  the  gleam  of  a  musket  barrel  and  the  glitter  of  gold  lace 
when  an  electric  light  or  a  gas  jet  threw  some  gleams  of  radiance  upon 
them. 

Not  a  word  was  uttered  during  that  solemn  drive,  and  Theodore  Roose- 
velt, twenty-sixth  President  of  the  United  States,  was  not  even  visible  as 


THE   LAST   NIGHT   IN   THE  WHITE   HOUSE.  353 

he  came  to  take  the  position  which  had  been  filled  so  ably  and  efficiently 
by  William  McKinley. 

It  was  a  different  inauguration  procession  from  that  in  which  President 
Roosevelt  participated  last  March,  for  while  on  that  occasion  there  was 
glad  acclaim  and  exulting  shouts  of  gratified  patriots,  on  this  occasion  there 
was  silence,  somberness,  and  gloom,  painful  in  its  intensity. 

And  thus  Theodore  Roosevelt  entered  the  Capitol  of  the  nation  to 
become  the  first  citizen  of  the  greatest  republic  on  earth. 

In  the  east  room  at  the  White  House,  where  President  McKinley  so 
often  was  the  central  figure  of  noble  gatherings,  his  mortal  remains  were 
placed.  It  was  his  last  night  in  the  place  he  had  made  his  home  for  four 
and  one-half  years. 

Up-stairs  tbe  widow  occupied  the  room  where  she  underwent  so  much 
suffering  and  where  she  was  nursed  back  to  health  by  the  devoted  husband 
who  now  is  lost  to  her  for  all  time. 

Except  for  the  immediate  family,  the  guards,  and  the  servants,  the  execu- 
tive mansion  was  deserted,  the  public  retiring  and  leaving  those  nearest 
and  dearest  to  the  dead  President  alone  with  their  grief. 

Throughout  the  day  workmen  had  been  busy  placing  the  great  east 
room  in  condition  for  the  reception  of  the  body  of  the  dead  President. 
That  immense  room,  in  which  President  McKinley  had  participated  in  so 
many  public  functions,  and  had  taken  the  hands  of  thousands  of  his  country- 
men, was  transformed  into  a  tomb  for  the  time  being,  and  all  evidences  of 
past  festivities  were  removed. 

It  was  in  this  same  room  that  the  remains  of  Lincoln,  Garfield,  Secretary 
of  State  Gresham,  and  other  distinguished  public  servants  rested  before 
final  interment.  It  was  also  in  this  magnificent  apartment  that  Nellie  Grant 
was  married  to  Algernon  Sartoris  of  England  while  her  father  was  President. 

As  the  shades  of  evening  began  to  fall  the  guards  around  the  White 
House  were  doubled.  The  gates  were  closed  and  policemen  were  stationed 
at  the  various  entrances,  with  positive  instructions  to  allow  no  one  to  pass 
except  those  on  actual  duty  in  an  official  capacity. 

In  the  meantime  the  interior  of  the  east  room  had  been  robbed  of  its 
barren  appearance  by  the  placing  of  a  number  of  potted  plants  and  palms 
around  the  room  and  in  the  recesses  of  the  windows.  In  addition  to  the 
floral  decorations  from  the  Executive  greenhouses  the  tributes  from  foreign 
and  domestic  officials  converted  the  room  into  a  beautiful  and  fragrant 
floral  bower. 


354  THE   LAST   NIGHT   IN   THE  WHITE   HOUSE. 

The  display  of  floral  tributes  deposited  in  the  east  room  was  perhaps 
never  equaled  in  the  history  of  a  public  or  private  funeral  in  the  United 
States.  The  predominating  emblems  were  laurel  wreaths,  but  they  were 
so  diversified  in  construction  and  ornamentation  with  colored  flowers  and 
ribbons  that  no  two  pieces  were  actually  alike. 

One  of  the  most  striking  set  pieces  was  an  immense  shield,  appropriately 
inscribed,  and  profusely  decorated  with  purple  ribbon,  from  "The  American 
Army  in  the  Philippines."  This  floral  tribute  was  made  up  on  an  order 
by  cable  at  a  cost  of  over  $500.  Another  striking  piece  was  an  immense 
floral  pedestal,  surmounted  by  a  floral  wreath,  standing  twelve  feet  high. 
This  came  from  the  Commissioner  of  Pensions  and  his  associates  in  the 
Pension  bureau.  There  were  magnificent  wreaths  from  Mrs.  Garret  A. 
Hobart,  the  wife  of  the  late  Vice-President,  also  one  from  the  government 
of  Costa  Rica,  one  from  the  President  of  Costa  Rica,  Rafael  Iglesais. 

An  immense  laurel  wreath,  decorated  with  yellow,  blue,  and  red  ribbons, 
came  from  the  Colombian  Legation.  There  was  also  an  immense  wreath 
of  orchids  inscribed  from  the  Municipality  of  Havana,  Cuba. 

And  there,  sleeping  the  dreamless  sleep  of  death,  beneath  a  wilderness 
of  blossoms  from  the  loving  hands  of  his  countrymen,  William  McKinley 
passed  his  last  night  in  the  White  House. 


CROWDS  VIEWING  THE  REMAINS  AT  THE 
COURT  HOUSE,  CANTON. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

FUNERAL   SERVICES  AND   PROCESSION   AT  WASHINGTON. 

At  9  o'clock  Tuesday  morning,  September  17,  1901,  the  funeral  cortege 
of  William  McKinley,  twenty-fifth  President  of  the  United  States,  third 
incumbent  of  the  office  to  fall  by  an  assassin's  hand,  started  from  the  White 
House  toward  the  capitol.  President  Roosevelt,  accompanied  by  his  wife 
and  sister,  arrived  half  an  hour  earlier  at  the  Executive  Mansion,  and  were 
given  seats  in  the  big  Red  Room.  Almost  immediately  after  came  former 
President  Cleveland,  with  Daniel  Lament.  Others,  notable  in  the  official 
-and  social  life  of  the  nation,  quickly  assembled,  and  the  rooms  and  corridors 
were  filled  with  a  silent,  sorrowful  throng.  Just  before  9  o'clock  Senator 
Hanna  came  into  the  room.  He  is  visibly  aged  by  the  events  of  the  past 
fortnight.  His  face  seems  drawn  and  pallid,"  his  form  is  less  erect,  and  all 
that  vigorous,  quickly  deciding  manner  seems  gone. 

Precisely  at  the  hour  appointed  the  big  men  from  the  ranks  of  the  Army 
and  the  Navy  lifted  the  black  casket  of  him  who  had  been  named  "Our  Well 
Beloved,"  and  carried  for  the  last  time  through  the  doors  and  down  to  the 
waiting  hearse.  There  was  on  the  part  of  the  thousands,  both  those  of  the 
party  and  the  throngs  outside,  an  instant  recognition  of  the  contrast  be- 
tween this  departure  from  the  White  House,  and  William  McKinley's  other 
passings  through  its  doors. 

A  long  line  of  carriages  waited  in  the  streets,  and  scores  of  others  were 
massed  in  the  ample  grounds  at  the  east  front  of  the  mansion.  The  muffled 
drums  beat  the  long  roll,  the  military  band  played  "Nearer,  My  God,  to 
Thee;"  and  then,  as  the  solemn  march  began,  the  mournful  strains  of  the 
"Dead  March  from  Saul"  were  borne  by  the  morning  breezes  over  the 
assembled  thousands. 

President  Roosevelt,  with  his  wife  and  sister,  occupied  the  first  carriage 
behind  the  hearse,  a  band  of  black  crepe  bound  about  his  arm.  The  carriage 
was  drawn  by  four  black  horses.  Next  in  order  came  the  carriage  of  Grover 
Cleveland,  who  was  accompanied  by  General  John  M.  Wilson  and  Robley 
D.  Evans.  Following  directly  came  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in 
their  robes  of  office.  Army  and  navy  men,  in  full  uniform,  continued  the 
slow  moving  procession.  Representatives  of  foreign  governments  in  all 
their  trappings  of  state,  followed  in  order.  One  carriage  was  occupied  by 

357 


358  FUNERAL  SERVICES  AT  WASHINGTON. 

Hon.  Gerald  Lowther,  of  the  British  Legation,  assigned  by  a  cabled  order  to 
personally  represent  King  Edward  VII.  of  England. 

Major-General  John  R.  Brooks  commanded  the  entire  line,  riding  a 
splendid  black  charger.  He  was  surrounded  with  his  aides,  all  well  mounted. 

A  cold  rain  began  to  fall  as  the  procession  started  from  the  White  House. 
It  at  no  time  amounted  to  a  heavy  shower,  but  the  chilling  "drizzle"  which 
marked  Mr.  McKinley's  second  inauguration  was  precisely  repeated  in  this 
his  last  progress  to  the  capitol.  The  flags  were  limp.  The  banners  were 
drooping.  The  wealth  of  mourning  decoration  on  buildings  laid  flat  against 
the  walls.  As  the  cortege  wound  down  into  Pennsylvania  avenue  it  passed 
between  gathered  thousands  of  people  who  banked  the  great  highway  from 
end  to  end,  and  stood  in  reverent  silence  while  the  dead  went  by. 

In  that  procession  were  soldiers  and  sailors  from  every  service,  civic 
societies,  a  camp  of  United  Confederate  Veterans  from  Alexandria,  Virginia, 
and  a  host  of  miscellaneous  organizations.  The  home  of  the  nation's  gov- 
ernment awaited  the  cortege  in  silent  simplicity.  A  flag,  flying  at  half  mast 
over  the  marble  entrance,  was  the  only  sign  of  mourning.  The  law  decrees 
that  the  government  buildings  in  Washington  shall  not  be  draped,  and  they 
wore  no  visible  sign  of  the  nation's  bereavement. 

Time  and  again  as  the  line  moved  from  west  to  east  the  notes  of  that 
plaintive  song,  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  rose  on  the  air.  At  the  steps 
of  the  capitol  a  bugle  sounded  the  silver  notes  of  "Church  Call."  The 
soldiers  and  sailors  lifted  the  casket  again  from  the  hearse,  and  carried  it 
with  solemn  strides  up  the  long  flight  of  marble  steps  to  the  open  portal, 
and  deposited  it  on  the  catafalque  directly  in  the  center  of  the  rotunda, 
beneath  the  mighty  dome  which  crowns  the  capitol.  The  friends  and  late 
advisers  of  the  nation's  chief,  the  notable  men  of  the  country  filed  in  and 
grouped  themselves  to  the  north  of  the  center.  Airs.  McKinley  was  not 
present.  In  her  weakened  condition  it  was  thought  wise  to  afford  her  all 
possible  repose,  as  the  trip  to  Canton  will  tax  all  her  little  store  of  strength. 

A  hush  as  of  death  fell  upon  the  assembly,  and  then,  beginning  softly, 
but  swelling  grandly  as  the  hymn  progressed,  a  choir  sang  Cardinal  New- 
man's touching  hymn:  "Lead,  Kindly  Light." 

Lead,  kindly  light,  amid  the  encircling  gloom, 

Lead  thou  me  on! 
The  night  is  dark,  and  I  am  far  from  home, 

Lead  thou  me  on! 


FUNERAL   SERVICES   AT   WASHINGTON.  359 

Keep  thou  my  feet;  I  do  not  ask  to  see 
The  distant  scene — one  step's  enough  for  me. 
I  was  not  ever  thus,  nor  prayed  that  thou 

Shouldst  lead  me  on; 
I  loved  to  choose  and  see  my  path,  but  now 

Lead  thou  me  on! 

I  loved  the  garish  day,  and,  spite  of  fears, 
Pride  ruled  my  will;  remember  not  past  years. 
So  long  thy  power  hath  blessed  me,  sure  it  still 

Will  lead  me  on; 
O'er  moor  and  fen,  o'er  crag  and  torrent,  till 

The  night  is  gone; 

And  with  the  morn  those  angel  faces  smile 
Which  I  have  loved  long  since,  and  lost  awhile. 

Rev.  Dr.  Naylor,  presiding  elder  of  the  Washington  District  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  church,  stood  close  by  the  head  of  the  casket,  and 
with  folded  hands,  glanced  once  around  that  assembled  multitude,  then 
bowed  his  head.  Instantly  there  was  a  subdued  rustling,  a  sigh  of  acquies- 
cence, and  every  head  was  bent  in  reverence.  His  first  words  were  scarcely 
heard.  Outside  the  storm  had  risen,  and  the  rain  was  driving  with  an 
angry  roar  against  the  great  dome  above  them.  Outside,  also,  a  mighty 
throng  of  men  and  women  were  massed,  insistent  on  admission,  crowding 
for  places  sheltered  from  the  rain.  Dr.  Naylor's  prayer  seemed  echoed  in 
the  hearts  of  those  bent  in  sorrow  about  the  coffin.  And  this  was  his  prayer : 

"O  Lord  God,  our  heavenly  Father,  a  bereaved  nation  cometh  to  Thee 
in  its  deep  sorrow !  To  whom  can  we  go  in  such  an  hour  as  this  but  to 
Thee?  Thou  only  art  able  to  comfort  and  support  the  afflicted.  Death 
strikes  down  the  tallest  and  best  of  men  and  consequent  changes  are  con- 
tinually occurring  among  nations  and  communities.  But  we  have  been 
taught  that  Thou  art  the  same  yesterday,  to-day  and  forever;  that  in  Thee 
there  is  no  variableness  nor  the  least  shadow  of  turning.  So  in  the  midst 
of  our  grief  we  turn  to  Thee  for  help. 

"We  thank  Thee,  O  Lord,  that  years  ago  Thou  didst  give  to  this  nation 
a  man  whose  loss  we  mourn  to-day.  We  thank  Thee  for  the  pure  and 
unselfish  life  he  was  enabled  to  live  in  the  midst  of  so  eventful  an  experience. 
We  thank  Thee  for  the  faithful  and  distinguished  services  which  he  was 
^nf  bled  to  render  to  Thee,  to  our  country  and  to  the  world.  We  bless 


360  FUNERAL   SERVICES  AT   WASHINGTON. 

Thee  for  such  a  citizen,  for  such  a  lawmaker,  for  such  a  governor,  for  such 
a  President,  for  such  a  husband,  for  such  a  Christian  example  and  for  a 
friend. 

"But,  O  Lord,  we  deplore  our  loss  to-day;  sincerely  implore  Thy  sancti- 
fying benediction.  We  pray  Thee  for  that  dear  one  who  has  been  walking 
by  his  side  through  the  years,  sharing  his  triumphs  and  partaking  of  his 
sorrows.  Give  to  her  all  needed  sustenance,  and  the  comfort  her  stricken 
heart  so  greatly  craves.  And  under  the  shadow  of  this  great  calamity  may 
she  learn  as  never  before  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  the  matchless  char- 
acter of  his  sustaining  grace. 

"And,  O  Lord,  we  sincerely  pray  for  him  upon  whom  the  mantle  of 
presidential  authority  has  so  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  fallen.  Help  him 
to  walk  worthy  the  high  vocation  whereunto  he  has  been  called.  He  needs 
Thy  guiding  hand  and  Thine  inspiring  spirit  continually.  May  he  always 
present  to  the  nation  and  to  the  world  divinely  illumined  judgment  a  brave 
heart  and  an  unsullied  character. 

"Hear  our  prayer,  O  Lord,  for  the  official  family  of  the  administration, 
those  men  who  are  associated  with  Thy  servant,  the  President,  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  affairs  of  government;  guide  them  in  all  their  deliberations 
to  the  nation's  welfare  and  the  glory  of  God. 

"And  now,  Lord,  we  humbly  pray  for  Thy  blessing  and  consolationto 
come  to  all  the  people  of  our  land  and  nation.  Forgive  our  past 
comings;  our  sins  of  omission  as  well  as  our  sins  of  commission.  Help 
us  to  make  the  golden  rule  the  standard  of  our  lives,  and  that  we  may  'do 
unto  others  as  we  would  have  them  do  unto  us,'  and  thus  become  indeed 
a  people  whose  God  is  the  Lord. 

"These  things  we  humbly  ask  in  the  name  of  Him  who  taught  us  when 
we  pray  to  say:  "Our  Father  which  art  in  Heaven,  hallowed  be  Thy  name; 
Thy  kingdom  come;  Thy  will  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven.  Give  us 
this  day  our  daily  bread,  and  forgive  us  our  trespasses  as  we  forgive  them 
that  trespass  against  us.  And  lead  us  not  into  temptation,  but  deliver  us 
from  evil,  for  Thine  is  the  kingdom  and  the  power  and  glory,  forever. 
Amen.' " 

As  the  bowed  heads  lifted  a  sweet  voice  rose  in  song.  It  was  Mrs. 
Thomas  C.  Noyes,  one  who  had  honored  the  President — as  all  women  hon- 
ored him — one  who  had  known  him  well.  The  words,  the  air,  the  pathos 
o[  the  scene,  combined  in  a  wonderful  impressiveness. 


FUNERAL  SERVICES   AT   WASHINGTON.  361 

Not  now,  but  in  the  coming  years 

It  may  be  in  the  better  land, 
We'll  read  the  meaning  of  our  tears, 

And  there,  some  time,  we'll  understand. 

CHORUS. 

Then  trust  in  God  through  all  thy  days; 
""  Fear  not,  for  He  doth  hold  thy  hand; 
Though  dark  the  way,  still  sing  and  praise; 
Some  time,  some  time,  we'll  understand. 

We'll  catch  the  broken  thread  again, 

And  finish  what  we  here  began; 
Heav'n  will  mysteries  explain, 

And  then,  ah,  then,  we'll  understand. 

We'll  know  why  clouds  instead  of  sun 

Were  over  many  a  cherished  plan; 
Why  song  has  ceased  when  scarce  begun ; 

'Tis  there,  some  time,  we'll  understand. 

Why  what  we  longed  for  most  of  all, 

Eludes,  so  oft,  our  eager  hand; 
Why  hopes  are  crushed  and  castles  fall, 

Up  there,  some  time,  we'll  understand. 

God  knows  the  way,  He  holds  the  key, 

He  guides  us  with  unerring  hand. 
Some  time  with  tearless  eyes  we'll  see; 

Yes,  there,  up  there,  we'll  understand. 

The  venerable  Bishop  Andrews,  the  church  of  which  William  McKinley 
had  been  an  almost  lifelong  member,  rose  and  read  the  scriptural  assurances 
of  life  beyond  the  grave — the  blessed  assurances  that  bring  such  comfort  in 
the  hour  of  grief.  Then  began  the  sermon — the  funeral  oration  over  the 
body  of  his  President  and  his  friend. 

"Blessed  be  the  God  and  Father  of  Our  Lord,  who  of  his  abundant 
mercy  hath  begotten  us  again  unto  a  lively  hope  of  the  resurrection  of  Christ 


362  FUNERAL  SERVICES  AT  WASHINGTON. 

from  the  dead,  to  an  inheritance  incorruptible,  imdefiled,  and  that  fadeth 
not  away,  reserved  in  heaven  for  us  who  are  now,  by  the  power  of  God 
through  faith  unto  salvation,  ready  to  be  revealed  in  the  last  time. 

"The  services  for  the  dead  are  fitly  and  almost  of  necessity  services  of 
religion  and  of  immortal  hope.  In  the  presence  of  the  shroud  and  the  coffin 
and  the  narrow  home,  questions  concerning  intellectual  quality,  concerning 
public  station,  concerning  great  achievements,  sink  into  comparative  insig- 
nificance; and  questions  concerning  character  and  man's  relation  to  the 
Lord  and  giver  of  life,  even  the  life  eternal,  emerge  to  our  view  and  impress 
themselves  upon  us. 

"Character  abides.  We  bring  nothing  into  this  world;  we  can  carry 
nothing  out.  We  ourselves  depart  with  all  the  accumulations  of  tendency 
and  habit  and  quality  which  the  years  have  given  to  us.  We  ask,  therefore, 
feven  at  the  grave  of  the  illustrious,  not  altogether  what  great  achievement 
they  had  performed  and  how  they  had  commended  themselves  to  the  mem- 
ory and  affection  or  respect  of  the  world,  but  chiefly  of  what  sort  they  were; 
what  the  interior  nature  of  the  man  was;  what  were  his  affinities?  Were 
they  with  the  good,  the  true,  the  noble?  What  his  relation  to  the  infinite 
Lord  of  the  universe  and  to  the  compassionate  Savior  of  mankind;  what  his 
fitness  for  that  great  hereafter  to  which  he  had  passed? 

"And  such  great  questions  come  to  us  with  moment,  even  in  the  hour 
when  we  gather  around  the  bier  of  those  whom  we  profoundly  respect  and 
eulogize  and  whom  we  tenderly  love.  In  the  years  to  come  the  days  and 
the  months  that  lie  immediately  before  us  will  give  full  utterance  as  to  the 
high  statesmanship  and  great  achievements  of  the  illustrious  man  whom 
we  mourn  to-day.  We  shall  not  touch  them  to-day.  The  nation  already 
has  broken  out  in  its  grief  and  poured  its  tears,  and  is  still  pouring  them, 
over  the  loss  of  a  loved  man.  It  is  well.  But  we  ask  this  morning  of  what 
sort  this  man  is,  so  that  we  may  perhaps,  knowing  the  moral  and  spiritual 
life  that  is  past,  be  able  to  shape  the  far-withdrawing  future. 

"I  think  we  must  all  concede  that  nature  and  training  are — reverently 
be  it  said — the  inspiration  of  the  Almighty,  conspired  to  conform  a  man, 
a  man  admirable  in  his  moral  temper  and  aims.  We  none  of  us  can  doubt. 
I  think  that  even  by  nature  he  was  eminently  gifted.  The  kindly,  calm,  and. 
equitable  temperament,  the  kindly  and  generous  heart,  the  love  of  justice 
and  right,  and  the  tendency  toward  faith  and  loyalty  to  unseen  powers  and 
authorities — these  things  must  have  been  with  him  from  his  childhood,  from 
his  infancy;  but  upon  them  supervened  the  training  for  which  he  was  always 


FUNERAL  SERVICES  AT  WASHINGTON.  363 

tenderly  thankful  and  of  which  even  this  great  nation  from  sea  to  sea  con- 
tinually has  taken  note. 

"It  was  a  humble  home  in  which  he  was  born.  Narrow  conditions  were 
around  him,  but  faith  in  God  had  lifted  that  lowly  roof,  according  to  the 
statement  of  some  great  writer,  'up  to  the  very  heavens  and  permitted  its 
inmates  to  behold  the  things  eternal,  immortal,  and  divine;'  and  he  came 
under  that  training. 

"It  is  a  beautiful  thing  that  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  bent  reverently  before 
that  mother  whose  example  and  teaching  and  prayer  had  so  fashioned  his 
mind  and  all  his  aims.  The  school  came  but  briefly,  and  then  came  to  him 
the  church  with  its  ministration  of  power.  He  accepted  the  truth  which 
it  taught.  He  believed  in  God  and  in  Jesus  Christ,  through  whom  God 
was  revealed.  He  accepted  the  divine  law  of  the  scripture;  he  based  his 
hope  on  Jesus  Christ,  the  appointed  and  only  Redeemer  of  men;  and  the 
church,  beginning  its  operation  upon  his  character  at  an  early  period  of 
his  life,  continued  even  to  its  close  to  mold  him.  He  waited  attentively 
upon  its  administration.  He  gladly  partook  with  his  brethren  of  the  symbols 
of  mysterious  passion  and  redeeming  love  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  He 
was  helpful  in  all  of  those  beneficences  and  activities;  and  from  the  church, 
to  the  close  of  his  life,  he  received  inspiration  that  lifted  him  above  much 
of  the  trouble  and  weakness  incident  to  our  human  nature;  and,  blessings 
be  to  God,  may  we  say,  in  the  last  final  hour  they  enabled  him  confidently, 
tenderly,  to  say :  'It  is  his  will,  not  ours,  that  will  be  done.' 

"Such  influences  gave  to  us  William  McKinley.  And  what  was  he?  A 
man  of  incorruptible  personal  and  political  integrity.  I  suppose  no  one  ever 
attempted  to  approach  him  in  the  way  of  a  bribe;  and  we  remember  with 
great  felicitation  at  this  time  for  such  an.  example  to  ourselves  that  when 
great  financial  difficulties  and  perils  encompassed  him  he  determined  to 
deliver  all  he  possessed  to  his  creditors,  that  there  should  be  no  challenge 
of  his  perfect  honesty  in  the  matter.  A  man  of  immaculate  purity,  shall 
we  say?  No  stain  was  upon  his  escutcheon,  no  syllable  of  suspicion  was 
ever  heard  whispered  against  his  character.  He  walked  in  perfect  and  noble 
self-control. 

"Beyond  that  this  man  had  somehow  wrought  in  him — I  suppose  upon 
the  foundation  of  a  very  happily  constructed  nature — a  great  and  generous 
love  of  his  fellowmen.  He  believed  in  men.  He  had  himself  been  brought 
up  among  the  common  people.  He  knew  their  labors,  struggles,  necessities. 
He  loved  them;  but  I  think  that  beyond  that  it  was  to  the  church  and  its 


364  FUNERAL  SERVICES  AT  WASHINGTON. 

teachings  concerning  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  universal  brotherhood  of 
man  that  he  was  indebted  for  that  habit  of  kindness,  for  that  generosity 
of  spirit,  that  was  wrought  into  his  very  substance  and  became  him  so, 
though  'he  was  of  all  men  most  courteous,  no  one  ever  supposed  but  his 
courtesy  was  from  the  heart.  It  was  spontaneous,  unaffected,  kindly  in  a 
most  eminent  degree. 

"What  he  was  in  the  narrow  field  of  those  to  whom  he  was  personally 
attached,  I  think  he  was  also  in  the  greatness  of  his  comprehensive  love 
toward  the  race  of  which  he  was  part. 

"Shall  I  speak  a  word  next  of  that  which  I  will  hardly  advert  to?  The 
tenderness  of  that  domestic  love  which  has  so  often  been  commented  upon? 
I  pass  it  with  only  that  word.  I  take  it  that  no  words  can  set  forth  fully 
the  unfaltering  kindness  and  carefulness  and  upbearing  love  which  belonged 
to  this  great  man. 

"And  he  was  a  man  who  believed  in  right,  who  had  a  profound  con- 
viction that  the  courses  of  this  world  must  be  ordered  in  accordance  with 
everlasting  righteousness,  or  this  world's  highest  point  of  good  will  never 
be  reached;  that  no  nation  can  expect  success  in  life  except  as  it  conforms 
to  the  eternal  love  of  the  infinite  Lord  and  pass  itself  in  individual  and 
collective  activity  according  to  that  divine  will. 

"It  was  deeply  ingrained  in  him 'that  righteousness  was  the  perfection 
of  any  man  and  any  people.  Simplicity  belonged  to  him.  I  need  not 
dwell  upon  it,  and  I  close  the  statement  of  these  qualities  by  saying  that 
underlying  all  and  overreaching  all.and  penetrating  all  there  was  a  profound 
loyalty  to  guard  the  great  king  of  the  universe,  the  author  of  all  good,  the 
eternal  hope  of  all  that  trust  in  him. 

"And  now,  may  I  say  further  that  it  seemed  to  me  that  to  whatever  we 
may  attribute  all  the  illustriousness  of  this  man,  all  the  greatness  of  his 
achievements — whatever  of  that  we  may  attribute  to  his  intellectual  char- 
acter and  quality,  whatever  of  it  we  may  attribute  to  the  patient  and  thorough 
study  which  he  gave  to  the  various  questions  thrust  upon  him  for  attention, 
for  all  his  success  as  a  politician,  as  a  statesman,  as  a  man  of  this  great 
country,  those  successes  were  largely  due  to  the  moral  qualities  of  which  I 
have  spoken.  They  drew  to  him  the  hearts  of  men  everywhere  and  particu- 
larly of  those  who  best  knew  him.  They  called  to  his  side  helpers  in  every 
exigency  of  his  career,  so  that  when  his  future  was  at  one  time  likely  to  have 
been  imperilled  and  utterly  ruined  by  his  financial  conditions,  they  who  had 


FUNERAL  SERVICES  AT  WASHINGTON.  365 

resources,  for  the  sake  of  helping  a  man  who  had  in  him  such  qualities,  came 
to  his  side  and  put  him  on  the  high  road  of  additional  and  larger  success. 

"His  high  qualities  drew  to  him  the  good  will  of  his  associates  in  political 
life  in  an  eminent  degree.  They  believed  in  him,  felt  his  kindness,  confided 
in  his  honesty  and  in  his  honor.  His  qualities  even  associated  with  him  in 
kindly  relations  those  who  were  his  political  opponents.  They  made  it 
possible  for  him  to  enter  that  land  with  which  he,  as  one  of  the  soldiers  of 
the  union,  had  been  in  some  sort  at  war  and  to  draw  closer  the  tie  that  was 
to  bind  all  the  parts  in  one  firmer  and  indissoluble  union.  They  commanded 
the  confidence  of  the  great  body  of  Congress,  so  that  they  listened  to  his 
plans  and  accepted  kindly,  and  hopefully,  and  trustfully,  all  his  declarations. 

"His  qualities  gave  him  reputation,  not  in  this  land  alone,  but  throughout 
the  world,  and  made  it  possible  for  him  to  minister  in  the  style  in  which  he 
has  within  the  last  two  or  three  years  ministered  to  the  welfare  and  peace 
of  humankind.  It  was  out  of  the  profound  depths  of  his  moral  and  religious 
character  that  came  the  possibilities  of  that  usefulness  which  we  are  all  glad 
to  attribute  to  him. 

"And  will  such  a  man  die?  Is  it  possible  that  he  who  created,  redeemed, 
transformed,  uplifted,  illumined  such  a  man  will  permit  him  to  fall  into 
oblivion?  The  instincts  of  morality  are  in  all  good  men.  The  divine  word 
of  the  Scripture  leaves  us  no  room  for  doubt.  'I,'  said  one  whom  we 
trusted,  'am  the  resurrection  and  the  life.  He  that  believeth  in  me,  though 
he  were  dead,  yet  shall  he  live,  and  whosoever  liveth  and  believeth  in  me, 
shall  never  die.' 

"Lost  to  us,  but  not  to  his  God.  Lost  from  earth,  but  entered  heaven. 
Lost  from  these  labors,  and  toils,  and  perils,  but  entered  into  the  everlasting 
peace  and  ever-advancing  progress.  Blessed  be  God,  who  gives  us  this  hope 
in  the  hour  of  our  calamity  and  enables  us  to  triumph  through  him  who  hath 
redeemed  us. 

"If  there  is  a  personal  immortality  before  him  let  us  also  rejoice  that  there 
is  an  immortality  and  memory  in  the  hearts  of  a  large  and  ever-growing 
people,  who,  through  the  ages  to  come,  the  generations  that  are  yet  to  be, 
will  look  back  upon  this  life,  upon  its  nobility,  and  purity,  and  service  to 
humanity  and  thank  God  for  it. 

"The  years  draw  on  when  his  name  shall  be  counted  among  the  illustrious 
of  the  earth.  William  of  Orange  is  not  dead.  Cromwell  is  not  dead.  Wash- 
ington lives  in  the  hearts  and  lives  of  his  countrymen.  Lincoln,  with  his 
infinite  sorrow,  lives  to  teach  us  and  lead  us  on.  And  McKinley  shall  sum- 


366  FUNERAL  SERVICES  AT  WASHINGTON. 

mon  all  statesmen,  and  all  his  countrymen,  to  pure  living,  nobler  aims, 
sweeter  and  immortal  blessedness." 

Again  the  words  and  music  of  that  favorite  song,  "Nearer,  my  God,  to 
Thee,"  echoed  through  the  great  rotunda,  and  then  the  sad  audience  dis- 
persed. The  funeral  of  another  President  was  ended. 

In  the  midst  of  the  singing  Admiral  Robley  Evans,  advancing  with  silent 
tread,  placed  a  beautiful  blue  floral  cross  at  the  foot  of  the  casket. 

The  last  notes  died  away  softly,  and  with  uplifted  hands  the  benediction 
was  pronounced  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  W.  H.  Chapman,  acting  pastor  of  the  Met- 
ropolitan Church.  This  ended  the  religious  service. 

There  was  a  pause  for  a  few  minutes  while  the  ushers  cleared  the  aisles, 
and  the  assemblage  began  to  withdraw.  First  to  retire  was  President  Roose- 
velt, and  as  he  entered  so  he  left,  preceded  a  short  distance  by  Major  Mc- 
Cawley  and  Captain  Gilmore,  with  Colonel  Bingham  and  Captain.  Cowles  al- 
most pressing  against  him. 

The  remainder  of  the  company  retired  in  the  ordei  in  which  they  entered, 
the  Cabinet  members  following  the  President,  and  after  them  going  the  dip- 
lomatic corps,  the  Supreme  Court,  Senators  and  Representatives,  officers  of 
the  army  and  navy,  and  officials  of  less  degree. 

As  soon  as  the  rotunda  was  cleared  of  those  who  had  been  invited  to  at- 
tend the  religious  services  the  bier  was  prepared  for  passage  out  through  the 
west  exit. 

The  people  came  in  double  file,  one  line  passing  to  the  right  and  the 
other  to  the  left  of  the  casket.  Only  a  hurried  glance  was  permitted  to  any 
one,  as  it  was  announced  that  the  ceremony  would  close  promptly  at  6:30 
o'clock.  Whenever  there  was  an  attempt  to  linger,  especially  over  the  cas- 
ket, as  there  was  in  many  instances,  the  person  making  it  was  admonished  by 
the  Capitol  police  to  "pass  on."  When  they  still  remained  they  were  pushed 
along.  In  this  way  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  people  were  enabled  to 
view  the  remains  every  minute. 


CHAPTER   XXXV. 

LYING  IN    STATE  AT  THE   CAPITOL. 

As  soon  as  the  funeral  service  in  the  Capitol  had  concluded,  and  the 
audience  had  dispersed,  the  guards  took  their  places  about  the  casket,  and 
the  big  bronze  doors  of  the  Capitol  were  thrown  open,  and  the  crowds  were 
admitted.  They  came  in  two  long  lines  from  both  the  east  and  west  portals 
and  passed  down,  one  on  either  side  of  the  catafalque.  It  was  the  intention 
to  have  those  who  entered  at  the  east  door  pass  out  at  the  west,  and  those 
who  came  in  from  the  west — from  the  Pennsylvania  avenue  side — to  leave 
at  the  opposite  entrance.  But  the  local  police  arrangements  had  been  very 
imperfectly  provided,  and  confusion  resulted.  Had  the  day  been  fair  prob- 
ably no  untoward  circumstances  would  have  marred  the  solemnity  of  the 
occasion.  But  the  storm  without  added  to  the  discomfort  of  the  crush;  and 
the  first  tjwo  hours  of  the  lying  in  state  made  up  a  scene  to  be  regretted. 
The  crowding  at  times  almost  approached  the  frenzy  of  a  panic.  Men  were 
hustled,  despite  all  their  struggles.  Women  and  children  were  thrown  down 
and  trampled  on.  There  was  no  noise,  such  as  usually  accompanies  a  panic 
in  theatres,  or  on  the  occasion  of  a  fire,  but  there  was  a  half-savage  exercise 
of  brute  force,  a  dumb  insistence  on  position.  And  against  that  frightful 
pressure  human  strength  was  helpless.  Men  were  pressed  as  with  the 
impetus  of  engines  against  stone  walls  and  columns.  Women  were  ground 
against  the  sharp  angles  of  granite,  or  hurled  without  warning  upon  the 
wounding  edges  of  marble. 

The  force  of  police  provided  was  wholly  inadequate,  and  for  two  sad 
hours  the  lines  that  viewed  the  dead  missed  the  characterization  of  a  mob 
only  because  of  their  evident  sympathy. 

Men  with  clothes  torn,  women  with  bleeding  faces  appeared  continually 
in  the  lines;  and  back  to  the  south  in  the  rotunda,  toward  the  senate  wing, 
was  gathered  a  constantly  increasing  company  of  those  who  had  been 
injured. 

As  soon  as  the  faulty  condition  was  discovered  those  in  charge  of  the 
funeral  ceremonies  had  called  on  the  police  department  for  a  better  control; 
and  the  reserves  were  ordered  out.  Even  then  it  seemed  a  hopeless  time 
before  they  could  get  in  position,  and  restore  order  in  the  boundless  crowds. 

367 


368  LYING   IN   STATE   AT  THE  CAPITOL. 

It  was  the  one  feature  up  to  that  time  which  had  marred  the  solemn 
stateliness  of  the  funeral. 

As  it  was,  the  crowds  were  simply  flung  through  the  bronze  doors,  and 
projected  to  the  very  side  of  the  casket,  where  they  appeared  half  hysterical, 
and  wholly  lost  to  the  impressive  nature  of  the  hour. 

Coincident  with  the  restoration  of  order  by  the  reinforced  police,  came 
the  ambulances  from  the  Emergency  Hospital;  and  scores  were  taken  away 
for  treatment,  while  other  scores  were  treated  without  removal  from  the 
rotunda. 

After  the  reserves  had  taken  their  places,  and  had  controlled  the  crowds, 
a  steady,  orderly  procession  carrie  through  the  doors  from  12  o'clock  noon 
until  6  in  the  evening.  In  that  time  more  than  30,000  persons  passed  the 
casket  of  their  dead  chief,  and  looked  for  the  last  time  on  his  pain-marked 
face. 

The  appearance  of  the  casket  which  contained  the  body  of  the  martyred 
President  was  particularly  impressive.  It  was  wrapped  entirely  in  a  beautiful 
American  flag.  Over  the  top  of  the  casket  were  laid  three  groups  of  flowers, 
that  at  the  end  being  a  conspicuous  sheaf  which  had  been  prepared  at  the 
express  request  and  under  the  personal  direction  of  the  new  President  of 
the  United  States. 

Many  beautiful  floral  designs  were  grouped  around  the  casket.  Conspic- 
uous among  them  was  a  massive  cushion  floral  tribute  in  the  form  of  an 
army  badge  from  the  G.  A.  R.  and  offerings  from  the  Loyal  Legion  and 
other  soldier  organizations.  General  Corbin,  now  en  route  home  from 
Manila;  General  Adna  R.  Chaff ee,  and  the  Commissioners  of  Porto  Rico 
had  floral  offerings  laid  about  the  bier. 

A  design  x>f  over  six  feet  in  diameter  composed  of  galax  leaves  and 
American  beauty  roses,  about  which  was  entwined  the  American  flag,  came 
from  the  Mayor  and  Council  of  Richmond,  Va.  Other  tributes  came  from 
Mrs.  James  A.  Garfield,  widow  of  another  martyred  President;  Mrs.  Garret 
A.  Hobart,  Secretaries  Hay  and  Hitchcock,  General  and  Mrs.  Miles,  Am- 
bassador Porter  at  Paris,  the  Argentine,  Guatemalan,  Costa  Rican,  and  other 
legations,  and  the  municipality  of  Havana. 

The  casket  rested  exactly  beneath  the  center  of  the  great  dome  of  the 
Capitol,  and  surrounding  it  on  all  sides  were  the  large  historical  paintings 
representing  the  greatest  events  of  the  life  of  the  republic.  Above,  on  the 
extreme  top  of  the  dome,  was  the  beautiful  historical  painting  of  the  apothe- 
osis of  George  Washington,  while  on  the  floor  itself,  within  easy  range  of 


LYING  IN  STATE   AT  THE  CAPITOL.  369 

the  eye  from  the  center,  were  statues  of  Lincoln  and  Grant,  the  two  great 
governmental  personages  of  the  present  generation. 

The  casket  was  guarded  by  details  of  artillerymen,  marines,  and  sailors, 
but  it  was  hemmed  in  by  such  a  distinguished  circle  of  public  men  as  to  set 
it  in  a  proper  frame. 

The  big,  black  casket  was  the  period  at  the  end  of  an  era.  The  marble 
effigies  of  the  great  men  about  it,  the  canvases  on  which  the  features  of 
statesmen  and  soldiers  lived  in  oil,  were  but  the  mute  testimonies  to  a  condi- 
tion which  had  passed.  The  pale  form,  lying  in  state  between  moving  lines 
of  those  who  had  loved  him,  was  all  that  earth  had  left  of  the  man  who 
gathered  together  the  possibilities  of  the  past — who  could  express  the  spirit, 
the  effectiveness  and  the  hope  of  the  future. 

There  was  the  statue  of  George  Washington,  twice  a  President,  once  ma- 
ligned, now  half  deified.  There  was  John  Marshall,  once  Chief  Justice 
of  the  United  States;  once  a  patriot  soldier  at  Valley  Forge;  once  presiding 
at  the  trial  of  Aaron  Burr — whose  hand  had  been  raised  in  a  bolder  assault; 
but  always  the  champion  of  law,  the  lover  of  order,  the  son  of  republican 
independence.  There  hung  the  portrait  of  Captain  Lawrence — and  his  dying- 
words  carried  new  courage  to  the  hearts  of  the  mourners :  "Don't  Give  Up 
the  Ship!" 

There  was  Madison,  whose  seat  of  government  had  been  driven  from 
the  capital  when  the  British  assailed  the  nation  in  the  war  of  1812;  the  man 
who  had  watched  from  the  hills  to  the  north  the  smoke  that  rose  from  the 
burning  buildings  of  the  nation. 

All  the  history  of  the  past  was  bound  up  in  the  pictured  forms  and  the 
marble  allegories  of  that  rotunda.  And  over  it  all  lifted  the  painted  interior 
of  the  dome,  the  apotheosis  of  that  first  President,  who  had  been  first  in 
war,  and  first  in  peace,  but  who  now  made  room  for  another  beside  him 
in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 

All  they  had  promised,  all  the  nation  of  the  past  had  hoped  for  and 
striven  for  had  been  expressed  in  the  administration,  had  been  made  possi- 
ble by  the  wise  statesmanship  of  this  hero  who  lay  still  and  silent  in  death 
below  them.  And  it  seemed  to  the  crowds  that  bent  with  bared  heads  as 
they  passed  by  the  coffin  that  the  very  death  of  this  great  man  had  made 
more  secure  the  destiny  of  the  nation. 

Outside  the  storm  raged  more  fiercely,  and  the  people  clamored  against 
the  savagery  of  an  unguided  crowd.  Outside  the  winds  were  voicing  their 
own  requiem,  and  wailing  at  the  feet  of  that  symbol  of  liberty  which  crowns 


370  LYING  IN  STATE  AT  THE  CAPITOL. 

the  highest  height  of  the  colossal  building.  And  here  in  the  darkened 
rotunda,  where  state  occasions  had  signalized  the  progress  of  a  people  from 
weakness  unto  strength,  from  experiment  to  established  systems — forty 
thousand  people — delegates  from  eighty  million  of  their  fellows,  touched 
with  reverent  fingers  the  trappings  of  the  dead  and  moved  on  to  mingle 
again  with  the  world.  While  he  had  lain  sick  in  that  fair  house  of  his  friend 
at  Buffalo,  it  had  seemed  to  these  thousands  that  the  one  voice  of  the 
Republic  must  be: 

"Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  are  all  with  thee." 

Yet  as  they  gazed  at  the  pensive  face,  as  they  looked  into  the  counte- 
nance which  had  never  feared,  had  never  found  a  duty  too  difficult  for  per- 
forming, they  added  the  lines — 

"Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  our  prayers,  our  tears, 
Our  faith  triumphant  o'er  our  fears, 
Are  all  with  thee — are  all  with  thee." 

And  so  they  passed  out  again  to  the  day  of  gloom,  confident  that  the 
sunshine  of  to-morrow  would  certainly  come.  And  the  close  of  the  day 
left  the  dead  alone  with  his  guards. 

A  terrible  crush,  accompanied  by  a  panic,  occurred  in  front  of  the 
Capitol  while  the  thousands  of  people  were  struggling  for  a  look  at  the  dead 
President.  Fully  fifty  people  were  more  or  less  injured  and  one  man  lost 
his  life. 

Long  before  the  remains  had  started  from  the  White  House  the  crowd 
had  begun  to  gather  in  front  of  the  Capitol  building.  By  the  time  the  great 
bronze  doors  of  the  eastern  entrance  were  swung  open  the  people  were 
massed  for  acres.  A  line  of  police  guarded  the  base  of  the  Capitol  steps  and 
gave. directions  that  a  double  line  should  be  formed  as  the  people  should  be 
admitted  two  abreast.  But  when  the  crowd  saw  that  the  doors  had  been 
opened  and  that  the  line  had  started  to  go  through,  there  was  a  general 
movement  to  get  closer  to  the  point  of  admittance. 

Those  in  the  rear  pressed  forward  and  those  in  the  middle,  not  being 
able  to  hold  back  against  the  weight,  were  pressed  with  greater  force  against 
those  ahead.  Quickly  those  in  front  and  along  the  line  of  ropes  were 
crowded  so  tightly  that  they  could  scarcely  breathe. 

There  were  women  and  children  and  babies  in  arms  in  the  press,  and 
soon  the  section  in  front  of  the  steps  became  a  fighting  mass  of  humanity. 


LYING  IN  STATE  AT  THE  CAPITOL.  371 

Men  seized  small  children  and  held  them  high  over  their  heads  to  keep  them 
from  being  trampled  under  foot  or  crushed  in  the  terrible  weight  which  was 
thrown  against  them. 

A  woman  was  heard  to  scream  and  beg  for  help.  The  crowd  became 
panic-stricken  and  women  began  fainting  on  every  side.  An  ineffectual 
squad  of  mounted  police  thought  to  drive  back  those  in  the  rear  and  separate 
the  crowd  by  plunging  their  horses  into  the  worst  of  the  fray.  The  result 
was  what  might  be  expected.  The  panic  was  increased.  The  crowd  broke 
all  bounds. 

The  little  line  of  police  at  the  foot  of  the  wide  flight  of  steps  was  swept 
down  like  so  many  straws.  The  crowd  flowed  up  the  stairs  like  a  mighty 
flood.  One  of  the  mounted  officers,  goring  his  horse  with  his  spurs,  was 
carried,  horse  and  all,  half  way  up  the  steps.  Women  screamed  as  they 
found  themselves  under  the  trampling  hoofs  and  men  fought  to  get  away. 

A  colored  man  at  one  side  whipped  out  a  knife  and  slashed  the  rope 
against  which  the  crowd  was  pressing.  Those  in  front  fell  headlong  and  the 
rest  followed,  trampling  them  under  foot. 

At  the  doors  of  the  Capitol  rotunda,  where  the  dead  President  lay  in 
state,  the  surging  was  checked.  With  herculean  efforts  the  capitol  police 
fought  off  the  rising  sea  of  people  and  closed  the  gates  against  them.  But 
quickly  they  had  to  be  opened  in  response  to  the  appeal  in  the  name  of 
humanity. 

The  Capitol  police  helped  to  drag  the  fainting  and  injured  into  the 
building,  where  they  were  laid  out  in  rows.  Calls  were  sent  to  the  hospitals 
and  surgeons  were  sent  in  an  ambulance.  The  Capitol  was  the  only  refuge 
for  those  who  had  been  borne  down  in  the  rush,  and  the  victims  were  passed 
over  the  heads  of  the  crowd  and  taken  in  at  the  doors. 

The  committee-rooms  were  pressed  into  service  and  women  were  taken 
to  them  and  attended  by  the  doctors.  Ambulances  drove  up,  but  could  not 
penetrate  the  dense  crowd.  Colonel  Dan  Ransdell,  sergeant-at-arms  of  the 
Senate,  arrived  on  the  scene  and  gave  orders  that  the  doors  be  thrown  wide 
open.  This,  he  perceived,  was  the  only  way  the  congestion  could  be 
relieved.  It  was  growing  worse  at  every  moment. 

The  crowd  broke  in  when  the  obstructions  were  removed  and  in  a 
moment  the  rotunda  was  filled  and  packed.  Then  the  Capitol  police  hurried 
the  people  through  and  out  the  other  side. 

Meantime  the  trouble  in  front  had  been  growing  worse  rather  than 
better.  Men  and  women  fought  like  beasts  to  get  out  of  the  suffocating 


372  LYING   IN   STATE   AT  THE   CAPITOL. 

crush.  Clothing  was  torn;  hats,  coats,  umbrellas,  neckties,  women's  silk 
waists  and  light  summer  gowns  were  torn  and  scattered  in  every  direction. 
The  mounted  police  charged  about  the  outskirts  of  the  crowd  adding  to  the 
excitement.  Some  colored  men  at  the  western  edge  got  into  a  fight  and 
whipped  out  razors,  which  were  brandished  about  and  several  were  severely 
cut. 

The  ambulances  tlashed  about  clanging  their  bells  and  adding  to  the 
turmoil.  They  made  hurried  trips  to  the  hospitals  carrying  the  senseless 
and  bleeding.  Often  they  carried  as  many  as  half  a  dozen  at  a  time.  The 
police  appealed  to  the  crowd  to  fall  back,  but  it  was  like  talking  to  the 
ocean. 

Fearing  that  the  disorder  would  spread  to  the  rotunda  and  that  the 
remains  of  the  President  might  be  endangered  the  Capitol  police,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  McGrew.  determined  again  to  close  the  doors.  This 
was  accomplished  only  after  the  greatest  efforts.  The  people  within  were 
then  driven  out  on  the  western  side  and  the  stairways  and  halls  were  also 
thrown  open  to  facilitate  their  exit. 

A  force  of  police  on  foot  was  hurried  to  the  rescue  and  the  crowd  was 
charged  from  the  sides  and  driven  back  toward  the  east  again.  This  relieved 
the  pressure  about  the  steps  and  gradually  order  was  restored.  Then  the 
officers  insisted  that  the  people  be  formed  into  double  line  and  the  space 
about  the  entrance  was  cleared.  By  two  o'clock  the  line  was  passing 
through  the  rotunda  again  in  quiet  and  decent  fashion. 

People  who  have  witnessed  similar  gatherings  at  the  Capitol  express 
wonder  that  there  have  not  been  panics  and  crushes  before.  The  police  of 
Washington  seem  to  have  little  idea  of  handling  large  crowds.  At  inaugu- 
ration times  the  only  reason  there  has  not  been  trouble  is  that  the  exercises 
have  been  held  in  the  open  air.  The  crowds  which  come  together  are  per- 
mitted to  mass  over  large  areas  without  openings  and  passageways  through 
which  the  women  and  others  may  escape  in  case  they  desire  to  get  away. 

The  management  of  this  part  of  the  programme  was  under  the  charge 
of  the  War  Department,  and  earlier  in  the  day  there  was  a  company  of 
soldiers  on  duty  keeping  the  crowd  within  bounds  and  under  control.  But 
this  company  was  withdrawn  and  the  rest  was  left  to  the  city  officers,  who 
claim  that  the  force  was  insufficient  for  the  occasion. 

When  the  people  had  had  an  opportunity  to  view  the  remains  of  their 
beloved  President,  the  body  was  taken  to  the  depot,  and  between  eight  and 
nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  the  funeral  train  departed  for  Canton. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

THE  ASSASSIN  ARRAIGNED. 

At  the  midhour,  when  the  people  were  filing  past  the  casket  that  held  all 
that  was  mortal  of  the  late  President  of  the  United  States,  in  the  rotunda  of 
the  capitol  at  Washington,  Leon  Czolgosz,  his  assassin,  was  being  arraigned 
for  trial  in  the  court  room  at  Buffalo. 

"Are  you  guilty,  or  not  guilty?"  was  the  question  which  the  Law  asked 
of  him. 

Whatever  he  was,  whatever  he  had  done,  the  public  of  the  nation  was 
too  great  to  visit  upon  him  the  summary  vengeance  his  awful  act  so  richly 
merited. 

Society  is  better  than  Czolgosz  thought  it  to  be.  If  it  had  been  the 
monster  he  pictured,  if  it  had  been  the  unreasoning  and  unjust  force  he  had 
been  taught,  and  which  his  mad  act  showed  that  he  believed,  that  man 
would  have  been  turned  loose  from  the  jail  in  Buffalo,  and  the  society  he 
condemned  would  have  had  its  will  with  him.  And  the  mangled  fragments 
of  the  Third  Assassin  would  have  borne  mute  testimony  to  the  truth — as 
well,  perhaps,  as  the  justice — of  the  estimate  which  he  placed  upon  it. 

But  instead  of  that,  society  gave  him  all  the  forms  of  trial,  all  the  pos- 
sibilities of  defense. 

He  had  the  assistance  of  learned  counsel.  He  might  well  be  sure  that  all 
that  his  most  devoted  friend  could  say  in  wisdom  for  his  defense  will  be 
brought  forward  on  his  trial.  He  was  not  condemned  unheard.  He  was 
placed  with  hands  unbound  in  the  presence  of  a  sedate  tribunal — of  one  of 
the  tribunals  which  all  the  organs  of  his  creed  had  been  maligning  in  their 
every  issue;  and  there  he  was  asked: 

"Are  you  guilty,  or  not  quilty?" 

District  Attorney  Penney  almost  shouted  the  words  at  Leon  Czolgosz, 
sitting  in  the  county  courtroom  at  3  o'clock  this  afternoon.  The  assassin 
did  not  even  turn  his  eyes  toward  his  questioner.  Two  hundred  auditors 
watched  him,  listening  for  his  answer,  but  he  did  not  look  at  any  of  them, 
and  his  unshaven  lips  were  silent.  He  stared  at  the  floor,  and  shunned  the 
eyes  of  his  fellow  creatures. 

The  assassin,  arrayed  in  clean  linen  for  the  first  time  since  he  shot  the 

375 


376  THE   ASSASSIN   ARRAIGNED. 

President,  sat  sullen  before  the  court  while  the  charges  were  being  read. 
He  looked  no  man  in  the  eye.  Sometimes  his  lips  moved  nervously,  as  if  he 
would  speak.  But  he  only  moistened  them  with  his  tongue,  and  with 
groveling  eyes  sat  stolid  and  voiceless. 

"Are  you  guilty?  Answer  yes  or  no!"  thundered  the  district  attorney, 
but  the  fair-haired  monster  in  the  chair  paid  no  heed. 

"Do  you  understand  what  has  been  read?"  asked  Mr.  Penney. 

For  an  instant  the  skulking  glance  of  the  assassin  fixed  itself  upon  the 
lawyer's  face.  An  immediate  hush  fell  upon  the  audience.  The  assassin 
leaned  forward  in  his  chair,  then  dropped  his  eyes,  then  leaned  back  in 
silence. 

"You  have  been  indicted  for  murder  in  the  first  degree,"  said  Mr. 
Penney. 

Czolgosz's  eyes  wandered  toward  the  ceiling  for  a  second,  then  to  the 
floor.  Then  he  shifted  half  way  round  in  his  chair  and  sat  mute  in  the  face  of 
his  accuser. 

Judge  Loren  L.  Lewis,  former  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  who  had 
been  assigned  to  the  defense  of  the  assassin  by  Judge  Edward  K.  Emery, 
then  arose  and  addressed  the  court.  It  was  at  once  apparent  that  the  duty 
was  distasteful,  but  Mr.  Lewis  entered  a  plea  of  "Not  Guilty." 

He  asked  permission  to  reserve  the  right  to  withdraw  the  plea,  enter  a 
special  plea,  or  withdraw  the  demurrer  if,  after  consultation  with  Judge 
Titus,  also  assigned  to  the  case,  it  was  decided  to  decline  the  assignment. 
Judge  Titus  being  in  Milwaukee,  Mr.  Lewis  said  that  it  was  impossible  to 
enter  further  into  the  case,  and,  therefore,  he  informally  offered  the  plea  of 
not  guilty. 

Attorney  Lewis  then  told  the  court  that  he  had  called  upon  the  prisoner, 
but  had  been  met  with  a  stubborn  refusal  to  discuss  the  case.  Czolgosz 
would  not  even  admit  that  he  wished  the  services  of  counsel.  Mr.  Lewis 
asked  the  court  for  permission  to  introduce  alienists  to  examine  into  the 
prisoner's  mental  condition,  as  this  step  had  already  been  taken  by  the  at- 
torneys for  the  people.  He  mentioned  incidentally  that  he  was  sorry  his 
name  had  been  connected  with  the  case,  but  that  as  a  lawyer  and  an  officer 
of  the  court  he  felt  himself  obligated  to  carry  out  its  wishes. 

Mr.  Penney  next  gave  notice  that  he  would  move  to  have  the  trial 
transferred  to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  would  ask  notice  of  it  for  next  Mon- 
day. Czolgosz's  attorney  then  said  that  he  knew  of  no  reason  why  his  client 
should  not  be  ready  Monday,  but  Judge  Emery  upon  request  agreed  not  to 


THE   ASSASSIN   ARRAIGNED.  377 

enter  the  order  till  Mr.  Titus,  associate  counsel  for  Czolgosz,  returns  from 
Milwaukee. 

Mr.  Lewis'  request  to  be  permitted  to  introduce  alienists  gave  rise  to  the 
prevalent  belief  that  the  defense  will  be  built  upon  the  theory  of  insanity. 

At  the  close  of  Attorney  Lewis'  address  Judge  Emery  said: 

"Remove  the  prisoner." 

He  was  quickly  handcuffed.  There  was  a  rush  of  spectators  toward 
the  stairway  leading  to  the  tunnel  that  connects  the  courthouse  with  the 
jail.  Czolgosz,  the  assassin,  now  manacled  and  hustled  along,  passed  within 
a  lane  of  staring  citizens. 

His  dirty  sleeve  brushed  against  the  drapery  of  black  that  enwrapped  the 
pillars  of  the  halls  and  stairs  as  he  descended.  Above  his  head,  as  he  passed 
downward  into  the  tunnel,  the  black  encinctured  portrait  of  the  martyred 
President  looked  down  upon  his  frowzy  head  as  he  went.  But  he  did  not 
look  up.  Surrounded  by  detectives,  mute,  sullen  and  shambling,  he  shuffled 
down  the  stone  stairway. 

Then  a  low  hiss,  subdued  but  ominous,  rose  from  the  watching  crowd. 
It  swelled  and  echoed  down  the  squalid  passageway  as  the  murderer  slunk 
away  and  passed  back  to  the  jail,  which  is  connected  by  a  dark  subway  under 
Delaware  avenue  with  the  courthouse. 

It  was  the  opinion  of  those  who  saw  Czolgosz  to-day  that  he  is  sham- 
ming insanity.  Since  his  arrest  he  has  made  no  rational  request,  except  that 
he  be  shaved.  Chief  of  Detectives  Cusack  said  "No,"  and  the  murderer 
came  into  court  to-day  with  a  ten  days'  growth  of  beard  that  made  him  look 
disheveled  and  dirty. 

"He  gets  no  razor  while  he  is  my  prisoner,"  explained  Cusack.  "That 
would  be  too  easy." 

The  audience  which  assembled  in  court  to  witness  Czolgosz's  arraign- 
ment to-day  was  not  as  large  as  was  expected.  Few  believed  that  Judges 
Titus  and  Lewis  would  consent  to  serve  in  behalf  of  the  accused  assassin. 
Both  the  lawyers  assigned  to  the  case  by  Judge  Emery  are  high  in  their 
profession,  and  it  is  well  known  that  they  are  mortified  and  annoyed  by  the 
assignment.  However,  the  law  requires  that  the  court's  behest  be  followed, 
and  it  is  probable  that  the  attorneys  named  will  carry  out  the  instructions 
of  Judge  Emery. 

There  is  something  in  the  family  history  of  the  assassin  which  sheds  a 
baleful  light  on  tl.e  acts  of  the  present,  and  they  were  revealed  in  the  very 
hour  when  he  was  standing  trial  for  his  life  in  Buffalo. 


378  THE   ASSASSIN   ARRAIGNED. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  father  of  this  young  man  took  the  law  into 
his  own  hands.  And  this  is  the  story  of  it: 

The  elder  Czolgosz  was  one  of  the  colonists  in  Presque  Isle  County, 
ruled  over  by  Henry  Molitor,  who  was  an  illegitimate  son  of  King  Louis  of 
Wurtemberg,  and  who  fled  from  Germany  under  sentence  of  death. 

Stung  to  desperation  by  King  Molitor's  tyrannies  and  vice,  a  band  of 
colonists  poured  a  volley  of  shots  through  the  window  of  the  company  store 
on  August  1 6,  1876,  killing  Molitor. 

The  principal  actors  in  this  tragedy,  of  whom  the  elder  Czolgosz  was 
one,  were  sentenced  to  prison  for  life,  but  were  subsequently  pardoned. 
Amid  such  surroundings  Assassin  Czolgosz  was  born  and  reared. 

All  that  occurred  twenty-five  years  ago.  It  could  have  had  no  influence 
on  the  life  of  the  lad,  if,  indeed,  he  had  then  been  born.  But  it  in  some 
degree  shows  the  strain  of  blood  in  the  family,  and  in  some  measure  ac- 
counts for  the  stolid  silence  in  which  that  young  man  sits  when,  for  murder 
most  foul,  he  is  called  before  the  bar  of  the  people. 

Following  is  the  formal  true  bill  returned  by  the  grand  jury  of  Erie 
County,  New  York,  against  Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  the  assassin  of  the  late  Presi- 
dent McKinley : 

The  people  of  the  State  of  New  York,  entered  against  Leon  F.  Czolgosz, 
alias  Fred  Nieman. 

The  grand  jury  of  the  County  of  Erie,  by  this  indictment,  accuse  Leon 
F.  Czolgosz,  alias  Fred  Nieman,  of  the  crime  of  murder  in  the  first  degree. 

That  the  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  alias  Fred  Nieman,  on  the  sixth  day  of 
September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  one,  at 
the  City  of  Buffalo,  in  the  County  of  Erie,  with  force  and  arms  in  and  upon 
one  William  McKinley,  in  the  peace  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
then  and  there  being,  willfully,  feloniously  and  from  a  deliberate  and  pre- 
meditated design  to  effect  the  death  of  said  William  McKinley,  did  make 
an  assault,  and  the  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  alias  Fred  Nieman,  then  and  there 
willfully,  feloniously  and  from  a  deliberate  and  premeditated  design  to  effect 
the  death  of  the  said  William  McKinley,  did  shoot  off  and  discharge  to,  at, 
against  and  upon  the  said  William  McKinley  a  certain  pistol  and  firearm, 
then  and  there  charged  and  loaded  with  gunpowder  and  leaden  bullets,  and 
the  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  alias  Fred  Nieman,  with  the  leaden  bullets  afore- 
said, out  of  the  pistol  and  firearm  aforesaid,  then  and  there  by  force  of  the 
gunpowder  aforesaid,  shot  off,  sent  forth  and  discharged,  him,  the  said  Leon 


THE   ASSASSIN   ARRAIGNED.  3t» 

F.  Czolgosz,  then  and  there  feloniously,  willfully  and  with  a  deliberate  and 
premeditated  design  to  effect  the  death  of  the  said  William  McKinley,  did 
strike,  penetrate  and  wound,  giving  unto  him,  the  said  William  McKinley, 
then  and  there  with  the  leaden  bullets  aforesaid  so  as  aforesaid  discharged, 
sent  forth  and  shot  out  of  the  pistol  and  firearm  aforesaid,  by  the  said  Leon 
F.  Czolgosz,  alias  Fred  Nieman,  in  and  upon  the  stomach,  abdomen  and 
body  of  the  said  William  McKinley,  one  mortal  wound,  of  which  said  mortal 
wound  he,  the  said  William  McKinley,  from  the  sixth  day  of  September,  in 
the  year  aforesaid,  until  the  fourteenth  day  of  September,  in  the  same  year 
aforesaid,  at  the  city  and  county  aforesaid,  did  languish,  and,  languishing, 
did  live,  on  which  said  last-mentioned  day  he,  the  said  William  McKin- 
ley, at  the  city  and  county  aforesaid,  of  the  said  mortal  wound,  did  die;  con- 
trary to  the  form  of  the  statute  in  such  case  made  and  provided,  and  against 
the  peace  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York  and  their  dignity. 

Second  Count — And  the  grand  jury  of  the  County  of  Erie  aforesaid  by 
this  indictment  do  further  accuse  the  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  alias  Fred  Nie- 
man, of  the  crime  of  murder  in  the  first  degree,  committed  as  follows,  to-wit : 

That  on  the  sixth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thou- 
sand nine  hundred  and  one,  at  the  City  of  Buffalo,  and  in  the  County  of 
Erie,  the  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  alias  Fred  Nieman,  in  and  upon  the  body 
of  one  William  McKinley,  in  the  peace  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  New 
York  to  and  there  being  willfully,  feloniously  and  of  his  malice  aforethought, 
did  make  an  assault,  and  a  certain  pistol  then  and  there  charged  with  gun- 
powder and  one  leaden  bullet,  which  he,  the  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  alias 
Fred  Nieman,  in  his  right  hand  then  and  there  had,  and  held  to,  at,  against 
and  upon  the  said  William  McKinley,  then  and  there  willfully,  feloniously 
and  of  his  malice  aforethought,  did  shoot  off  and  discharge,  and  the  said 
Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  alias  Fred  Nieman,  with  the  leaden  bullet  aforesaid,  then 
and  there  by  the  force  of  the  gunpowder  aforesaid  shot  off,  sent  forth  and 
discharged  as  aforesaid,  him,  the  said  William  McKintey,  in  and  upon  the 
stomach,  abdomen  and  body  of  him,  the  said  William  McKinley.  then  and 
there  willfully,  feloniously  and  of  his  malice  aforethought,  did  strike,  pene- 
trate and  wound,  giving  unto  him,  the  said  William  McKinley,  then  and 
there  with  the  leaden  bullet  aforesaid,  so  as  aforesaid  discharged,  sent  forth 
and  shot  out  of  the  pistol  aforesaid,  in  and  upon  the  stomach,  abdomen  and 
body  of  him,  the  said  William  McKinley,  one  mortal  wound,  of  which  said 
mortal  wound  he,  the  said  William  McKinley,  from  the  said  sixth  day  of  Sep- 
tember, in  the  year  aforesaid,  at  the  city  and  county  aforesaid,  did  languish, 


380  THE   ASSASSIN   ARRAIGNED. 

and,  languishing,  did  live;  on  which  said  last-mentioned  day  he,  the  said 
William  McKinley,  at  the  city  and  county  aforesaid,  of  the  said  mortal 
wound,  did  die. 

And  so  the  grand  jury  aforesaid  do  say  that  the  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz, 
alias  Fred  Nieman,  him  the  said  William  McKinley,  in  the  manner  and  form 
and  by  the  means  aforesaid,  did  kill  and  murder  against  the  form  of  the  statute 
in  such  case  made  and  provided  and  against  the  peace  of  the  people  of  the 
State  of  New  York  and  their  dignity. 

(Signed.)  THOMAS  PENNEY, 

District  Attorney  of  Erie  County. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 
THE    SAD   JOURNEY    TO    CANTON. 

The  funeral  train  bearing  the  remains  of  President  McKinley  crossed  the 
west  line  of  Pennsylvania  and  entered  his  home  State  and  his  home  Congres- 
sional District  at  10  o'clock  a.  m.,  Wednesday,  September  18,  1901. 

This  is  the  district  he  represented  for  fourteen  years  in  the  halls  of  Con- 
gress. Many  who  had  known  the  President  personally,  who  had  shaken  his 
hand  and  gazed  into  his  genial  face,  lined  the  tracks  to  do  honor  to  all  that 
remained  on  earth  of  their  neighbor,  friend  and  chief.  From  the  State  line 
to  Canton,  the  President's  home,  the  line  of  mourners  was  almost  continu- 
ous. Although  a  stirring  depth  of  feeling  had  been  manifested  as  the  train 
passed  through  other  States  of  the  Union  with  its  burden,  nowhere  was 
poignant  grief  so  evident  as  it  was  during  the  sad  journey  through  the  Presi- 
dent's home  State. 

It  is  the  second  time  the  State  of  Ohio  has  been  called  upon  to  pay  hom- 
age to  the  ashes  of  one  of  its  sons,  elevated  to  the  Presidency  and  then 
stricken  by  an  assassin's  bullet  in  the  prime  of  his  career. 

The  mustering  of  popular  sentiment  was  awe-inspiring,  both  because 
of  the  numerical  strength  of  the  mourners  and  the  intensity  of  feeling  shown. 
In  every  sense  was  the  trip  of  the  President's  body  to  its  last  resting  place 
memorable.  .Miles  upon  miles  of  humanity  were  passed,  thousands  upon 
thousands  of  heads  were  bared.  Hundreds  upon  hundreds  of  crape-tied  flags 
were  displayed,  while,  in  the  distance,  the  emblem  of  the  nation  was  seen  at 
half-mast  upon  the  schoolhouse  or  other  public  building. 

Company  upon  company  of  State  militia  presented  arms,  while  peal  upon 
peal  of  the  death  knell  came  from  church  and  courthouse  bells.  In  all  there 
was  not  a  smile  seen  from  the  train,  and  the  ears  of  President  Roosevelt  and 
Mrs.  McKinley  were  not  jarred  by  the  sound  of  cheers  or  unseemly  shouts  of 
acclaim.  The  thousands  of  school  children,  lined  up  near  the  track,  main- 
tained a  silence  as  profound,  as  sympathetic  and  as  reverent  as  their  elders, 
who  felt  more  deeply. 

Through  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  where  the  outlines  of  black  moun- 
tains frowned  dimly  upon  the  train  as  it  passed  in  the  night,  bonfires  were 
seen  where  they  had  been  lit  to  keep  the  watchers  awake  in  their  night  vigil. 

381 


382  THE   SAD   JOURNEY  TO    CANTON. 

The  flames  lit  up  the  sides  of  the  funeral  train  and  cast  flickering  shadows 
against  the  sides  of  the  great  hills.  In  the  towns  at  night  the  torches  lit  up 
the  anxious,  sympathetic  faces  of  the  mourners,  who  had  lost  sleep  and 
braved  the  chill  so  as  to  have  a  brief  look  at  the  train  which  was  hurrying  to 
the  President's  burial  ground. 

An  entire  regiment  of  the  State  troops  was  ranked  along  the  tracks  at 
Pittsburg  near  the  station.  No  stop  was  made  at  the  big  sooty  city.  Against 
one  of  the  hills  were  placed  several  hundred  girls  in  the  form  of  a  flag.  The 
long  railroad  bridge  over  the  Allegheny  was  solid  with  men  and  boys,  whose 
coats  almost  touched  the  train  as  it  passed  through. 

From  Pittsburg  the  train  followed  the  Ohio  river  for  miles.  Old  river 
steamboats  blew  sorrowful,  long-drawn-out  salutes  to  the  passing  train. 
Flags  upon  them  were  at  half-mast. 

On  the  shores  of  West  Virginia  opposite  there  were  crowds  assembled 
who  saw  the  train  speed  by  in  the  distance.  Many  of  the  towns  on  the  banks 
of  the  Ohio  consisted  of  long  strings  of  houses  in  the  gulch.  Some  of  the 
towns  containing  only  a  few  thousand  inhabitants  stretched  along  for  a  great 
distance.  All  the  people  were  gathered  at  the  track,  both  from  the  towns 
and  the  country  sides  for  miles  around.  Doorsteps  of  every  house  were  filled 
with  watchers,  the  old  folks'  faces  were  seen  gazing  through  the  windows 
and  the  roof  tops  were  thronged. 

At  a  country  cross-road,  where  there  was  not  a  house  in  sight,  several 
score  of  men,  women  and  children  were  gathered.  The  buggies  and  farm 
wagons  a  little  distance  away  showed  they  had  come  from  a  distance.  Their 
horses  were  munching  in  their  feed  bags,  unaware  of  what  was  the  mournful 
occasion  of  their  day's  journey. 

East  Palestine,  the  first  Ohio  station  passed  by  the  train,  appeared  to  be 
a  little  village  nestled  in  between  two  great  hills.  There  were  enough  people 
scattered  at  the  tracks,  however,  to  warrant  the  presumption  that  it  was  a 
city  of  considerable  importance. 

From  early  dawn,  when  the  first  rays  of  the  sun  came  shimmering 
through  the  Allegheny  mists,  the  country  through  which  the  McKinley  fu- 
neral train  passed  seemed  alive  with  waiting  people.  As  the  train  was  later 
than  its  schedule  the  probabilities  were  that  many  thousands  lined  up  along 
the  track  had  been  waiting  for  almost  an  hour  for  the  fleeting  glimpse  of  the 
cars  accompanying  the  murdered  President's  body  to  its  last  resting  place. 

Steel  workers,  with  their  dinner  pails  in  their  hands,  ran  the  risk  of  being 
late  at  the  mills  in  order  to  pay  their  last  homage  to  the  dead.  It  was  at  the 


THE   SAD   JOURNEY  TO    CANTON.  383 

steel  towns,  just  east  of  Pittsburg,  that  the  largest  early  crowds  lined  the 
tracks. 

Between  and  east  of  the  mill  towns  was  the  open  mountain  country  in- 
terspersed with  an  occasional  cluster  of  houses  near  coal  mines  or  oil  wells. 
Even  in  the  open  country  as  early  as  6  a.  m.  there  were  people  gathered  at 
the  cross-roads  or  leaning  against  farm  fences. 

Faces  were  seen  peering  through,  up  and  down  windows  of  houses  situ- 
ated near  the  Tracks.  In  railroad  yards  hundreds  were  crowded  on  top  of 
cars  so  as  to  obtain  a  view  as  the  sections  of  the  Presidential  train  picked 
their  way  through  the  maze  of  tracks.  Women  and  girls  as  well  as  men 
and  boys  were  eager  to  see  the  cars  go  by. 

In  the  railroad  cars  in  Pitcairn,  a  few  miles  east  of  Pittsburg,  hundreds 
of  factory  girls  were  lined  up.  It  was  8:35  a.  m.  when  the  train  passed 
through  Pitcairn,  so  most  of  the  girls  with  lunch  boxes  under  their  arms 
must  have  been  quite  late  to  work,  all  for  the  sake  of  the  few  seconds'  look  at 
the  train  which  brought  so  close  to  them  the  victim  of  the  anarchist's  bullet 
and  his  successor,  President  Roosevelt. 

Young  women  who  were  not  shop  girls  were  there,  too,  evidently  having 
come  from  the  most  exclusive  residence  districts  of  the  little  city,  trudging 
through  the  rough  tracks  to  obtain  a  brief  look. 

Away  from  the  crowds  at  the  towns  solitary  watchers  were  passed.  En- 
gineers and  firemen  of  passing  trains  leaned  far  out  of  their  cab  windows 
when  the  train  approached.  Boys  and  girls,  perched  high  on  rocky  crags, 
remained  in  their  points  of  vantage  to  see  the  train  fly  past. 

As  the  train  neared  Pittsburg  it  passed  between  a  continuous  line  of  men 
and  women,  boys  and  girls,  miles  long. 

There  was  hardly  a  space  of  a  dozen  feet  that  was  not  filled.  On  the 
sides  and  tops  of  the  near-by  foothills  colored  specks  told  of  the  bright 
dresses  of  women  and  girls,  who  were  watching  the  entrance  of  the  long 
tunnel  in  Pittsburg,  which  was  like  a  human  archway,  so  many  persons  of 
all  ages  and  sexes  were  crowded  around  and  above  the  black  opening. 

One  enterprising  lad  was  high  on  a  church  steeple  and  waved  his  hat. 
The  viaducts  were  simply  jammed  with  thousands  of  human  beings.  The 
high  tops  of  the  iron  girders  were  covered  with  boys,  while  the  vertical  steel 
pillars  supported  venturesome  climbers.  Windows  of  mills  and  factories, 
where  employes  were  busy  a  moment  before,  were  crowded  with  eager  faces 
as  the  train  drew  near. 

From  beyond  Braddock,  which  is  twelve  miles  from  Pittsburg,  the  con- 


384  THE   SAD   JOURNEY   TO    CANTON. 

tinuous  and  mournful  ovation  began  and  continued  almost  in  a  solid  line 
until  the  train  was  miles  out  of  the  Smoky  City. 

On  V?p  cf  a  carload  of  stone  in  Pittsburg  were  about  a  hundred  girls, 
and  they  presented  a  most  picturesque  appearance.  Although  the  crowds 
were  far  greater  than  ever  greeted  any  President  of  the  United  States  alive, 
not  a  smile  was  seen,  not  a  cheer  was  heard.  The  train  passed  between  the 
walls  of  solemn-visaged  humanity  miles  long. 

The  sun  burst  through  the  smoky  pall  at  intervals  and  lit  up  the  bright 
colors  of  the  women's  dresses  with  an  indescribable  effect.  Although  the 
dresses  were  bright,  the  faces  were  not.  They  were  evidently  filled  with 
sympathy  for  the  dead  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley,  and  with  execration  of 
the  assassin  whose  foul  deed  was  the  cause  of  the  present  sad  demonstration. 

Thousands  upon  thousands  of  bared  heads  of  the  men  as  seen  from  the 
train  windows  bore  evidence  of  their  reverence  for  the  ashes  of  their  Presi- 
dent, while  the  grim  set  of  their  countenances  bespoke  little  of  the  quality 
of  mercy  for  the  murderous  anarchist. 

Grassy  terraces  covered  with  a  bright  green  carpet  were  dotted  with  the 
pink,  red  and  blue  dresses  of  the  women  and  girls,  presenting  in  the  bright 
sunshine  a  wonderful  effect.  The  crowds  thickened  as  the  depot  was  ap- 
proached until  every  street  was  jammed  and  every  available  space  filled 
hundreds  deep. 

As  the  train  sped  through  the  Ohio  hills  the  country  smiled  with  glow- 
ing golden  rod  as  if  to  remind  those  on  the  train  that  the  simple  blossom 
was  a  favorite  with  the  late  President.  The  mowed  fields  were  as  green  as 
if  the  summer  were  young  instead  of  at  its  close. 

Gorgeous  red  of  the  sumac  and  the  russet  brown  of  the  ivy  were  the 
only  colors  to  relieve  the  green  of  the  woods.  The  aspect  of  the  land  was 
pleasant  as  if  the  honored  son  of  Ohio  were  being  welcomed  to  his  last 
home-coming  by  the  earth  which  was  to  receive  him  so  soon.  A  sprinkling 
of  clouds  tempered  the  rays  of  the  sun  and  relieved  its  glare,  making  it  an 
ideal  day  for  rejoicing,  rather  than  gloom. 

Smiling  as  were  the  elements,  however,  their  gladsome  joy  was  not  re- 
flected in  the  countenances  of  the  fellow-citizens  of  the  departed  Ohioan. 
Had  the  sky  been  somber  as  night  and  the  earth  as  desolate  as  the  desert 
the  countenances  of  those  thousands  of  human  beings  assembled  along  the 
route  could  not  have  been  gloomier. 

One  noticeable  feature  of  the  crowds  was  that  so  many  people  were  at- 
tired in  their  Sunday  best.  These  had  arrayed  themselves  as  for  a  funeral, 


THE   SAD   JOURNEY   TO   CANTON.  385 

the  same  as  if  some  member  of  their  own  family  was  to  be  buried,  and  all  for 
the  sake  of  the  mere  glimpse  of  the  presidential  train  and  for  the  privilege 
of  paying  a  momentary  mute  homage  to  the  memory  of  the  illustrious  dead. 

In  other  days  Canton  has  been  clothed  in  a  gay  garb  of  color,  bands  have 
played  stirringly,  richly  attired  women  have  smiled  and  men  have  shouted 
for  William  McKinley.  But  those  were  happier  days  than  this,  the  occasion 
of  the  home-coming  of  a  guide,  friend  and  neighbor  who,  having  climbed 
the  ladder  of  fame,  fell  before  the  assassin's  bullet  and  died  in  the  arms  of 
his  country. 

In  all  the  little  city  which  the  dead  President  loved  there  was  hardly  a 
structure  that  bore  no  badge  of  sorrow.  In  Tuscarawas  street,  from  one 
end  to  the  other,  business  houses  were  hung  heavy  with  crape  and  at  in- 
tervals huge  arches,  draped  and  festooned  in  mourning  colors,  spanned  the 
route  of  the  procession  from  the  train  to  the  county  courthouse. 

One  of  the  arches  was  in  front  of  the  Canton  high  school,  half  a  block 
from  McKinley  avenue.  The  school  was  draped,  and  in  every  window  was  a 
black-bordered  portrait  of  the  late  President.  In  this  thoroughfare,  too,  are 
two  large  churches,  one  of  which  was  regularly  attended  by  Major  McKinley, 
the  First  Methodist  Episcopal,  at  Cleveland  avenue,  a  block  from  the  court- 
house. At  each  corner  of  the  edifice  and  above  the  big  cathedral  windows 
were  broad  draperies  deftly  looped,  each  bearing  a  large  white  rosette.  The 
other  church,  the  First  Presbyterian,  was  similarly  adorned. 

The  courthouse,  the  scene  of  the  lying  in  state,  was  a  mass  of  sable  hue. 
At  the  entrance,  between  the  two  big  doors,  was  a  tablet  wrought  in  crape 
and  upon  the  cloth  shield  was  emblazoned  in  white  the  utterance  of  the  Presi- 
dent when  told  that  he  must  die: 

"It  is  God's  way.    His  will,  not  ours,  be  done." 

In  front  of  the  courthouse  was  another  massive  arch. 

Canton  was  astir  with  break  of  day,  such  residents  as  had  not  displayed 
badges  and  draperies  of  mourning  performing  the  task  that  morning.  At 
Nemicella  Park  the  soldiers  of  Troop  A  of  Cleveland  and  the  militia  of 
various  parts  of  the  State  were  busy  preparing  to  escort  the  distinguished 
dead  up  Tuscarawas  street. 

On  every  corner  in  the  downtown  districts  boys  and  men  were  shouting 
out  "Official  badges  here"  and  selling  pictures  of  the  dead  President. 

Before  8  o'clock  the  rotunda  of  the  courthouse  had  been  prepared  for 
the  reception  of  the  body.  With  the  exception  of  dainty  white  streamers 
from  the  chandeliers  there  was  no  trace  of  white  in  the  large  apartment 


386  THE  SAD   JOURNEY   TO    CANTON. 

wherein  the  public  should  have  a  last  look  upon  the  face  of  the  departed 
executive.  The  walls  and  ceilings  were  covered  with  black  cloth  looped  here 
and  there  from  the  ornamental  pillars  with  streamers  and  rosettes  of  the 
same  color.  From  each  chandelier  was  suspended  a  small  American  flag, 
a  larger  one  fluttering  just  above  the  catafalque. 

Three  hours  before  the  funeral  train  was  scheduled  to  arrive  more  than 
a  thousand  men  and  women  had  gathered  at  Courthouse  square  and  hun- 
dreds of  others  had  congregated  in  the  vicinity  of  the  railway  depot,  each 
anxious  to  be  as  near  the  casket  as  possible  when  it  was  taken  from  the  car 
Pacific. 

At  the  McKinley  home  itself,  almost  the  only  residence  in  Canton  that 
bore  no  trace  of  mourning,  was  another  throng,  and  there  was  not  a  door  or 
window  that  had  not  been  peered  at  most  assiduously  by  curious  visitors  and 
equally  curious  residents  of  the  city. 

Every  train  brought  crowds  of  visitors,  come  to  witness  and  take  a  sor- 
rowful share  in  the  last  rites.  Every  hotel  was  full  to  overflowing,  four  or 
five  persons  occupying  a  room  scarcely  large  enough  for  two,  and  halls  and 
parlors  had  been  filled  with  cots.  Even  these  brought  prices  as  high  as  would 
procure  one  of  the  best  rooms  in  a  metropolitan  hotel. 

Complete  plans  could  not  be  made  until  after  the  arrival  of  the  funeral 
train.  It  had  been  the  intention  to  have  the  body  lie  in  state  until  evening 
and  then  remove  it  to  the  McKinley  home  in  North  Market  street,  but  Mrs. 
McKinley  objected,  asserting  that  she  could  not  endure  the  thought  of 
having  her  husband's  body  disturbed. 

Above  the  high  steps  and  over  the  main  entrance  to  the  courthouse  hung 
a  painting  of  Maj.  McKinley  twenty  feet  square.  It  had  a  white  border  and 
made  a  very  effective  piece  against  the  broad  expanse  of  black  that  obscured 
all  the  first  part  of  the  second  story  of  the  structure.  The  most  effective 
arch  in  the  city  was  that  in  front  of  the  high  school.  This  was  erected  by 
the  pupils  of  the  public  schools.  It  was  square  on  top  and  bore  on  either 
side  a  picture  of  the  dead  President.  On  the  left  of  each  picture  was  the 
legend  "We  loved  him,"  and  on  the  right  "He  loved  us." 

On  either  support  was  a  large  card  bearing  this:  "Canton  Public 
Schools." 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

CANTON   BATHED  IN  TEARS. 

The  funeral  train  proper,  bearing  the  body  of  President  McKinley, 
arrived  at  12  o'clock.  It  was  met  by  Judge  Day,  at  the  head  of  the  local 
reception  committee,  while  assembled  about  the  station  was  the  entire  militia 
of  the  State. 

Mrs.  McKinley,  weeping  piteously,  was  helped  from  the  train  by  Dr. 
Rixey  and  Abner  McKinley  and  conducted  to  a  carriage. 

The  body  was  then  lifted  from  the  catafalque  car  and  carried  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  bodybearers  through  a  pathway  formed  by  President  Roose- 
velt and  his  cabinet  to  the  waiting  hearse.  The  surrounding  soldiers  were 
at  present  arms  and  bugles  sounded  taps. 

The  President  and  cabinet  then  entered  carriages.  They  were  followed 
by  the  guard  of  honor,  headed  by  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Miles  in  full 
uniform,  and  the  sad  procession  then  moved  up  Tenth  street  in  the  direction 
of  the  courthouse,  where  the  body  was  to  lie  in  state.  Soldiers  at  intervals 
all  the  way  kept  back  the  immense  crowds  which  thronged  the  streets.  The 
procession  passed  all  the  way  beneath  big  arches  draped  with  black. 

President  Roosevelt  and  the  members  of  the  cabinet  were  the  first  to 
pass  by  the  bier,  followed  by  the  highest  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  Sen- 
ator Hanna  and  many  others  high  in  public  life. 

Later  the  public  was  admitted  to  the  chamber  and  thousands  viewed  the 
body.  Mrs.  McKinley  and  the  relatives  did  not  go  to  the  courthouse.  She 
stood  the  trip  fairly  well,  and  soon  after  arriving  went  to  sleep  in  the  old 
home. 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  almost  the  first  to  leave  the  train.  She  leaned  heavily 
on  the  arm  of  Abner  McKinley  and  was  supported  on  the  other  side  by  Dr. 
Rixey.  She  walked  slowly  toward  the  carriage  prepared  for  her  and  was 
taken  to  the  home  of  which  she  has  been  mistress  for  so  many  years.  There 
was  not  a  person  of  the  hundreds  who  saw  her  at  the  depot  but  who  knew 
her.  Her  sweet  face  was  not  visible  through  the  heavy  black  of  her  mourn- 
ing veil,  but  her  frail  form  and  bearing  made  her  instantly  recognized  by 
those  assembled. 

A  sublime  hush  fell  upon  all.    There  were  scores  of  women  present  and 


388  CANTON  BATHED  IN  TEARS. 

all  were  in  tears.  It  was  a  great,  silent  outpouring  of  deep  sympathy  for  the 
crushed  soul  of  their  beloved  neighbor. 

President  Roosevelt  and  the  cabinet  left  their  car  in  the  opposite  direc- 
tion and  took  their  places  in  the  closed  carriages  for  the  funeral  procession. 
The  great  throng  regarded  them  respectfully.  For  five  years  those  gathered 
here  had  annually  received  as  President  of  the  United  States  their  fellow 
townsman.  The  sorrow  of  the  citizens  of  Canton  was  yet  too  poignant  to 
permit  of  the  expression  of  any  other  emotion  than  grief.  Eight  artillery- 
men and  eight  soldiers  slowly  trod  down  the  steps  of  the  Pacific,  the  car  in 
which  the  President's  body  rested.  A  passing  cloud  which  had  cast  its 
kindly  shade  upon  the  dolorous  form  of  the  President's  widow  now  withdrew 
from  the  face  of  the  sun  so  as  to  permit  the  warming  rays  to  rest  upon  the 
casket  of  the  dead  President. 

A  window  was  raised  toward  the  rear  of  the  car,  the  same  window 
through  which  the  body  had  been  passed  thrice  before.  The  opening  looked 
very  small.  Eight  of  the  guards,  four  bluejackets  and  four  red-striped  ser- 
geants of  artillery,  stood  below  to  receive  the  heavy  burden.  A  moment 
later  the  end  of  the  coffin,  draped  with  the  red,  white  and  blue  of  its  silken 
covering,  protruded.  A  few  of  the  onlookers  had  not  thought  it  necessary 
to  remove  their  hats,  they  had  been  so  absorbed  in  the  incoming  of  the  train. 
Their  heads  were  bared  instantly.  The  eight  soldiers  and  sailors  received 
the  great  weight  on  their  shoulders.  They  were  sturdy  men,  but  their  limbs 
trembled  under  the  strain. 

Preceded  by  Judge  Day  and  other  members  of  the  reception  committee, 
the  coffin  was  borne  the  whole  length  of  the  station  platform,  several  hun- 
dred feet.  The  militia  surrounding  the  station  stood  at  present  arms.  At 
the  end  of  the  platform  was  the  hearse  chosen  to  carry  the  corpse  in  the  pro- 
cession to  the  courthouse. 

"Present  arms!"  came  the  command  from  the  sergeant  of  hussars  oppo- 
site the  hearse.  Magnificently  caparisoned  in  all  the  trappings  of  their  full 
dress,  Troop  A  of  the  Cleveland  Hussars  had  been  chosen  to  precede  the 
hearse  in  the  procession. 

At  the  call  one  hundred  swords  were  unsheathed  and  held  pointing  up- 
ward from  the  broad  bosoms  of  the  cavalrymen.  The  bright  blades,  freshly 
burnished  for  the  occasion,  flashed  the  sunlight  like  white  fire.  The  gold 
lace  shone,  and  the  bearskin  caps,  towering  above  the  erect  heads  cf  the 
hussars,  added  to  the  martial  effect. 

In  the  attitude  of  present,  like  a  hundred  equestrian  statues,  the  hussars 


CANTON    BATHED    IN   TEARS.  389 

remained  motionless  until  the  casket  had  been  placed  within  the  hearse.  If 
a  horse  moved  its  foot  or  whisked  a  fly  from  its  sides  the  motion  was  not 
apparent.  The  air  was  still,  the  crowd  was  still,  the  engine  at  the  head  of  the 
train  was  still,  and  the  intense  silence  pervaded  the  entire  surroundings. 

Heartrending  beyond  the  power  of  pen  to  describe  were  the  scenes  at 
the  side  of  the  bier  while  the  simple  folk  of  Canton  walked  slowly  by  in  two 
single  files.  The  sorrow  of  those  who  knew  the  President  was  too  intense 
for  utterance,  but  was  so  full  it  burst  the  bounds  of  control  over  the  emo- 
tions. Rough  workingmen  trembled  from  head  to  foot  and  their  chests 
heaved  with  emotion,  as  great  tears  rolled  down  their  faces.  The  ghastly 
appearance  of  President  McKinley's  face,  which  was  blue  and  thin,  far  more 
discolored  than  it  "was  when  the  body  lay  in  state  in  Buffalo,  made  the  grief 
more  poignant. 

It  seemed  as  though  none  who  had  known  him  in  his  genial  vigor  as 
their  fellow  townsman  and  neighbor  could  see  that  discolored  face,  the  result 
of  the  assassin's  deadly  work,  without  bursting  into  tears. 

A  farmer  of  80,  old,  bent  and  weather-beaten,  tottered  in  the  line  as  he 
wound  his  decrepit  way  through  the  black  corridor  to  the  bier.  When  he 
saw  the  pinched,  drawn  face  he  placed  his  great  gnarled  hands  to  his  face 
and  wept  as  no  heart-broken  child  could  weep.  He  was  bowed  and  broken 
when  he  entered  the  darkened  hall  and  his  step  was  shaky.  When  he  left 
his  shaggy  white  head  was  bowed  lower,  his  spirit  seemed  broken  almost 
to  the  point  of  leaving  his  aged  frame  and  his  step  was  a  staggering  shuffle. 
He  was  the  impersonation  of  abject,  venerable  grief. 

The  sight  had  been  throughout  profoundly  impressive. 

Up  the  street  soldiers  at  intervals  of  ten  feet  with  difficulty  restrained 
the  solid  wall  of  people.  Canton  had  suddenly  become  a  city  of  100,000, 
and  the  entire  population  was  in  the  streets.  The  station  itself  was  cleared, 
a  company  of  soldiers  of  the  Eighth  Ohio  from  Worcester  keeping  the  plat- 
form clear.  Opposite,  over  the  heads  of  acres  of  people,  on  the  wall  of  a 
big  manufacturing  establishment,  was  an  enormous  shield  thirty  feet  high, 
with  McKinley's  black-bordered  picture  in  the  center.  The  local  committee, 
headed  by  ex-Secretary  of  State  William  R.  Day  and  Judge  Grant,  was  on 
the  platform. 

All  about  were  the  black  symbols  of  mourning.  The  approach  of  the 
train  was  unheralded.  No  whistle  was  blown,  no  bell  was  rung.  In  abso- 
lute silence  it  rolled  into  the  station.  Even  the  black-hooded  locomotive 
gave  no  sound.  There  was  no  panting  of  exhaust  pipes.  The  energy  that 


390  CANTON   BATHED   IN   TEARS. 

brought  it  seemed  to  have  been  absolutely  expended.  At  the  mere  sight 
of  the  train  the  people  who  had  been  waiting  there  for  hours  were  greatly 
affected.  Women  sobbed  and  men  wept. 

For  a  full  minute  after  it  had  stopped  no  one  appeared.  Judge  Day  and 
his  committee  moved  slowly  down  the  platform  in  front  of  the  line  of  soldiers 
to  the  catafalque  car  and  waited.  Colonel  Bingham,  the  President's  aid, 
then  gave  directions  for  the  removal  of  the  casket  from  the  car.  The  coffin 
was  too  large  to  be  taken  through  the  door  and  a  broad  window  at  the  side 
was  unscrewed  and  removed. 

While  this  was  going  on  the  floral  pieces  inside  were  carefully  lifted  out 
and  placed  upon  the  ground  at  the  side  of  the  track.  When  all  was  ready 
the  soldiers  and  sailors  who  had  accompanied  the  body  all  the  way  from 
Buffalo  emerged  from  the  car  and  took  up  their  places.  The  soldiers  trailed 
their  arms  and  the  sailors  held  their  drawn  cutlasses  at  their  sides.  Only  the 
body-bearers  were  bareheaded  and  unarmed. 

Meantime  President  Roosevelt,  with  his  brother-in-law,  Captain  Cowles 
of  the  navy,  in  full  uniform,  at  his  side,  had  descended  from  the  car  ahead 
of  that  occupied  by  Mrs.  McKinley.  The  members  of  the  Cabinet,  except- 
ing Secretary  of  State  Hay  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Long,  were  present. 
Secretary  Cortelyou,  Governor  Nash,  Lieutenant-Governor  Caldwell  and 
Judge  Marshall  J.  Williams  of  the  Supreme  Court,  representing  the  three 
branches  of  the  State  government  of  Ohio,  followed  President  Roosevelt 
from  the  train. 

The  President  was  met  by  Judge  Grant  of  the  Reception  Committee, 
and  the  official  party  then  moved  to  the  west  of  the  station,  where  they 
formed  in  line,  with  the  President  at  the  head.  All  were  uncovered. 

With  the  body  placed  in  the  hearse,  the  bugle  note  sounded  again  and 
the  hundred  swords  were  sheathed.  The  hundred  bright  steels  faced  to  the 
right,  and  with  slow  step  the  men  advanced  to  take  the  position  of  honor 
before  the  hearse.  At  the  given  signal  the  soft  notes  of  "Nearer,  My  God, 
To  Thee,"  swelled  up  from  the  military  band.  The  horses  kept  the  slow  step 
perfectly.  The  two  drivers  of  the  hearse,  who  had  kept  their  heads  bared 
reverently,  replaced  their  hats  and  gave  the  sign  to  the  black  horses  which 
were  to  draw  the  catafalque. 

The  two  steeds  stepped  forward  and  the  funeral  procession  was  in  mo- 
tion. At  that  moment  the  power  plant  of  the  Canton  Electric  Light  Com- 
pany was  started.  A  mournful  whir  broke  upon  every  ear.  It  was  like  the 
dirge  note  of  a  Scotch  bag-pipe.  It  fitted  in  with  the  notes  of  the  President's 


CANTON  BATHED   IN  TEARS.  393 

hymn  perfectly,  as  if  the  ancient  pipers  of  the  clan  of  the  McKinleys  were 
sounding  the  dirge  for  their  chieftain. 

Save  the  plaintive  whir  of  the  electric  motor,  the  gentle  notes  of  the 
hymn  and  the  slow  and  mournful  click  of  the  horses'  hoofs  upon  the  brick 
pavement  all  was  silence.  For  the  first  time  in  over  thirty  years  William 
McKinley  passed  through  the  familiar  streets  of  Canton  and  there  was 
silence. 

With  bared  heads  and  tearful  eyes  the  dense  throngs  that  lined  Cherry, 
Tuscarawas  and  Market  streets  observed  with  restless  eagerness  the  prog- 
ress of  the  funeral  procession  to  the  court-house.  It  was  three-quarters  of  an 
hour  after  the  column  moved  that  the  casket  was  carried  into  the  somber 
rotunda  of  the  big  public  building,  and  in  that  time  thousands  of  women 
sobbed  and  men  wept. 

Following  the  President's  carriage  were  carriages  containing  members 
of  the  Cabinet,  after  whom  came  the  diplomats  and  citizens.  It  was  nearly 
i  o'clock  when  the  President  reached  the  court-house.  He  waited  until  the 
casket  had  been  borne  inside  and  placed  on  the  catafalque.  Then,  attended 
by  Commander  Cowles  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  Executive  en- 
tered the  rotunda,  passed  by  the  body  of  the  illustrious  dead,  bowed  low  a 
moment  over  the  face  of  his  predecessor  and  left  the  building. 

With  the  Commodore  he  went  direct  to  the  residence  of  Mrs.  George 
H.  Harter,  933  North  Market  street,  where  he  took  luncheon.  After  the 
President  came  the  Cabinet  members,  Secretary  Root  leading,  and  then  the 
military  guard  of  honor  and  the  diplomatic  corps  in  turn.  Ten  minutes  later 
the  public  was  admitted  in  two  columns,  one  passing  on  each  side  of  the 
casket. 

The  decorations  of  the  rotunda  were  exceedingly  impressive.  A  striking 
conceit  of  the  artist  consisted  of  three  chairs,  all  covered  with  crape.  They 
represent  the  chairs  of  state  left  vacant  by  the  tragic  deaths  of  Lincoln,  Gar- 
field  and  the  statesman  mourned  to-day.  At  the  head  of  the  casket  stands 
a  Knight  Templar,  at  the  foot  a  member  of  the  Ohio  militia,  while  the  sides 
are  guarded  respectively  by  a  regular  army  soldier  and  a  marine. 

Meantime  Admiral  Dewey,  General  Miles  and  the  other  high  officers  of 
the  army  and  navy,  who  composed  the  guard  of  honor,  had  moved  around 
the  east  side  of  the  station.  They  also  entered  carriages  and  took  their  place 
in  the  larger  procession  that  was  now  forming.  All  were  attired  in  the  full 
uniform  of  their  ranks.  They  were  fairly  ablaze  with  gold  lace. 

The  shrill  notes  of  the  bugle  had  given  the  first  sign  to  the  waiting  mul- 


394  CANTON   BATHED   IN   TEARS! 

titude  outside  the  station  that  the  casket  was  approaching.  Instantly  the 
long  lines  of  soldiers  became  rigid,  standing  at  present  arms.  The  black 
horses  of  the  Cleveland  Troop,  immediately  facing  the  station,  stood  motion- 
less, their  riders  with  sabers  lowered.  Slowly  through  the  entrance  came 
the  stalwart  soldiers  and  sailors,  with  solemn  tread,  bearing  aloft  the  flag- 
covered  coffin  of  the  man  this  city  loved  so  well.  As  it  came  into  view  a 
great  sigh  went  up  from  the  dense  throng. 

Immediately  following  the  mounted  troops  came  the  hearse  bearing  its 
flag-covered  burden.  This  was  the  sight  that  sent  a  hush  along  the  dense, 
long  lines  of  humanity  stretching  for  a  mile  away  to  the  court-house.  As  the 
casket  passed  every  head  was  bowed  and  every  face  evidenced  the  great  per- 
sonal grief  which  had  come  upon  the  community. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

FUNERAL  SERVICES  IN  ALL  CHURCHES. 

While  funeral  services  were  being  held  over  the  remains  of  President 
McKinley  on  the  Sunday  after  his  death,  every  church  edifice  in  the  whole 
nation  was  the  scene  of  a  similar  service.  Without  regard  to  sect  or  creed, 
without  regard  to  location,  far  or  near,  high  or  low,  in  cathedral  and  in 
chapel,  the  words  of  preacher  and  the  heartfelt  sympathy  of  people  rose  in 
united  worship  to  the  God  whom  William  McKinley  had  worshiped. 

Services  in  the  Metropolitan  Methodist  Church  at  Washington,  of  which 
President  McKinley  was  a  member  and  constant  attendant  when  at  Washing- 
ton, were  of  an  unusually  impressive  character. 

The  congregation  present  tested  the  capacity  of  the  building,  many  per- 
sons being  compelled  to  stand.  Drapings  of  black  covered  the  President's 
pew,  and  these  sombre  habiliments  of  woe  covered  the  pulpit,  partly  made 
of  olive  wood  from  Jerusalem.  During  the  service  the  choir  sang  "Lead, 
Kindly  Light,"  and  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  favorites  of  the  dead  Presi- 
dent, the  vast  congregation  joining  in  both  selections.  Rev.  Dr.  F.  M.  Bristol, 
the  pastor,  was  in  Europe;  but  Rev.  W.  H.  Chapman  delivered  the  sermon, 
taking  his  text  from  Jeremiah,  "Judah  mourneth."  In  the  course  of  his 
remarks  Dr.  Chapman  said : 

"No  safer,  purer  man  than  William  McKinley  has  ever  presided  over  this 
great  republic  and  no  man  was  ever  more  admired.  Adorned  was  he  with 
the  highest  and  noblest  virtues,  which  gave  dignity  and  force  to  his  character 
and  moral  beauty  to  his  life.  He  was  a  Christian  man  and  exemplified  in  his 
daily  life  the  sublime  principles  of  Christianity.  From  early  manhood  he 
had  been  identified  with  the  Christian  church,  with  that  branch  which  we 
represent.  It  was  the  church  of  his  mother,  the  church  in  which  he  had  been 
trained  from  childhood,  that  he  had  received  lessons  which  added  to  those 
imparted  to  him  by  his  maternal  parent  laid  the  foundation  for  that  solid, 
symmetrical  character  which  he  attained  and  for  which  he  was  distinguished 

"Christianity  nobly  sustained  him  during  his  illness,  enabling  him  to 
endure  calmly  and  submissively.  In  his  quiet  moments,  with  eyes  closed 
but  not  asleep,  he  said,  'Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee.'  To  his  beloved  companion 
who  had  trod  with  him  for  many  years  the  path  of  life,  bending  over  him 

395 


396  FUNERAL   SERVICES   IN   ALL   CHURCHES. 

with  tearful  eyes  and  throbbing  heart,  near  the  parting  hour,  he  said  'Not  our 
will,  but  God's  will  be  done,'  meaning  'be  resigned  but  trustful ;  leave  all  with 
the  Lord  and  it  shall  be  well  with  thee  when  I  am  gone.'  How  peaceful 
and  resigned  he  went  into  the  valley,  covered'  with  splendid  sunshine  and 
found  rest  from  his  labors!  He  has  left  behind  him,  to  his  kindred  and  to 
us  the  rich  legacy  of  a  splendid  character  and  an  unsullied  record.  A  life 
that  says  to  others:  'This  is  the  way.  Walk  in  it,  the  way  that  leads  to 
moral  wealth,  far  above  all  material  wealth,  and  which  leads  at  last  to  heaven 
and  to  God.' 

"We  shall  miss  him  in  this  sanctuary  and  look  no  more  upon  him  in 
yonder  pew  devotional  in  worship  and  listening  attentively  to  the  precious 
word  as  if  indeed  it  were  manna  to  his  soul  and  a  refreshing  stream  from 
the  fountain  of  life.  But  he  worshiped  today  in  the  temple  not  made  with 
hands,  with  many  of  those  with  whom  he  was  wont  to  worship  in  the  church 
below.  May  we  all  imitate  his  example,  emulate  his  virtues  and  at  the  last 
be  counted  worthy  of  a  place  with  him  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven." 

Rev.  Dr.  Frank  W.  Gunsaulus,  of  the  Central  Church,  at  Chicago,  used 
these  words : 

"The  awful  feature  of  this  calamity  is  undisguised  in  the  fact  that  it  is 
a  stroke  against  the  enterprise  of  government,  which  is  the  noblest  enterprise 
undertaken  by  man.  It  was  a  dagger  thrust  at  the  heart  of  civilization.  It 
makes  it  all  the  more  horrible  and  helps  us  to  see  the  ghastly  features  of 
anarchy  more  truly  when  we  reflect  that  the  wound  which  it  opened  was 
through  the  now  stilled  heart  of  a  man  at  once  so  loving,  so  loved  and  so 
lovable  as  the  President.  To  so  dishearten  the  whole  of  Christendom  in 
its  efforts  toward  public  order,  that  wretch  had  to  pierce  through  one  of  the 
fairest  and  sweetest  lives  the  world  has  known.  And  it  was  this  tender  and 
noble  man  who  believed  so  profoundly  in  the  safety  of  free  government. 
When  anarchists  were  loud  in  1893  the  now  silent  orator  eloquently  said: 
'With  patriotism  in  our  hearts  and  the  flag  of  our  country  in  our  hands  there 
is  no  danger  of  anarchy.'  It  is  a  frightful  thing  to  believe  that  this  confidence 
has  been  at  all  shaken,  and  it  is  the  instant  demand  of  our  religion  and  our 
education  that  somehow  they  shall  be  made  able  to  put  patriotism  into  the 
hearts  of  the  alien  peoples  and  to  get  them  to  take  hold  sympathetically  of 
our  flag  and  love  it,  so  that  anarchy  may  be  impossible.  William  McKinley's 
kindly  heart  and  generous  spirit,  his  enormous  public  services,  resulting  in 
countless  benefits  to  the  poor  man,  his  unswerving  devotion  to  the  principle 
that  no  minority  is  without  rights,  his  purity  and  power  are  permanent  forces 


FUNERAL  SERVICES   IN  ALL   CHURCHES.  397 

and  realities  which  have  been  exalted  upon  an  altar  of  martyrdom.  The 
assassin  supposed  he  could  slay  them  from  the  high  and  heavenly  place  in 
which  the  citizens  of  the  republic  behold  them.  They  will  organize  into  a 
knightly  personality  and  William  McKinley  will  be  the  slayer  of  anarchy 
in  America.  From  this  time  forward,  whatever  makes  for  anarchy  must 
hide  its  treacherous  face  away  from  the  light  of  him  whom  we  loved.  Slander- 
ous lies  as  to  the  motives  and  character  of  those  whom  the  nation  has  trusted 
with  the  reins  of  government,  the  vulgarity  of  newly  acquired  wealth  which 
seems  often  to.  flaunt  itself  in  the  face  of  human  need,  the  wild  ravings  of 
men  who  have  no  idea  of  loyalty  to  government  and  law,  the  thoughtless 
debate  of  theologians  who  have  forgotten  the  simple  dictates  of  Christian 
religion  and  the  Godless  enemies  of  public  justice,  all  writhe  away  like  serpents 
smitten  with  intolerable  light  as  we  think  of  the  awful  price  we  have  paid 
and  ever  must  pay  if  we  fail  to  do  our  duty  in  upholding  the  flag  and  making 
it  a  symbol  as  sacred  and  as  just  as  the  cross  of  Christ.  William  McKinley 
has  entered  into  the  Holy  of  Holies  bearing  out  sins.  Let  us  awake  to 
newness  of  life." 

At  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral  in  New  York  Archbishop  Corrigan  was  too 
much  moved  to  deliver  the  sermon,  but  throughout  the  sermon  by  Father 
Lavelle  he  knelt  in  prayer.  Father  Lavelle  devoted  his  entire  sermon  to 
the  life  of  President  McKinley,  and  his  words  received  the  closest  attention. 
He  first  read  the  open  letter  of  the  Archbishop  to  the  clergy  in  his  diocese 
asking  for  prayers  for  the  late  President,  praising  the  latter's  virtues  and 
condemning  anarchy. 

"These  words  of  our  Archbishop,"  he  added,  "express  as  complete  as 
words  can  the  sentiment  of  the  American  people  in  general  and  the  Cath- 
olics as  well  on  this  day  of  national  sorrow.  I  say  as  well  as  words  can, 
because  on  occasions  of  this  kind  the  very  best  words  seem  hollow  and 
meaningless  compared  with  the  depth  and  vast  significance  that  stirs  the 
heart  of  the  nation,  William  McKinley  was  one  whose  name,  even  if  mis- 
fortune had  not  overtaken  him,  would  have  gone  down  to  posterity  as  one  of 
the  greatest  Presidents  of  the  United  States.  This  is  conceded  by  all,  those 
who  opposed  him  politically  as  well.  He  was  really  the  idol  of  the  nation. 
We  all  voted  for  him  either  directly  or  indirectly.  If  we  voted  for  his  oppo- 
nent we  did  so  for  the  principle,  not  for  the  man,  as  no  one  had  a  better 
character  than  William  McKinley. 

"He  was  a  statesman  who  has  left  an  indelible  impression  upon  the  his- 
tory of  this  country  and  of  the  world,  and  before  he  was  President  the  name 


398  FUNERAL   SERVICES   IN   ALL   CHURCHES. 

of  William  McKinley  was  better  known  outside  of  the  United  States  and 
throughout  the  world  than  any  other  American.  He  was  a  man  of  large 
faith  in  God  and  of  deep  religious  sense.  He  was  devoid  of  bigotry.  Dur- 
ing two  summers  spent  away  from  Washington  he  spent  his  vacation  at  Lake 
Champlain,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Catholic  Summer  School,  and 
the  courtesy  and  kindliness  he  showed  was  such  as  to  bring  him  nearer  to 
the  hearts  of  all  people  there  and  make  him  seem  as  if  he  was  one  of  them. 

"  'Justice  will  be  done/  That  was  the  principal  guiding  star  of  his  life; 
the  aim  and  object  that  spurred  him  on  to  his  duty.  Well  does  he  deserve  a 
nation's  tears  and  gratitude.  Does  it  not  seem  strange  that  a  life  so  noble, 
a  life  without  stain,  at  which  the  voice  of  calumny  was  never  once  lifted, 
should  find  an  enemy  capable  of  destroying  the  vital  spark?" 

Father  Lavelle  then  referred  to  anarchism  and  to  the  writings  of  Pope 
Leo  XIII  on  the  subject.  At  this  time  Archbishop  Corrigan  showed  his 
deep  emotion  and  kept  his  handkerchief  pressed  to  his  eyes  for  some  time. 
In  speaking  of  anarchists  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lavelle  said: 

"These  misguided  creatures  sometimes  pretend  to  find  a  root  of  their 
false  doctrines  in  the  Scriptures  themselves.  Anarchy  is  as  impossible  as 
that  five  is  equal  to  two.  We  trace  the  beginning  of  this  inequality  in  God 
Himself.  In  our  family,  where  the  father  and  mother  must  be  the  head,  this 
man,  the  anarchist,  gets  over  the  difficulty  by  destroying  the  family.  If  we 
wish  to  prevent  a  renewal  of  the  calamity  which  we  mourn  to-day  it  is  only 
through  stronger  faith  in  God.  That  is  the  bulwark  of  society  and  of  this 
nation.  You  have  noticed  in  the  morning  papers  that  the  new  President 
has  issued  a  proclamation,  asking  the  people  to  assemble  in  their  places  of 
worship  on  next  Thursday  and  pray  for  our  illustrious  dead.  In  accordance 
with  that  proclamation  our  reverend  Archbishop  has  set  aside  that  day  for 
services  in  this  diocese.  A  special  mass  will  be  held  in  the  Cathedral  at  10 
o'clock,  and  I  beg  all  of  you  who  can  to  come  and  pray  with  your  hearts  for 
this  noble,  true  man,  whom  we  have  lost. 

"•May  we  come  to  that  service  with  the  thought  that  the  holy  sacrifice 
may  go  up  to  God,  asking  for  new  strength  for  our  people  and  for  the  un- 
blemished hero  who  has  gone — asking  for  the  new  President  strength, 
health  and  God's  spirit,  so  that  they  may  aid  him  in  the  proper  discharge  of 
his  duties,  and  that  never  again  in  our  history  may  we  find  that  the  head 
of  our  nation  has  been  laid  low  by  anarchy,  jealousy  or  any  other  passion." 

Time  and  again  through  the  service,  when  the  speaker's  words  touched 


FUNERAL   SERVICES   IN   ALL   CHURCHES.  399 

upon  the  beauties  of  President  McKinley's  life,  the  Archbishop  \\aS  seen  to 
bow  his  head  in  tears,  while  great  sobs  choked  his  frame. 

One  of  the  notable  incidents  of  the  day  was  Rev.  F.  D.  Powers'  sermon 
at  the  Vermont  Avenue  Christian  church  in  Washington.  He  it  was  who 
conducted  the  funeral  services  over  the  body  of  President  Garfield,  in  the 
rotunda  of  the  capitol,  twenty  years  ago.  He  chose  as  his  text  the  words  of 
Christ  to  Peter  in  the  garden  of  Gethsemane:  "The  cup  which  my  Father 
gave  me,  shall  I  not  drink  it?"  He  said  in  part: 

"Our  beloved  Christian  President,  in  the  terrible  moment  when  the  blow 
was  struck,  said:  'Do  him  no  harm;  he  does  not  know  what  he  is  doing/ 
How  true  and  wise  and  just  and  Christlike!  And  when  he  resigned  himself 
to  the  faithful  surgeons  with  that  faith  and  majestic  courage  and  magnificent 
simplicity  that  marked  his  character  of  life  throughout,  he  said:  'Our 
Father  who  art  in  heaven,  hallowed  be  Thy  name;  Thy  kingdom  come; 
Thy  will  be  done,'  and  passed  into  unconsciousness  with  those  last  words 
on  his  lips.  Hear  him,  as  all  the  glory  of  this  world  fades  above  his  vision 
and  the  gates  of  the  unseen  are  swinging  wide,  when  he  breathed  the  hymn, 
'Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee,  nearer  to  Thee.'  Hear  him  as  the  last  farewell  is 
taken:  'It  is  God's  way.  His  will  be  done.'  How  he  speaks  to  the  nation! 
How  he  speaks  to  the  ages!  God  holds  the  cup,  and  the  draught  is  whole- 
some and  needful.  God  help  us  to  be  ready,  as  he  was!  Death  is  a  friend 
of  ours,  and  we  must  be  ever  ready  to  entertain  him.  God  make  us  strong 
in  Him  who  said:  'I  am  the  resurrection  and  the  life.'  " 

Historic  Trinity  church,  in  New  York,  was  crowded  with  worshippers. 
Rev.  Morgan  Dix,  the  pastor,  is  a  son  of  that  stern  old  Governor  John  A. 
Dix,  who  in  an  earlier  day  sounded  the  note  of  a  vigorous  policy:  "If  any 
man  hauls  down  the  American  flag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot." 

Dr.  Dix,  before  a  congregation  that  filled  every  available  seat  and  over- 
flowed in  the  aisles,  delivered  a  sermon  that  was  a  eulogy  of  the  virtues  and 
statesmanship  of  the  late  President,  William  McKinley.  After  denouncing 
the  crime  Dr.  Dix  severely  arraigned  anarchy  as  a  danger  which  would  destroy 
modern  civilization,  and  recommended  that  action  be  taken  to  suppress  it. 
In  the  liturgical  part  of  the  service  which  preceded  the  sermon  the  President's 
favorite  hymn,  "Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  was  sung.  Dr.  Dix  spoke  in  part  as 
follows : 

"Men  and  brethren,  eye  to  eye,  hand  to  hand,  heart  to  heart,  we  face 
each  other  now  crying,  'Woe  is  me !'  Woe  for  the  common  grief,  woe  worth  the 
day  and  the  tidings  which  it  brings  of  destruction,  desolation,  death  and 


400  FUNERAL   SERVICES   IN   ALL   CHURCHES. 

violence  lording  it  over  us  all !  We  are  one  in  our  distress  at  the  last  calamity 
and  national  affliction,  in  horror  at  an  unspeakable  crime.  And  so  suddenly 
has  the  blow  been  dealt  that  there  has  been  no  time  to  search  for  the  words 
which  one  might  wish  to  speak.  Two  things  surely  are  filling  our  thoughts 
today.  We  are  looking  at  the  man;  we  are  looking  at  the  crime.  As  for 
the  man,  his  warmest  friends,  his  greatest  admirers,  could  have  asked  for 
him  no  more  brilliant  apotheosis.  Estimates  have  varied  of  him,  his  ability, 
his  work.  But  millions  have  been  praying  as  men  seldom  pray  that  his 
life  might  be  precious  in  the  sight  of  God;  and  far  beyond  our  borders, 
and  widely  through  foreign  lands,  others  innumerable,  our  brethren  in  a 
common  humanity,  have  been  on  their  knees  pleading  for  his  life.  This 
tells  the  story  of  his  character,  his  acts,  his  greatness;  the  general  consent 
of  the  wide  world,  from  which  there  can  be  no  appeal. 

"Our  President  was  a  great  man  in  the  highest  sense  in  which  that 
adjective  can  be  applied.  I  am  not  speaking  as  a  publicist,  nor  analyzing  a 
political  career;  there  is  room  for  difference  of  judgment  there;  but  there 
are  other  matters  upon  which  we  are  all  agreed.  What  is  it  to  find  in  the 
highest  place  among  us  a  man  devout  and  faithful  in  his  Christian  profession, 
modest,  calm,  capable;  a  pattern  of  the  domestic  virtues,  an  example  of  right 
living?  Has  not  the  public,  the  great  American  nation,  taken  in  the  beauty 
first  of  that  good,  honest,  loyal  life?  Is  it  not  for  this  that  the  man  has 
been  beloved  and  mourned  throughout  our  families  and  our  homes? 

What  makes  the  Christian  gentleman  to  begin  with  but  simplicity  and 
sincerity  of  life,  courteous  manners,  dislike  of  pride  and  ostentation,  abhor- 
rence of  display  and  vulgar  show?  So  have  we  thought  first  of  this  man, 
and  then  we  have  followed  his  life  through  its  varied  phases.  We  have  seen 
the  quiet  student,  the  soldier,  the  legislator,  the  executive  officer;  and,  look- 
ing on,  our  admiration  has  grown  more  and  more.  We  have  seen  him 
chosen  by  a  vast  popular  movement  to  be  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation; 
we  have  scanned  his  conduct  and  acts  during  four  years,  among  the  most 
critical  in  the  nation's  history,  and  as  the  result  of  such  scrutiny  in  the 
broadest  light  that  could  be  thrown  upon  his  path,  and  under  the  severest 
criticism  to  which  a  public  man  can  be  subjected,  we  have  seen  him  re-elected 
to  his  great  office  by  a  larger  vote  than  ever  amid  the  acclamation  of  the 
people  and  to  the  confusion  of  his  adversaries. 

"All  this  we  have  seen.  And  then  we  have  said:  'In  this  system  of 
nrs  we  do  not  ask  for  a  man  who  shall  make  and  control,  but  for  a  man 
ho  shall  wisely  guide,  oversee,  direct ;  a  man  who  catches  the  spirit  of  the 


FUNERAL   SERVICES   IN   ALL   CHURCHES.  401 

age,  who  knows  the  signs  of  the  times,  who  interprets  movements,  and  in 
his  sound  judgment  shapes  their  course.'  Looking  at  the  last  four  years, 
more  full  of  vital  issues  to  the  nation  than  any  since  the  days  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  we  have  seen  wonderful  things.  .A  nation  passing  on  from  small  to 
great,  from  narrow  places  to  broad,  the  horizon  enlarging  all  the  while,  the 
nation  attaining  its  majority,  the  world  looking  on  with  amazement,  great 
questions  put  and  answered  well,  great  principles  settled,  great  deeds  done  for 
freedom  and  clarifying  of  evil,  and  instruction  in  sound  views  of  government ; 
one  great,  grand,  forward,  upward  movement,  dazzling  the  eyes  and  charm- 
ing the  senses  and  kindling  hope.  And  at  the  head  of  all  this  a  man — not 
as  if  he  were  the  author*  of  these  things,  but  certainly  the  wise,  prudent, 
earnest  leader;  such  a  leader  as  Providence,  we  believe,  must  have  raised  for 
that  particular  work  and  inclined  us  to  put  in  that  position.  That  was  the 
man. 

"And  up  to  Friday,  September  6,  that  was  the  scene  presented  by  our 
happy  and  highly  favored  land — a  land  blessed  and  contented,  at  peace  and 
secure;  never  before  so  prosperous,  never  yet  so  honored  abroad,  never  yet 
so  ho'peful,  so  confident;  marching  on  its  splendid  path  to  greater  things. 
And  always  at  the  head  that  good  citizen,  that  earnest  patriot,  that  wise  head, 
that  warm,  affectionate  heart,  that  friendly,  fearless  instance  of  the  best  that 
our  American  civilization  has  yet  brought  forth  to  help  and  cheer ;  trusted  by 
a  great  people;  strong,  able,  healthful,  with  his  friends  about  him  and  the 
light  of  coming  years  in  front.  That  was  the  fate  of  the  people,  and  that 
was  their  will,  and  according  to  all  ideas  the  will  of  the  people  is  the  law  of 
the  land,  and  he  who  gainsays  is  the  enemy  of  the  sovereign  people.  So 
stood  matters  a  week  ago  last  Friday. 

"And  now  what  shall  we  say? 

"The  crime;  what  was  it?  That  high  treason  against  the  sovereign  people 
of  these  United  States?  Let  us  compare  crime  with  crime,  and  we  shall 
see  in  this  the  worst  of  all  we  have  ever  known,  the  worst,  the  most  out- 
rageous ever  committed  in  this  land." 

After  reviewing  the  assassination  of  Garfield  and  Lincoln,  Dr.  Dix  con- 
tinued: 

"But  there  was  worse  to  come.  And  it  has  come.  Something  else;  some- 
thing new  among  us;  not  new  elsewhere,  alas!  but  new  in  this  land  supposed 
to  be  a  land  of  freemen,  th~  refuge  for  the  oppressed,  the  home  of  the  higher 
and  better  civilization.  Right  in  the  path  on  which  the  great  nation  is  ad- 
vancing stands  the  most  horrid  spectre  by  which  social  order  has  yet  been 


402  FUNERAL   SERVICES   IN  ALL   CHURCHES. 

confronted.  A  shadow  has  fallen  on  the  road,  blacker  than  any  shadow  of 
death.  Be  the  individual  who  he  may  that  happens  to  represent  this  new  foe, 
he  is  of  very  little  consequence  compared  with  the  motive  which  inspired  his 
act.  This  spectre  to-day  announced  as  its  aim  and  end  the  total  destruction 
of  modern  civilization,  the  overthrow  of  all  law,  of  all  governments,  of  re- 
straint of  any  kind  on  the  private  individual  will.  And  the  fatal  blow  of  Fri- 
day, September  6,  was  dealt  at  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  United  States 
by  a  believer  in  that  system  and  in  exact  accordance  with  its  well-known 
principles. 

"And  that  lends  the  real  horror  to  the  act  and  gives  its  double  horror  to 
the  crime.  It  is  not  a  crime  like  other  crimes;  it  is  not  one  with  which  we  are 
familiar.  And  our  hearts  sink  at  the  thought  that  we  are  now  at  length  face 
to  face  with  this  infernal  propaganda,  and  have  felt  in  the  merciless  butchery 
of  our  great  and  good  President  the  first  taste  of  more  to  come,  unless  God 
grants  the  wisdom  and  teaches  the  way  to  defend  our  lives. 

"Next  to  the  anguish  of  the  hour  which  has  made  strong  men  weep  like 
children  and  melted  hearts  at  the  cruel  desolation  of  a  pure  and  loving  home 
comes  the  dread  engendered  of  a  doubt  as  to  the  will  and  power  of  the  nation 
to  save  its  own  life;  whether  there  is  force  enough  among  us  to  rise  and  lay 
strong  hold  on  this  monster  now  distinctly  revealed  and  upon  us,  in  the  mur- 
derous attack  on  the  noblest  and  best  in  the  land.  Already  we  are  beginning 
to  hear  it  said  that  the  people  are  rallying  from  the  blow;  that  the  first  alarm 
is  over;  that  all  are  recovering  courage;  that  finance  will  soon  flow  again  in 
its  usual  channels;  that  we  shall  go  forward  once  more  in  the  pursuit  of  arts 
and  the  ordinary  vocations  of  the  time.  Yes,  all  this  is  well,  but  will  the  na- 
tion fail  to  act  as  a  great  nation  should,  to  deal  as  it  ought  to  do  with  the 
most  deadly  foe  that  it  has  or  ever  can  have?  For  if  this  foe  prevails,  the  na- 
tion, the  state,  the  law,  the  government  will  disappear  forever  and  ever.  Are 
we  to  forget  what  has  thrown  us  into  this  present  mourning  and  these  tears? 
Are  we  to  lapse  into  a  fatal  apathy,  and  let  the  preaching  of  murder  and 
inciting  to  murder  and  the  applauding  of  murder  go  on  as  before?  Are 
the  laws  still  to  protect  the  very  persons  who  hate  and  detest  them 
and  are  banded  together  for  the  overthrow  of  society?  It  seems  to  me 
that  the  most  solemn  issue  of  the  hour  is  as  to  what  we  have  to  do  who  re- 
main— whether  we  are  equal  to  the  occasion.  Are  we  now  to  fall  back  before 
this  enemy,  the  last  and  most  dangerous  we  have  ever  encountered  or  ever 
shall,  and  let  things  drift  from  bad  to  worse,  in  new  instances  of  a  passion 
which  spares  not  one  life  that  stands  in  its  way? 


FUNERAL   SERVICES    IN   ALL   CHURCHES.  403 

"There  is  a  great  deal  to  be  said  of  the  national  sins  which  have  led  to 
such  national  judgments  as  we  have  felt  and  are  feeling  now;  of  the  falling 
away  from  religious  standards,  of  the  loss  of  faith,  of  growing  luxury  and  sin, 
of  the  decline  in  morals  and  piety  which  invite  the  judgments  of  heaven;  of 
the  indifference  to  law,  the  loss  of  respect  for  authority,  the  habit  of  railing 
at  and  writing  on  public  men  and  telling  lies  about  them,  such  as  that  gross 
one  heard  not  long  ago  that  our  President  was  a  traitor  and  would  fain  over- 
throw our  republican  and  democratic  government — for  these  things  there 
will  be  time  to  speak  later,  but  to-day  I  cannot  speak  of  more  than  these 
two — the  man  and  the  crime. 

"And  so  leave  we  the  beloved  and  honored  President  to  his  rest  and  his 
future  glory;  for  certainly  his  name  will  shine  magnificently  among  those  of 
the  greatest  of  the  lives  immortal — with  those  of  Washington  and  Lincoln ; 
great  for  the  way  in  which  he  guided  the  country  through  a  mighty  crisis 
in  its  fortunes;  great  in  his  closing  words;  great  in  his  constant  thought  for 
others;  great  in  his  submission  to  the  will  of  God — greatest  perhaps  in  that 
deathbed  scene,  so  perfectly  accordant  with  the  precepts  of  the  Gospel  and 
the  example  of  his  Savior."  (Here  Dr.  Dix  became  so  affected  that  he  sobbed 
audibly.) 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Dix  made  the  announcement  that  on  Thursday,  the  day 
of  the  funeral,  a  Litany  service  would  be  held  at  noon,  and  that  another  ser- 
vice would  be  held  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  when  the  offices  of  the 
dead  would  be  read. 

The  foregoing  expressions  are  given  as  expressing  the  general  tone  of 
the  sermons  delivered  in  all  of  the  churches,  from  the  stately  cathedrals  of 
the  great  cities,  to  the  humble  little  frame  or  log  buildings  in  remote  com- 
munities. 


CHAPTER  XL 

CANTON'S  FAREWELL  TO  McKINLEY. 

William  McKinley  had  come  home  for  the  last  time. 

At  Buffalo,  at  Washington  and  throughout  the  hundreds  of  miles  between, 
the  nation  had  mourned  the  dead  President.  The  city  and  state  which  gave 
him  to  the  nation  now  knelt  and  wept  for  him.  For  a  decade  and  more  his 
life  had  been  the  greatest  fact  in  their  history.  To  say  Ohio  or  Canton  was 
to  say  McKinley. 

Two  weeks  before  he  left  them  in  the  full  tide  of  health  and  strength,  fol- 
lowed by  the  cheers  of  his  neighbors,  who  felt  themselves  honored  in  him, 
their  President.  And  now  he  was  brought  back  dead.  He  whose  life  was  all 
of  kindness  and  love  had  been  stricken  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin.  That 
thought  added  a  bitter  drop  to  the  cup  of  woe  which  his  city  and  state  now 
drinks. 

Canton  had  done  its  utmost  a  score  of  times  in  honor  of  William  McKin- 
ley. The  demonstration  as  he  came  home  with  the  representatives  of  a  sor- 
rowing nation  and  of  sympathizing  peoples  in  his  funeral  train  rolled  them 
all  up  into  one  supreme  testimonial. 

Imagine  the  picture.  The  city  robed  in  black.  Places  of  business  are 
closed  and  draped.  Crepe  from  public  buildings  and  on  private  houses  where 
death  has  never  entered.  Arches  of  mourning  span  the  street.  Flags  looped 
with  crepe  and  great  banners  of  black  and  white  wave  overhead.  The  business 
block  which  bears  his  name,  the  old  law  office  where  he  worked,  are  wrapped 
in  mourning.  The  multitude  is  silent  in  the  streets  with  loops  of  crepe  on  arms 
and  shoulders. 

The  courthouse,  scene  of  his  early  struggles  as  a  lawyer,  has  been  trans- 
formed, as  it  were,  into  a  huge  funeral  crypt,  swathed  in  the  garb  of  sorrow 
from  sill  to  tower  peak.  Across  the  front,  shining  in  letters  of  gold  against 
the  somber  background,  is  inscribed  President  McKinley's  last  message  to 
those  he  loved:  "It  is  God's  way;  His  will,  not  ours,  be  done." 

There  the  stricken  President's  body  lay  all  day  guarded  by  soldiers  of  the 
state  and  nation,  only  one  step  from  the  tomb,  while  his  old  friends  and 
neighbors,  companions  of  his  early  struggles  and  his  later  triumphs,  streamed 
by  for  one  last  look  at  his  face. 


CANTON'S   FAREWELL  TO    McKlNLE^S.  405 

For  one  night  he  rested  under  the  cottage  roof  whence  he  went  to  the  high- 
est seat  in  the  nation. 

The  scenes  along  the  last  stage  of  President  McKinley's  progress  toward 
the  grave  duplicated  those  which  accompanied  his  funeral  train  from  Buffalo 
to  Washington.  Most  of  the  journey  from  Washington  to  this  city  was  by 
night.  It  made  no  difference  to  the  people  who  sought  the  last  chance  to 
show  their  regard  for  the  lamented  President. 

The  funeral  train  slipped  out  of  Washington  at  8 :2O  o'clock,  leaving  an 
uncovered  multitude  behind.  At  Baltimore  thousands  were  in  waiting.  The 
train  stopped  only  long  enough  to  change  engines  and  then  started  north- 
ward. 

All  along  the  way  railroad  operations  were  suspended.  Not  a  bell  rang, 
not  a  whistle  blew,  not  a  wheel  turned.  It  was  as  if  the  whole  world  knelt  in 
the  presence  of  the  nation's  dead. 

Throughout  the  night  the  train  passed  between  a  constant  line  of  camp 
fires  through  the  valleys  and  among  the  hills  of  Pennsylvania.  As  the  black 
draped  engine  approached  the  gathered  people  rose,  and  by  the  flickering  of 
their  camp  fires  they  could  be  seen  and  heard  standing  with  bared  heads  and 
singing  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 

Gangs  of  miners  came  up  from  the  shaft  on  dozens  of  hillsides,  their 
lamps  gleaming  through  the  night  as  they  stood  caps  in  hand  to  show  their 
regard  for  a  statesman  who  was  ever  their  friend. 

Solitary  track  walkers  turned  aside  and  uncovered.  That  was  the  supreme 
evidence  of  reverential  honor.  When  one  man  does  that  in  the  isolation  and 
darkness  of  the  night  he  does  it  because  it  expresses  what  is  in  his  heart. 

At  Harrisburg  20,000  people  remained  in  the  street  around  the  railroad 
station  until  long  after  midnight.  Then  the  train  plunged  into  the  Juniata 
valley  and  commenced  its  long  climb  over  the  mountains.  And  still  camp 
fires  glowed  beside  the  track  and  still  voices  were  raised  throughout  the  night 
in  that  old  hymn  which  has  become  a  nation's  funeral  chant. 

Half  the  population  of  Johnstown,  the  first  of  the  great  steel  manufactur- 
ing centers  through  which  the  train  passed,  was  at  the  track  and  a  company 
of  local  militia  stood  drawn  up  at  attention.  Four  women  with  uplifted 
hands  knelt  on  the  station  platform.  From  the  smoke-covered  city  came  the 
sound  of  the  church  bells  tolling  out  the  universal  sorrow  as  the  train  slowed 
down  that  the  people  might  better  see  the  impressive  spectacle  within  the 
observation  car — the  casket  with  its  burden  of  flowers,  the  two  grim,  armed 
sentries  on  guard,  "one  at  the  head  and  the  other  at  the  foot." 


406  CANTON'S   FAREWELL   TO    McKINLEY. 

Those  in  the  Canton  reception  committee  rode  as  if  to  the  funeral  of  one 
their  own  kin.  They  had  known  William  McKinley  and  worked  with  him  in 
business  and  official  and  social  life  for  years.  They  loved  him  as  a  brother,  and 
as  a  brother  they  mourned  his  death. 

Some  of  them  gave  way  utterly  to  their  emotions  and  wept  like  children. 
A  notable  example  was  Judge  Isaac  H.  Taylor.  He  had  served  in  Congress 
with  Mr.  McKinley  when  they  represented  adjoining  districts.  Away  back  in 
the  '8os,  when  the  Congressional  map  of  Ohio  was  remade,  the  counties  in 
which  they  lived  were  thrown  into  the  same  district.  Both  had  hosts  of 
friends.  Both  wanted  to  go  back  to  Congress.  The  district  was  nearly 
evenly  divided  between  them.  If  the  contest  for  the  nomination  in  the  new 
district  had  gone  to  the  point  such  political  rivalries  usually  reach,  both  might 
have  had  to  give  way  to  a  new  man. 

In  that  contingency  Judge  Taylor  had  the  eye  of  the  prophet  and  a  breast 
full  of  admiration  for  his  rival.  He  went  to  him  and  said : 

"Major,  I  think  I  am  as  good  a  lawyer  as  you  are,  and  I  know  that  you 
are  a  better  Congressman  than  I  am.  This  district  needs  you  in  Washington 
and  it  can  get  along  without  me.  If  I  can't  get  on  the  bench  I  can  make  a 
living  practicing  law.  You  must  take  this  nomination.  My  friends  will  be  for 
you." 

That  action  by  Judge  Taylor,  so  much  do  great  events  hang  upon  seeming 
trivialities,  sent  Mr.  McKinley  back  to  Washington  to  continue  his  career  in 
the  public  service,  and  mayhap  it  made  him  President  of  the  United  States. 
Judge  Taylor  may  have  been  thinking  of  this  today  when  the  funeral  cor- 
tege passed  through  the  streets  of  Canton.  More  likely  he  was  thinking  o>f  the 
qualities  of  the  man  for  whom  he  had  sacrificed  his  own  ambitions.  He  wept 
bitterly,  and,  turning  to  his  friends,  said :  "We  have  lost  the  best  man  I  ever 
knew." 

Through  Tenth  street  and  then  to  Cherry  and  Tuscarawas  the  solemn 
pageant  moved  between  solid  masses  of  people,  banked  from  curb  to  store 
front,  crowding  the  house  tops  and  filling  every  window.  Turning  into 
Market  street,  the  main  thoroughfare  of  the  city,  the  procession  moved 
under  great  curtains  of  mourning,  strung  from  building  to  building  across 
the  street  every  hundred  feet. 

The  line  moved  to  the  music  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  played  as  a- 
funeral  march.  Except  for  the  gentle  notes  of  the  old  hymn  it  moved 
through  absolute  silence.  Every  hat  was  off.  Every  head  was  reverently 


CANTON'S   FAREWELL   TO    McKINLEY.  407 

bent.  In  the  intervals  of  the  music  one  could  hear  the  soft  footfalls  of  the 
moving  soldiers,  so  completely  did  silence  envelop  the'scene. 

The  funeral  march  finally  led  through  the  public  square,  where  Mr. 
McKinley  had  addressed  his  fellow  citizens  times  almost  without  number  on 
those  issues  and  principles  which  made  him  President.  Other  times  without 
number  the  people  had  gathered  by  thousands  in  that  same  square  in  his 
honor.  To-day  the  old  courthouse  clock  looked  down  upon  the  same  spot 
and  upon  the  same  people  as  in  other  days,  its  hand  stopped  at  fifteen  min- 
utes after  two,  the  hour  at  which  the  President  died,  a  silent  reminder  of 
God's  way.  • 

As  the  head  of  the  procession  reached  the  great  square  the  military  ranks 
swung  about,  forming  solid  fronts  facing  the  approaching  hearse.  As  it  wa.» 
driven  to  the  curb  the  bearers  stepped  from  the  places  alongside  and  again 
took  up  their  burden.  Before  the  eyes  of  the  vast  concourse  filling  the 
square  the  casket  was  tenderly  raised  and  borne  up  the  wide  stone  steps 
of  the  courthouse.  The  strains-  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee"  were  still 
sounding  as  the  flag-draped  coffin  was  taken  to  the  main  corridor  of  the 
building. 

The  interior  of  the  corridor  was  a  mass  of  black.  There,  as  elsewhere, 
the  people  of  Canton  seemed  to  find  much  relief  for  their  feelings  by 
exhausting  the  possibilities  of  outward  expressions  of  sorrow.  From  front 
to  rear  of  the  building  inside  there  was  not  visible  one  square  inch  of  bare 
wall.  The  vault  of  blackness  typified  the  dark  void  in  Canton's  heart. 
Opposite  the  head  of  the  casket  upon  a  raised  platform  stood  three  chairs 
clothed  in  black,  symbolizing  the  vacant  places  of  the  three  martyred  Presi- 
dents, Lincoln,  Garfield  and  McKinley. 

The  President's  casket  was  guarded,  as  always  since  he  died,  by  picked 
men  of  the  army  and  navy.  An  additional  guard  of  honor  was  supplied  in 
this  instance  by  Canton  Commandery  Knights  Templar,  to  which  President 
McKinley  belonged. 

When  word  was  given  that  all  was  ready  for  the  last  public  farewell, 
President  Roosevelt,  followed  by  his  Cabinet,  stepped  into  the  hall.  He 
glanced  down  as  he  reached  the  casket,  halted  for  a  moment,  and  went  on 
with  set  face.  The  members  of  the  Cabinet  followed  him  one  by  one. 

The  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  headed  by  General  Miles,  General 
Otis  and  General  Brooke,  came  next.  Objection  was  made  by  some  of  the 
army  officials  to  the  bright  light  shed  by  the  electric  globes  full  in  the  face 
of  the  President,  and  a  desire  was  expressed  that  it  should  be  dimmed. 


408  CANTON'S   FAREWELL  TO   McKINLEY. 

The  chandelier  was  tog  high  to  reach,  and  a  delay  of  fully  ten  minutes  ensued 
while  a  hunt  was  made  for  a  chair.  The  light  at  the  base  of  the  chandelier 
was  then  extinguished  and  other  electric  light  globes  on  the  chandelier 
turned  off.  The  result  was  a  decided  advantage.  The  light,  while  being 
ample,  was  much  softer  and  more  in  keeping  with  the  occasion. 

Four  detachments  of  militia-  then  marched  into  the  hall  and  were  drawn 
up  in  a  line  reaching  from  the  entrance  on  the  south  to  the  bier.  Another 
line  stretched  from  the  bier  to  the  place  where  the  hall  diverged,  and  down 
each  side  hall  were  pther  lines.  Strict  orders  were  given  to  see  that  there 
was  no  delay  in  the  crowd  as  it  passed  out  of  the  building. 

When  everything  was  ready  for  the  public  to  enter,  Joseph  Saxton,  uncle 
of  Mrs.  McKinley,  an  aged  man  bowed  deeply  with  the  weight  of  years, 
entered  from  the  east  hall  and  passed  up  to  the  casket.  He  stood  for  fully 
two  minutes  gazing  into  the  face  of  his  distinguished  kinsman.  He  then 
passed  slowly  down  the  hall,  his  head  bowed  low,  his  lips  twitching  con- 
vulsively. 

A  few  final  details  were  arranged  and  then  the  door  was  opened  to  the 
public.  Two  little  girls  were  the  first  to  approach  the  casket.  Directly  behind 
them  was  a  tall  powerful  man  with  a  red  mustache.  As  he  gazed  into  the  cas- 
ket he  caught  his  breath  in  a  quick  sharp  sob  that  was  audible  in  every  part 
of  the  hallway.  He  then  gave  way  entirely,  and,  weeping  bitterly,  passed 
out 

For  five  hours  the  old  friends  and  neighbors  of  the  stricken  chieftain 
marched  by  in  two  constant  streams,  fed  by  a  river  of  men  and  women  and 
children,  which  stretched  away  through  the  city  for  nearly  a  mile.  These 
were  no  mere  curiosity  seekers,  eager  to  see  how  a  dead  President  looked. 
They  were  men  and  women  who  knew  and  loved  him  and  children  who 
planned  in  their  youthful  dreams  to  emulate  him. 

Tears  came  unbidden  to  wet  the  bier.  Perhaps  it  was  the  great  change 
that  had  come  upon  the  countenance  which  moved  them  more  than  the 
sight  of  the  familiar  features.  The  signs  of  discoloration  which  appeared 
upon  the  brow  and  'cheeks  yesterday  at  the  state  ceremonial  in  the  rotunda 
of  the  capital  at  Washington  had  deepened  and  the  lips  had  become  livid. 

One  of  the  first  men  in  the  line  was  an  old  farmer  from  the  lower  end 
of  Stark  County.  He  paused  beside  the  casket  and  burst  into  tears.  "His 
kindness  and  his  counsel  saved  a  boy  of  mine,"  the  old  man  murmured 
half  in  apology  to  the  guards  as  he  tottered  out  of  the  building. 

Old  soldiers  who  had  served  with  the  "major,"  as  they  called  him, 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


CANTON'S   FAREWELL  TO   McKINLEY. 


411 


Stumped  by  with  limping  feet  on  wooden  legs  and  on  crutches.  Poor  men 
and  poor  women  whom  he  had  helped  when  they  needed  help,  and  without 
anybody  being  the  wiser,  dropped  flowers  on  the  pall.  One  old  soldier 
broke  through  the  line  a  second  time  for  another  look. 

"I  went  to  the  war  with  him,"  the  old  man  said,  "and  I  would  not  have 
come  back  but  for  him.  He  saw  that  I  wasn't  forgotten  in  the  hospital." 
The  apology  was  enough  to  excuse  the  old  man's  breach  of  the  rules  in 
the  eyes  of  the  guard. 

A  little  girl  came  along.  She  stopped  long  enough  to  press  a  kiss -upon 
the  glass  above  the  dead  face  and  then  ran  from  the  building  with  stream- 
ing eyes.  One  of  the  guards  thought  he  saw  her  drop  something  and 
looked.  He  found  it  hidden  away  among  the  costly  wreaths  and  clusters  of 
roses  and  immortelles  and  almost  priceless  orchids.  It  was  a  little  cluster 
of  common,  late  blooming  garden  flowers,  and  to  it  was  tied  with  a  piece  of 
thread  a  note  written  in  a  cramped  childish  hand : 


DEAR  MR.  M'KINLEY:  I  wish 
I  could  send  you  some  prettier  flow- 
ers, but  these  are  all  I  have.  I  am 
sorry  you  got  shot. 

KATIE  LEE. 


That  guard  had  a  spark  of  poetry  in  his  soul.  He  picked  up  the  modest 
little  bunch  of  flowers  and  tenderly  laid  it  across  a  cluster  of  orchids. 

"I  thought  I  saw  the  President  smile,"  he  said  when  he  told  a  comrade. 

The  line  continued  to  form,  to  swing  by,  and  to  melt  away  until  the 
sun  went  down.  Its  characteristics  changed  with  each  minute.  Men  who 
manage  great  business  enterprises  and  men  who  make  the  politics  of  this 
state  walked  side  by  side  with  the  miner,  the  factory  hand,  the  farmer  and 
the  laborer.  But  a  single  dominant  characteristic  made  them  as  one.  Every 
face  bore  the  mark  of  sorrow,  and  in  most  eyes  were  the  traces  of  tears. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  an  aged  man  leaning  upon  two  crutches,  which 
he  managed  with  difficulty,  appeared  at  the  door  through  which  the  people 
were  making  their  exit.  He  asked  the  sentry  to  allow  him  to  enter,  and 
when  the  soldier  refused,  saying  he  had  received  orders  to  allow  nobody 
through  that  door,  the  old  man  stood  back  the  picture  of  woe.  In  a  short 


412  CANTON'S   FAREWELL  TO   McKINLEY. 

time  he  again  asked  the  young  sentry  in  pleading  tones  to  allow  him  entrance 
through  the  doorway,  saying  that  in  his  feeble  condition  he  was  not  able  to 
stand  in  the  line  which  at  that  time  was  extending  fully  a  mile  from  the 
entrance. 

"I  fought  in  his  regiment  during  the  war,"  he  said,  "and  I  just  want 
to  lay  this  flag  on  his  coffin  and  then  keep  it  as  a  reminder  of  the  time 
I  saw  him  last." 

"Take  it  in,"  said  the  sentry,  the  catch  of  a  sob  in  his  bronzed  throat; 
and  the  veteran  hobbled  into  the  hall.  When  he  got  inside  he  had  more 
trouble,  and  was  compelled  to  explain  his  errand  several  times.  Finally  the 
line  passing  the  coffin  was  stopped  long  enough  to  allow  the  old  man  to 
step  to  its  side  for  a  glance  into  the  coffin  and  to  lay  his  tiny  flag  on  its 
glass  front.  Then  he  turned  back  with  the  crowd,  hugging  the  now  sancti- 
fied flag  tightly  beneath  his  coat. 

At  one  time  a  group  of  schoolgirls  approached  the  casket.  There  were 
six  of  them  and  they  came  three  abreast.  One  in  the  forward  row  leaned 
over  for  a  look,  and,  gently  disengaging  from  the  bosom  of  her  dress  a 
scarlet  geranium,  laid  it  gently  on  the  top  of  the  wreaths  that  rested  there. 
The  others  followed  her  example,  and  although  the  sentries  had  orders  to 
permit  nobody  to  place  anything  upon  the  coffin  or  to  touch  the  floral 
offerings  that  were  already  there  the  little  tributes  of  the  girls  were  allowed 
to  remain. 

All  through  the  afternoon  the  crowd  passed  the  catafalque  approxi- 
mately at  the  rate  of  100  every  minute,  making  in  the  five  hours  in  which 
the  body  lay  in  state  a  total  of  30,000  people,  practically  a  number  equal 
to  the  actual  population  of  Canton.  When  the  doors  were  closed  at  6  o'clock 
the  line,  four  abreast,  stretched  fully  one  mile  from  the  courthouse,  and 
people  were  still  coming  from  the  side  streets  to  take  their  places  in  line. 

Twilight  had  come  as  the  guard  and  escort  were  formed  to  remove  the 
casket  to  the  McKinley  cottage.  The  streets  were  still  thronged.  Amid 
silence  that  played  upon  the  heart  as  the  shades  of  night  were  drawn  closer 
the  casket  was  carried  from  the  courthouse  for  the  last  journey  of  William 
McKinley  to  the  little  cottage,  where  the  greatest  fortune  that  can  come 
to  any  man  should  come  to  him. 

The  Grand  Army  post  of  the  city  acted  as  escort.  Most  of  these  old 
soldiers  had  served  in  the  war  with  him  in  the  Twenty-third  Ohio.  Th<- 
heaviness  of  personal  grief  was  in  their  footsteps  as  they  marched  away. 

There  was  no  ceremony  at  the  McKinley  cottage.    The  casket  was  borne 


CANTON'S  FAREWELL  TO  MCKINLEY.  413 

within  and  laid  in  the  little  front  parlor  from  which  the  nation  had  called 
its  chosen  chief  five  years  ago. 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  in  her  room  when  the  body  came.  Her  anguish 
broke  out  afresh  on  this  reminder  that  all  which  had  taken  place  there  was 
at  an  end  and  that,  worst  of  all,  he  who  had  wrapped  her  life  in  tenderness, 
who  had  been  through  many  years  more  than  husband,  than  father,  in  his 
care  for  her  weakness,  was  now  cold  in  death. 

Friends  hastened  to  her  side  and  did  the  little  which  friends  can  do  at 
such  a  time.  All  others  were  excluded.  Guards  were  quickly  thrown  about 
the  house.  Darkness  fell,  and  for  the  last  time  Mrs.  McKinley  was  left  alone 
with  her  dead. 

The  following  day,  city  and  state  followed  the  mortal  remains  of  their 
great  son  to  the  tomb.  Other  cities  by  their  chiefs,  other  states  by  their 
governors,  offered  sympathy  to  their  sister.  All  of  the  mournful  pomp  and 
circumstance  which  the  devoted  regard  of  his  friends  and  people  could  throw 
around  the  occasion  followed  to  the  grave,  and  the  life  of  William -McKinley 
was  history. 

The  funeral  services  began  at  1 130  p.  m.  at  the  First  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  of  which  the  martyred  President  was  a  communicant  and  trustee. 
They  were  brief,  by  the  expressed  wish  of  the  family. 

Rev.  O.  R.  Milligan,  pastor  of  the  First  Presbyterian  Church,  in  which 
President  and  Mrs.  McKinley  were  married  thirty  years  ago,  made  the 
opening  prayer.  Dr.  John  Hall  of  the  Trinity  Lutheran  Church  made  the 
first  scriptural  reading  and  Dr.  E.  P.  Herbruck  of  the  Trinity  Reformed 
Church  the  second.  Dr.  C.  E.  Manchester,  pastor  of  the  late  President's 
church,  delivered  the  only  address.  A  quartet  sang  "Beautiful  Isle  of  Some- 
where," and  another  quartet  rendered  Cardinal  Newman's  hymn,  "Lead, 
Kindly  Light." 

An  imposing  procession,  consisting  of  many  of  the  G.  A.  R.  posts  in  the 
state,  the  National  Guard  of  Ohio,  details  of  regulars  from  all  branches  of 
the  service,  fraternal,  social  and  civic  organizations  and  representatives  of 
commercial  bodies  from  all  over  the  country,  the  governors  of  several  states 
with  their  staffs,  the  House  and  Senate  of  the  United  States  and  the  cabinet 
and  President  of  the  United  States  followed  the  remains  to  Westlawn 
Cemetery. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  only  house  in  all  that  sorrow-stricken  city 
without  a  touch  of  mourning  drapery  was  the  old  McKinley  cottage.  The 
blinds  were  drawn,  but  there  was  no  outward  token  of  the  blow  that  had 


313  CANTON'S  FAREWELL  TO  McKINLEV. 

robbed  it  of  its  most  precious  possession.  The  flowers  bloomed  on  the  lawn 
as  they  did  two  weeks  ago.  There  was  not  even  a  bow  of  crape  upon  the 
door  when  the  stricken  widow  was  carried  through  it  into  the  darkened 
home  by  Abner  McKinley  and  Dr.  Rixey.  Only  the  hitching  post  at  the 
curb  in  front  of  the  residence-had  been  swathed  in  black  by  the  citizens  in 
order  that  it  might  conform  to  the  general  scheme  of  mourning  decoration 
that  had  been  adopted. 

President  Roosevelt,  at  the  home  of  Mrs.  William  Harter,  kept  himself 
from  all  visitors  except  intimate  personal  friends  all  day.  He  felt  keenly  the 
position  into  which  he  had  been  thrust  by  fate  in  the  form  of  an  assassin's 
bullet.  He  was  much  pained  by  the  unseemly  cheering  which  greeted  the 
funeral  train  at  Washington. 

The  President  was  closely  guarded  at  night.  He  did  not  like  it,  but  he 
was  forced  to  submit.  Detachments  of  state  militia  were  posted  at  the 
Harter  home,  and  sentries  paced  under  the  windows  on  all  sides  of  the  house. 
They  also  kept  guard  at  the  McKinley  cottage,  where  the  dead  President 
lay. 

In  that  cottage,  as  .the  hour  of  midnight  approached,  one  of  the  most 
dramatic  scenes  of  the  whole  sad  event  transpired.  Mrs.  McKinley  had 
asked  to  be  taken  for  a  moment  to  the  room  where  her  dead  husband  lay. 
She  wished,  for  the  moment,  that  every  one,  even  the  guards,  be  removed. 
She  was  for  the  time  entirely  calm,  and  she  longed  for  just  one  precious 
season  of  silent  communion  at  the  side  of  him  who  had  been  her  life,  her 
love,  for  more  than  thirty  years. 

So  they  led  her  to  the  room  where  lights  subdued  revealed  but  dimly 
the  details  of  those  decorations  about  the  bier.  They  watched  her,  for  the 
frail  body  had  suffered  so  keenly,  the  hold  on  life  seemed  so  light,  that  they 
dare  not  leave  her  utterly.  But  in  the  room  she  was  alone.  They  had  placed 
a  chair  near  the  casket,  and  there  she  sat,  looking  from  dry,  puzzled  eyes 
at  the  square,  black  bulk  which  held  the  form  of  her  girlhood's  lover.  The 
thin,  white  hands  were  clasped  in  her  lap,  the  face — pain-refined  from 
twenty  years  of  trial — was  bent  slightly  forward,  and  she  seemed  question- 
ing that  mighty  fact. 

She  was  entirely  calm,  and  her  attendants,  keeping  vigil  from  the  dark- 
ened hall,  felt  the  grip  of  her  mighty,  unspoken  sorrow,  as  she  sought  in 
the  night  for  a  touch  of  that  vanished  hand,  for  a  glimpse  of  a  day  that  was 
dead. 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

McKINLEY  LAID  AT  REST. 

The  mortal  remains  of  President  McKinley  are  at  rest.  For  six  days 
and  through  hundreds  of  miles  a  sorrowing  nation  has  followed  his  bier. 
Now  the  last  look  has  been  taken,  the  last  farewells  have  been  said.  The 
last  salute  to  a  dead  President  has  echoed  above  his  head. 

His  body  was  laid  for  the  moment  in  the  little  cemetery  of  Canton, 
guarded  by  soldiers  of  the  flag  he  loved  so  well,  until  it  shall  be  placed  beside 
the  mother  and  other  dear  ones  who  departed  before  him.  There  the  people 
who  loved  and  honored  him  will  raise  a  monument  to  his  name  and  make 
of  his  grave  a  shrine. 

But  his  highest  monument  must  ever  remain  in  the  hearts  of  his  country- 
men. A  mourning  people  raises  its  head  from  the  dust  and  goes  forward 
encouraged  and  guided  by  the  life  he  lived. 

Gray  and  somber  dawned  the  morning  of  the  entombment.  There  was 
a  chill  in  the  air  indicating  that  nature  was  in  full  harmony  with  the  multi- 
tudes who  were  here  to  see.  It  was  just  twenty  years  to  the  day  since  the 
death  of  James  A.  Garfield,  the  second  martyred  President,  and  many  re- 
membered that  fact  and  were  still  further  depressed. 

Before  the  sun  had  been  able  to  pierce  its  way  through  the  clouds,  in- 
fantry, cavalry  and  artillery  were  moving  in  the  direction  of  the  McKinley 
home.  Long  before  9  o'clock  five  thousand  members  of  the  Ohio  National 
Guard  were  in  position,  some  assisting  in  guarding  the  streets,  others  ready 
to  take  part  in  the  funeral  procession.  Regulars  were  there  in  great  num- 
bers. Sailors  and  marines  were  out.  Civic  bodies  were  formed. 

Entrance  to  the  church  was  by  card.  Although  the  public  knew  this, 
all  hoped  against  hope  that  by  some  chance  they  could  force  their  way  into 
the  edifice.  Hours  before  the  doors  were  opened  long  lines  were  formed 
by  the  holders  of  cards,  and  back  of  them  were  thousands  who  were  willing 
to  stand  in  the  chill  air  on  a  single  chance  that  enough  room  might  be 
spared  for  them  to  squeeze  in. 

The  same  eight  stalwart  soldiers  and  marines  who  had  carried  the  coffin 
when  it  had  been  previously  moved,  shouldered  it  and  bore  it  down  the 


416  LAID   AT   REST. 

steps,  down  the  path  through  the  yard,  with  its  beautiful  lawn  and  flower- 
beds gay  with  the  blossoms  of  the  late  summer,  out  to  the  waiting  hearse. 
The  casket  was  draped  in  the  flag  that  William  McKinley  had  fought  to 
maintain  as  that  of  an  undivided  country.  About  the  coffin  flowers  were 
massed  in  such  quantities  as  to  fill  the  hearse. 

A  signal  was  given  and  the  forward  move  began.  Thayer's  military  band 
led  the  way  behind  the  police  guard.  As  the  hearse  moved  the  familiar 
strains  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee"  were  sounded.  The  music  was  soft 
and  sweet,  barely  loud  enough  to  be  heard  a  block  away. 

The  strains  of  "Lead,  Kindly  Light"  announced  the  approach  to  the 
church,  and  a  hush  fell  upon  the  struggling  throng.  The  cavalry  escort 
slowly  swung  into  Tuscarawas  street  at  the  head  of  the  funeral  line,  with 
the  bugles  silent  and  all  orders  given  by  signs.  The  cavalrymen  formed 
three  sides  of  a  hollow  square  opposite  the  church  doors,  brought  their 
swords  to  the  position  of  "present  arms"  and  sat  like  statues.  . 

The  great  organ  inside  the  church  was  waked  by  the  first  faint  ripple 
of  music  from  the  street,  which  quivered  through  the  black-draped  doors, 
and  commenced  to  breathe  softly  through  the  auditorium  the  solemn  notes 
of  Beethoven's  funeral  march. 

Four  girls  rose  and  joined  their  voices  to  the  beautiful  melody  of  the 
beautiful  song,  "Beautiful  Isle  of  Somewhere."  It  was  like  an  answer  to 
complaining  hearts  as  it  ran : 

Somewhere  the  sun  is  shining; 

Somewhere  the  song  birds  dwell; 
Hush,  then,  thy  sad  repining; 

God  lives  and  all  is  well. 

Somewhere,  somewhere, 

Beautiful  Isle  of  Somewhere; 
Land  of  the  true,  where  we  live  anew; 

Beautiful  Isle  of  Somewhere. 

Somewhere  the  load  is  lifted, 

Close  by  an  open  gate; 
Somewhere  the  clouds  are  rifted; 

Somewhere  the  angels  wait. 


LAID   AT   REST.  417 

Somewhere,  somewhere, 

Beautiful  Isle  of  Somewhere, 
Land  of  the  true,  where  we  live  anew; 

Beautiful  Isle  of  Somewhere. 

Rev.  O.  B.  Milligan,  pastor  of  the  First  Presbyterian  Church,  led  in 
prayer.  In  these  words  he  asked  for  Divine  light  on  a  way  out  of  the 
shadow  cast  upon  the  nation,  and  especially  for  heavenly  assistance  for 
Mrs.  McKinley  in  her  great  sorrow. 

Everybody  in  the  church  joined  in  the  Lord's  prayer,  Rev.  Dr.  John  A. 
Hall,  pastor  of  Trinity  Lutheran  Church,  then  read  from  the  scriptures  the 
Nineteenth  Psalm,  to  which  President  McKinley  was  accustomed  to  turn 
for  comfort  when  his  heart  was  heavy.  Rev.  E.  P.  Herbruck,  pastor  of 
Trinity  Reformed  Church,  also  read  from  the  scriptures,  selecting  the  fif- 
teenth chapter  of  the  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  verses  41  to  58. 

The  quartet  again  arose  and  sang  Cardinal  Newman's  grand  hymn, 
"Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  the  beautiful  words  floating  through  all  the  church. 

Rev.  Dr.  C.  E.  Manchester,  pastor  of  the  First  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  of  Canton,  then  delivered  the  funeral  sermon. 

"Our  President  is  dead.  The  silver  cord  is  loosed,  the  golden  bowl  is 
broken,  the  pitcher  is  broken  at  the  fountain,  the  wheel  broken  at  the 
cistern,  the  mourners  go  about  the  streets. 

"One  voice  is  heard,  a  wail  of  sorrow  from  all  the  land,  for  the  beauty 
of  Israel  is  slain  upon  the  high  places.  How  are  the  mighty  fallen!  I  am 
distressed  for  thee,  my  brother.  Very  pleasant  hast  thou  been  unto  me. 
Our  President  is  dead. 

"We  can  hardly  believe  it.  We  had  hoped  and  prayed  and  it  seemed 
that  our  hopes  were  to  be  realized  and  our  prayers  answered  when  the  emo- 
tion of  joy  was  changed  to  one  of  grave  apprehension.  Still  we  waited,  for 
we  said,  'It  may  be  that  God  will  be  gracious  and  merciful  unto  us.'  It 
seemed  to  us  that  it  must  be  His  will  to  spare  the  life  of  one  so  well  beloved 
and  so  much  needed. 

"Thus,  alternating  between  hope  and  fear,  the  weary  hours  passed  on. 
Then  came  the  tidings  of  defeated  sciences,  of  the  failure  of  love  and  prayer 
to  hold  its  object  to  the  earth.  We  seemed  to  hear  the  faintly  muttered 
words:  'Good-by  all,  good-by.  It's  God's  way.  His  will  be  done/  and 
then,  'Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee.' 
•  "So,  nestling  nearer  to  his  God,  he  passed  out  into  unconsciousness, 


418  ^AID    AT    REST. 

skirted  the  dark  shores  of  the  sea  of  death  for  a  time  and  then  passed  on  to 
be  at  rest.  His  great  heart  had  ceased  to  beat.  Our  hearts  are  heavy  with 
sorrow. 

"A  voice  is  heard  on  earth  of  kinsfolk  weeping 

The  loss  of  one  they  love; 
But  he  has  gone  where  the  redeemed  are  keeping 

A  festival  above. 

"The  mourners  throng  the  ways  and  from  the  steeple 

The  funeral  bells  toll  slow; 
But  on  the  golden  streets  the  holy  people 

Are  passing  to  and  fro. 

"And  saying  as  they  meet,  'Rejoice. 

Another, 

Long  waited  for  is  come. 
The  Savior's  heart  is  glad,  a  younger 

Brother 
Has  reached  the  Father's  home.'" 

"The  cause  of  this  universal  mourning  is  to  be  found  in  the  man  himself. 
The  inspired  penman's  picture  of  Jonathan,  likening  him  unto  the  'Beauty 
of  Israel,'  could  not  be  more  appropriately  employed  than  in  chanting  the 
lament  of  our  fallen  chieftain.  It  does  no  violence  to  human  speech,  nor 
is  it  fulsome  eulogy,  to  speak  thus  of  him,  for  who  that  has  seen  his  stately 
bearing,  his  grace  and  manliness  of  demeanor,  his  kindliness  of  aspect,  but 
gives  assent  to  this  description  of  him. 

"It  was  characteristic  of  our  beloved  President  that  men  met  him  only 
to  love  him.  They  might  indeed  differ  with  him,  but  in  the  presence  of  such 
dignity  of  character  and  grace  of  manner  none  could  fail  to  love  the  man. 
The  people  confided  in  him,  believed  in  him.  It  was  said  of  Lincoln  that 
probably  no  man  since  the  days  of  Washington  was  ever  so  deeply  imbedded 
and  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  but  it  is  true  of  McKinley  in  a 
larger  sense.  Industrial  and  social  conditions  are  such  that  he  was,  even 
more  than  his  predecessors,  the  friend  of  the  whole  people. 

"A  touching  scene  was  enacted  in  this  church  last  Sunday  night.  The 
services  had  closed.  The  worshipers  were  gone  to  their  homes.  Only  a 
few  lingered  to  discuss  the  sad  event  that  brings  us  together  to-day.  Three 
men  in  working  garb,  of  a  foreign  race  and  unfamiliar  tongue,  entered  the 
room.  They  approached  the  altar,  kneeling  before  it  and  before  his  picture. 


LAID   AT   REST.  419 

Their  lips  moved  as  if  in  prayer,  while  tears  furrowed  their  cheeks.  They 
may  have  been  thinking  of  their  own  King  Humbert  and  of  his  untimely 
death.  Their  emotion  was  eloquent,  eloquent  beyond  speech,  and  it  bore 
testimony  to  their  appreciation  of  manly  friendship  and  of  honest  worth. 

"It  is  a  glorious  thing  to  be  able  to  say  in  this  presence,  with  our  illus- 
trious dead  before  us,  that  he  never  betrayed  the  confidence  of  his  country- 
men. Not  for  personal  gain  or  pre-eminence  would  he  mar  the  beauty  of 
his  soul.  He  kept  it  clean  and  white  before  God  and  man,  and  his  hands 
were  unsullied  by  bribes.  'His  eyes  looked  right  on,  and  his  eyelids  looked 
straight  before  him.' 

"He  was  sincere,  plain  and  honest,  just,  benevolent  and  kind.  He  never 
disappointed  those  who  believed  in  him,  but  measured  up  to  every  duty, 
and  met  every  responsibility  in  life  grandly  and  unflinchingly. 

"Not  only  was  our  President  brave,  heroic  and  honest;  he  was  as  gallant 
a  knight  as  ever  rode  the  lists  for  his  lady  love  in  the  days  when  knighthood 
was  in  flower.  It  is  but  a  few  weeks  since  the  nation  looked  on  with  tear- 
dimmed  eyes  as  it  saw  with  what  tender  conjugal  devotion  he  sat  at  the  bed- 
side of  his  beloved  wife,  when  all  feared  that  a  fatal  illness  was  upon  her. 
No  public  clamor  that  he  might  show  himself  to  the  populace,  no  demand 
of  a  social  function,  was  sufficient  to  draw  the  lover  from  the  bedside  of 
his  wife.  He  watched  and  waited  while  we  all  prayed — and  she  lived. 

"This  sweet  and  tender  story  all  the  world  knows,  and  the  world  knows 
that  his  whole  life  had  run  in  this  one  groove  of  love.  It  was  a  strong  arm 
that  she  leaned  upon,  and  it  never  failed  her.  Her  smile  was  more  to  him 
than  the  plaudits  of  the  multitude,  and  for  her  greeting  his  acknowledgments 
of  them  must  wait.  After  receiving  the  fatal  wound  his  first  thought  was  that 
the  terrible  news  might  be  broken  gently  to  her. 

"May  God  in  this  deep  hour  of  sorrow  comfort  her.  May  His  grrvce  be 
greater  than  her  anguish.  May  the  widow's  God  be  her  God. 

"Another  beauty  in  the  character  of  our  President  that  was  a  chaplet  of 
grace  about  his  neck  was  that  he  was  a  Christian.  In  the  broadest,  noblest 
sense  of  the  word  that  was  true.  His  confidence  in  God  was  strong  and 
unwavering.  It  held  him  steady  in  many  a  storm  where  others  were  driven 
before  the  wind  and  tossed.  He  believed  in  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  in  His 
sovereignty. 

"His  faith  in  the  gospel  of  Christ  was  deep  and  abiding.  He  had  no 
patience  with  any  other  theme  of  pulpit  discourse.  'Christ  and  Him  crucified' 
was  to  his  mind  the  only  panacea  for  the  world's  disorders.  He  believed  it  to 


x20  LAID   AT   REST. 

be  the  supreme  duty  of  the  Christian  minister  to  preach  the  word.  He  said 
'We  do  not  look  for  great  business  men  to  enter  the  pulpit,  but  for  great 
preachers.' 

"It  is  well  known  that  his  godly  mother  had  hoped  for  him  that  he  would 
become  a  minister  of  the  gospel  and  that  she  believed  it  to  be  the  highest 
vocation  in  life.  It  was  not,  however,  his  mother's  faith  that  made  him  a 
Christian.  He  had  gained  in  early  life  a  personal  knowledge  of  Jesus  which 
guided  him  in  the  performance  of  greater  duties  and  vaster  than  have  been 
the  lot  of  any  other  American  President.  He  said  at  one  time,  while  bearing 
heavy  burdens,  that  he  could  not  discharge  the  daily  duties  of  his  life  but  for 
the  fact  that  he  had  faith  in  God. 

"William  McKinley  believed  in  prayer,  in  the  beauty  of  it,  in  the  potency 
of  it.  Its  language  was  not  unfamiliar  to  him,  and  his  public  addresses  not 
infrequently  evinced  the  fact.  It  was  perfectly  consistent  with  his  lifelong  con- 
victions and  his  personal  experiences  that  he  should  say  at  the  first  critical 
moment  after  the  assassination  approached,  'Thy  kingdom  come;  Thy  will 
be  done.'  He  lived  grandly;  it  was  fitting  that  he  should  die  grandly.  And 
now  that  the  majesty  of  death  has  touched  and  calmed  him,  we  find  that  in 
his  supreme  moment  he  was  still  a  conqueror. 

"My  friends  and  countrymen,  with  what  language  shall  I  attempt  to  give 
expression  to  the  deep  horror  of  our  souls  as  I  speak  of  the  cause  of  his  death  ? 
When  we  consider  the  magnitude  of  the  crime  that  has  plunged  the  country 
and  the  world  into  unutterable  grief,  we  are  not  surprised  that  one  nationality 
after  another  has  hastened  to  repudiate  the  dreadful  act. 

"This  gentle  spirit,  who  hated  no  one,  to  whom  every  man  was  a  brother, 
was  suddenly  smitten  by  the  cruel  hand  of  an  assassin,  and  that,  too,  while 
in  the  very  act  of  extending  a  kind  and  generous  greeting  to  one  who>  ap- 
proached him  under  the  sacred  guise  of  friendship.  Could  the  assailant  have 
realized  how  awful  was  the  act  he  was  about  to  perform,  how  utterly  heartless 
the  deed,  methinks  he  would  have  stayed  his  hand  at  the  very  threshold  of  it. 

"In  all  the  coming  years  men  will  seek  in  vain  to  fathom  the  enormity  of 
that  crime.  Had  this  man  who  fell  been  a  despot,  a  tyrant,  an  oppressor,  an 
insane  frenzy  to  rid  the  world  of  him  might  have  sought  excuse;  but  it  was 
the  people's  friend  who  fell  when  William  McKinley  received  the  fatal  wound. 

"Himself  a  son  of  toil,  his  sympathies  were  with  the  toiler.  No  one  who 
has  seen  the  matchless  grace  and  perfect  ease  with  which  he  greeted  such  can 
ever  doubt  that  his  heart  was  in  his  open  hand.  Every  heart  throb  w^s  for  his 
countrymen. 


LAID   AT   REST.  421 

"That  his  life  should  be  sacrificed  at  such  a  time,  just  when  there  was 
abundant  peace,  when  all  the  Americans  were  rejoicing  together,  is  one  of 
the  inscrutable  mysteries  of  Providence.  Like  many  others,  it  must  be  left 
for  future  revelations  to  explain. 

"In  the  midst  of  our  sorrow  we  have  much  to  console  us.  He  lived  to  see 
his  nation  greater  than  ever  before.  All  sectional  lines  are  blotted  out. 
There  is  no  South,  no  North,  no  East,  no  West.  Washington  saw  the  begin- 
ning of  our  national  life.  Lincoln  passed  through  the  night  of  our  history  and 
saw  the  dawn.  McKinley  beheld  his  country  in  the  splendor  of  its  noon. 
Truly,  he  died  in  the  fullness  of  his  fame. 

"With  Paul  he  could  say,  and  with  equal  truthfulness,  'I  am  now  ready 
to  be  offered.'  The  work  assigned  him  had  been  well  done.  The  nation  was 
at  peace.  We  had  fairly  entered  upon  an  era  of  unparalleled  prosperity-.  Our 
revenues  were  generous.  Our  standing  among  the  nations  was  secure.  Our 
President  was  safely  enshrined  in  the  affections  of  a  united  people. 

"It  was  not  at  him  that  the  fatal  shot  was  fired,  but  at  the  very  life  of  the 
government.  His  offering  was  vicarious.  It  was  blood  poured  upon  the  altar 
of  human  liberty.  In  view  of  these  things  we  are  not  surprised  to  hear  from 
one  who  was  present  when  this  great  soul  passed  away  that  he  never  before 
saw  a  death  so  peaceful,  or  a  dying  man  so  crowned  with  grandeur. 

"Let  us  turn  now  to  a  brief  consideration  of  some  of  the  lessons  that  we 
are  to  learn  from  this  sad  event.  The  first  one  that  will  occur  to  us  all  is  the 
old,  old  lesson  that  'in  the  midst  of  life  we  are  in  death.'  'Man  goeth  forth  to 
his  work  and  to  his  labor  until  the  evening.'  'He  fleeth  as  it  were  a  shadow 
and  never  continueth  in  one  stay.' 

"Our  President  went  forth  in  the  fullness  of  his  strength,  in  his  manly 
beauty,  and  was  suddenly  smitten  by  the  hand  that  brought  death  with  it. 
None  of  us  can  tell  what  a  day  may  bring  forth.  Let  us  therefore  remember 
that  'no  man  liveth  to  himself  and  none  of  us  dieth  to  himself.'  'May  each 
day's  close  see  each  day's  duty  done.' 

"Another  great  lesson  that  we  should  heed  is  the  vanity  of  mere  earthly 
greatness.  In  the  presence  of  the  Dread  Messenger  how  small  are  all  the 
trappings  of  wealth  and  distinctions  of  rank  and  power.  I  beseech  you,  seek 
Him  who  said,  'I  am  the  resurrection  and  the  life;  he  that  believeth  in  Me, 
though  he  were  dead,  yet  shall  he  live ;  and  whosoever  liveth  and  believeth  in 
Me  shall  never  die.'  There  is  but  one  Savior  for  the  sinsick  and  the  weary.  I 
entreat  you,  find  Him,  as  our  brother  found  Him. 

"But  our  last  words  must  be  spoken.     Little  more  than  four  years  ago 


422  LAID   AT   REST. 

we  bade  him  good-by  as  he  went  to  assume  the  great  responsibilities  to  which 
the  nation  had  called  him.  His  last  words  as  he  left  us  were : 

"  'Nothing  could  give  me  greater  pleasure  than  this  farewell  greeting — 
this  evidence  of  your  friendship  and  sympathy,  your  good  will,  and  I  am  sure 
the  prayers  of  all  the  people  with  whom  I  have  lived  so  long  and  whose  confi- 
dence and  esteem  are  dearer  to  me  than  any  other  earthly  honors. 

"  'To  all  of  us  the  future  is  as  a  sealed  book,  but  if  I  can,  by  official  act 
or  administration  or  utterance,  in  any  degree  add  to  the  prosperity  and  unity 
of  our  beloved  country,  and  the  advancement  and  well-being  of  our  splendid 
citizenship,  I  will  devote  the  best  and  most  unselfish  efforts  of  my  life  to  that 
end.  With  this  thought  uppermost  in  my  mind,  I  reluctantly  take  leave  of 
my  friends  and  neighbors,  cherishing  in  my  heart  the  sweetest  memories  and 
thoughts  of  my  old  home — my  home  now — and  I  trust  my  home  hereafter 
so  long  as  I  shall  live.' 

"We  hoped,  with  him,  that  when  his  work  was  done,  freed  from  the  bur- 
dens of  his  great  office,  crowned  with  the  affections  of  a  happy  people,  he 
might  be  permitted  to  close  his  earthly  life  in  the  home  he  loved.  He  has 
indeed  returned  to  us,  but  how  ?  Borne  to  the  strains  of  'Nearer,  My  God,  to 
Thee,'  and  placed  where  he  first  began  life's  struggle,  that  the  people  might 
look  and  weep  over  so  sad  a  home-coming. 

"But  it  was  a  triumphal  march.  How  vast  the  procession.  The  nation 
rose,  stood  with  uncovered  head.  The  people  of  the  land  are  chief  mourners. 
The  nations  of  the  earth  weep  with  them.  But,  oh,  what  a  victory!  I  do 
not  ask  you  in  the  heat  of  public  address,  but  in  the  calm  moments  of  mature 
reflection,  what  other  man  ever  had  such  high  honors  bestowed  upon  him  and 
by  so  many  people?  What  pageant  has  equaled  this  that  we  look  upon 
to-night? 

"We  gave  him  to  the  nation  but  a  little  more  than  four  years  ago.  He 
went  out  with  the  light  of  the  morning  upon  his  brow,  but  with  his  task  set, 
and  the  purpose  to  complete  it.  We  take  him  back  a  mighty  conqueror. 

"  'The  churchyard  where  his  children  rest, 
The  quiet  spot  that  suits  him  best ; 
There  shall  his  grave  be  made, 
And  there  his  bones  be  laid. 
And  there  his  countrymen  shall  come, 
With  memory  proud,  with  pity  dumb, 
And  strangers  far  and  near, 


LAID   AT   REST.  423 

For  many  and  many  a  year, 
For  many  and  many  an  age, 
While  history  on  her  ample  page 
The  virtues  shall  enroll 
Of  that  paternal  soul.'  " 

Venerable  Bishop  I.  W.  Joyce  of  Minneapolis  then  led  in  brief  prayer. 
He  had  been  conducting  the  East  Ohio  Methodist  Episcopal  conference 
at  New  Philadelphia  when  the  President  died.  The  conference  adjourned, 
and  Bishop  Joyce  and  his  cabinet  have  been  ever  since  at  the  disposal  of  the 
friends  of  the  President.  He  especially  remembered  President  Roosevelt 
in  his  petition  this  afternoon. 

The  choir  then  sang  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  at  first  softly,  and  then 
rising  into  the  passionate  declaration,  "Still  all  my  song  shall  be."  It  was 
as  if  the  whole  nation  were  being  brought  closer  to  the  great  white  throne 
by  the  sacrifice  of  their  President's  life. 

Rev.  Father  Edward  J.  Vattmann  of  Chicago  pronounced  the  benedic- 
tion. He  is  chaplain  of  the  United  States  Army  at  Fort  Sheridan. 

It  was  after  3  o'clock  when  the  silent  and  anxious  throngs  outside  the 
church  saw  the  solemn  pageant  reappear  through  the  church  doors.  A 
more  impressive  sight  than  the  cortege  of  the  President  from  the  church 
to  the  cemetery  has  seldom  been  witnessed  in  this  country.  Nominally  it 
was  a  private  funeral.  Actually  it  was  a  national  demonstration.  More  than 
12,000  marching  men  were  in  line.  About  6,000  were  the  citizen  soldiery 
of  Ohio.  The  others  were  old  soldiers  and  members  .of  civic  and  fraternal 
organizations  from  all  quarters  of  the  state. 

The  head  of  the  cortege  arrived  at  Westlawn  Cemetery  at  3:30  o'clock. 
The  roadway  from  the  gate  to  the  receiving  vault  was  carpeted  with  flowers. 
Geraniums,  carnations,  sweet  peas  and  roses  had  been  strewn  in  great  pro- 
fusion. The  old  soldiers  who  had  marched  the  weary  march  to  honor  their 
old  comrade  a  last  time  could  not  forego  the  chance  to  take  away  a  fragrant 
souvenir  of  his  earthly  end.  One  by  one  they  stooped  to  gather  a  flower, 
and  when  they  had  passed  the  roadway  it  was  almost  bare. 

The  funeral  car  reached  the  cemetery  gates  at  4  o'clock.  From  the  hill- 
top the  President's  salute  of  twenty-one  guns,  fired  at  intervals  of  one 
minute,  announced  its  coming.  The  military  guards  came  to  a  "present" 
with  a  snap  as  the  funeral  car  approached  for  the  last  scene  in  the  life  and 
death  of  William  McKinley — a  scene  beautiful  and  impressive  as  his  life  had 
been. 


424  LAID   At   REST. 

After  the  arrival  of  the  casket  there  was  a  moment's  pause  as  Colonel 
Bingham  looked  to  see  that  all  was  in  readiness.  He  then  looked  toward 
Bishop  Joyce,  who  read  the  burial  service  of  the  Methodist  church,  slowly 
but  in  a  voice  that  could  be  heard  distinctly  by  all  who  were  grouped  about 
the  vault.  Instantly  from  the  eight  buglers  rang  out  the  notes  of  the 
soldier's  last  call,  "taps." 

With  bared  heads  the  President  and  members  of  the  cabinet,  who  were 
followed  by  the  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  stood  on  each  side  of  the  walk, 
the  lines  reaching  just  to  the  edge  of  the  roadway.  Within  a  minute  after 
the  formation  of  the  lines,  the  funeral  car  came  up  to  the  walk.  The  casket 
was  gently  lifted  from  the  hearse,  and  borne  to  the  floor  of  the  vault,  where 
it  was  rested  upon  the  catafalque. 

The  last  of  the  procession  passed  the  bier  at  5 145  o'clock,  and  then  orders 
were  given  by  Captain  Riddle  that  the  cemetery  be  cleared.  This  was 
quickly  done,  and  the  President  was  left  in  the  care  of  his  guard  of  honor. 
The  first  sentry  to  be  posted  in  a  tour  of  guard  duty  before  the  doorway 
was  Private  Otto  White  of  Company  C,  Fourteenth  Infantry,  whose  home 
is  in  Genoa,  Ohio. 

The  vault  gates  closed  with  a  hollow  clang  as  the  soldiers  took  up  the 
weary  round  of  sentry  duty  in  the  lonely  cemetery.  Two  miles  away,  in 
the  cottage  so  lately  the  home  of  a  President,  a  heart-broken  widow  wres- 
tled with  her  grief. 

And  the  funeral  of  William  McKinley  was  over. 


CHAPTER  XLI1. 
NATION  OBSERVES  BURIAL  DAY. 

When  King  David  lay  dead,  at  the  threshold  of  Judah's  mighty  era,  the 
Bible  tells  us  "There  was  sorrow  in  the  cities." 

That,  better  than  any  other  language  that  could  be  employed,  describes 
the  state  of  affairs  in  the  United  States  of  America  when  the  body  of  the 
dead  President  lay  in  state  in  the  town  which  had  been  his  home  on  trie 
day  of  his  burial.  Every  city  in  the  land  chose  its  own  methods  of  expressing 
the  grief  that  was  felt,  but  all  united,  at  the  selfsame  hour,  to  express 
in  the  several  ways  the  grief  that  was  felt  for  the  nation's  bereavement. 

In  Canton,  of  course,  the  expression  of  sorrow  was  profound.  Nothing 
else  occupied  the  attention  or  the  time  of  any  one  within  the  gates  of  the 
city  but  that  one  great,  overpowering  subject. 

In  Washington  all  the  many  public,  offices  of  the  government  were 
closed,  and  the  army  of  employes  gave  the  day  to  sorrowing  for  the  dead. 
There  were  services  in  nearly  all  of  the  churches.  Theaters  were  closed.  No 
places  of  amusement  admitted  frequenters.  The  storm-drenched  draperies 
of  woe  that  had  been  spread  so  lavishly  on  the  day  the  remains  of  the  Presi- 
dent arrived  from  Buffalo,  gave  a  drearier  aspect  to  the  silent  and  sorrowing 
city.  There  was  little  travel.  Street  cars  nearly  vacant  hummed  unchecked 
through  the  streets.  Galleries  and  points  usually  sought  by  visitors  were 
left  quite  abandoned.  Even  the  great  Washington  Monument  had  fewer 
visitors  than  on  any  day  since  President  Garfield  lay  in  state  in  the  White 
House. 

In  Chicago  there  were  services  in  the  Auditorium,  presided  over  by 
some  of  the  foremost  citizens,  and  addressed  by  orators  of  note  throughout 
the  nation.  A  multitude  of  social  organizations  joined  in  a  monster  parade. 
It  was  a  general  holiday,  and  workmen  laid  down  the  tools  of  their  craft, 
and  postponed  activity  and  wage-earning  till  the  body  of  the  dead  should 
be  at  rest.  Naval  veterans  from  the  war  with  Spain  formed  a  compact 
phalanx  and  marched  for  the  last  time  in  honor  of  him  who  had  been  their 
chief. 

In  New  Orleans  a  general  holiday  also  was  decreed,  and  schools  were 
closed;  shops  were  deserted;  the  activity  of  the  city  was  still.  It  has  been 

425 


426  NATION   OBSERVES   BURIAL  DAY. 

described  as  nearly  approaching  those  distressful  days  when  the  fear  of  the 
plague  had  laid  a  silencing  hand  on  the  industries  of  the  town.  There  was 
no  fear  in  the  present  case.  But  the  pall  of  a  sorrow  was  great  enough  to 
palsy  all  movement.  President  McKinley  had  endeared  himself  to  the 
people  of  the  South  as  no  other  President  had  done  since  the  civil  war.  His 
trip  across  the  continent  last  May  was  of  the  greatest  benefit  to  his  fame  and 
popularity  in  the  South.  It  was  realized  that  here  was  a  man  who  was 
President  of  the  whole  United  States,  and  that  he  held  those  in  that 
section  of  the  country  as  close  to  his  heart  and  his  hope  as  the  people  of 
any  other  section. 

In  San  Francisco  a  service  was  held  in  the  City  Hall,  addressed  by  a 
number  of  the  prominent  citizens.  It  was  here  that  Mrs.  McKinley  was 
taken  ill  when  the  Presidential  party  was  on  its  journey  across  the  country; 
and  it  was  here  that  President  McKinley  gave  that  great  evidence  of  his 
devotion  to  his  wife.  It  disarranged  the  plans  of  the  people  who  had  the 
trip  in  charge,  and  of  the  managers  of  the  fair  at  which  he  was  to  have 
appeared.  But  above  and  beyond  all  desire  for  profit  was  their  recognition 
of  the  generous  and  noble  qualities  of  the  man.  And  they  paid  their 
heartfelt  tribute  to  the  departed. 

In  Montreal,  Canada,  the  provincial  synod  of  the  Anglican  Church  held 
a  memorial  service  in  Christ  Church  cathedral  in  honor  of  the  memory  of 
President  McKinley.  The  Duke  of  York,  who  was  in  the  city  at  the  time, 
attended  the  service,  and  gave  every  evidence  of  that  grief  which  he  had  at 
other  times  expressed.  It  had  been  the  intention  of  the  city  authorities 
of  Montreal  to  give  a  series  of  fetes  in  honor  of  the  Duke  and  the  Duchess, 
as  has  been  the  custom  in  most  of  the  cities  which  they  have  visited  in  the 
course  of  their  tour  about  the  world,  forming  the  better  acquaintance  of 
the  subjects  of  the  English  King.  But  these  plans  were  abandoned, 
although  a  large  sum  of  money  had  already  been  expended.  Neither  the 
Duke  nor  his  wife  wished  to  proceed  with  the  festivities. 

London  was  a  city  of  sorrow.  The  recent  death  of  the  Queen  had 
called  forth  expressions  of  sorrow  from  President  McKinley  and  the  people 
of  the  United  States  which  had  touched  a  very  tender  chord  in  the  nature 
of  the  Englishmen.  And  they  were  grieved  beyond  expression  at  the  dis- 
aster that  had  befallen  the  Republic.  They  devoted  the  day  to  a  special 
service  in  Westminster  Abbey,  a  rare  performance  indeed.  Portraits  of 
President  McKinley  were  displayed  in  all  the  shop  windows,  and  were  freely 
sold  on  the  streets.  All  the  papers  of  the  British  capital  printed  expressions 


NATION   OBSERVES   BURIAL   DAY.  429 

of  sorrow  and  of  appreciation  of  the  good  qualities  of  the  man  who  had 
passed  away,  and  all  expressed  the  hope  that  the  nation  would  be  comforted 
in  its  grief.  One  of  the  most  touching  features  of  their  publications  was 
the  tone  of  sympathy  for  Mrs.  McKinley.  There  was  a  pathos  about  these 
words  which  keenly  recalled  the  late  bereavement  of  the  nation  of  Victoria. 

Funeral  services  were  held  in  far-away  Manila.  All  the  government 
offices  were  closed,  and  the  buildings  were  draped  in  black.  There  was  a 
peculiar  sadness  in  the  crowds  that  passed  up  and  down  the  streets.  Most 
business  houses  were  closed  for  half  the  day,  some  for  the  entire  day. 
Among  the  expressions  of  sorrow  sent  from  Manila  was  one  from  Emilio 
Aguinaldo.  He  declared  President  McKinley  a  noble  enemy,  and  a  valued 
friend,  and  for  the  good  of  all  the  people  under  the  flag  of  the  Republic 
he  could  not  but  look  on  the  death  of  such  a  man,  particularly  in  such  a 
manner,  as  an  unparalleled  calamity.  He  gave  utterance  to  the  most 
vigorous  condemnation  of  the  dastardly  act  which  cost  the  President  his 
life. 

And  so,  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  of  the  sun,  "there  was  sorrow 
in  the  cities."  It  was  not  in  the  big  cities  alone.  Wherever  communities 
had  been  gathered,  there  was  sorrow,  and  the  effort  to  express  the  grief 
that  was  universal  throughout  the  nation.  Churches  were  rilled  with  com- 
municants and  friends.  Men  and  women  who  had  not  been  in  the  habit 
of  attending  divine  services  made  this  the  occasion  when  they  paid  their 
tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  a  great  man  fallen.  Pastors  and 
orators  employed  their  best  talents  in  extolling  the  virtues  of  the  dead, 
and  holding  out  hope  to  the  living. 

And  not  even  in  the  cities — large  or  small — was  the  grief  monopolized. 
There  was  not  a  farm  house,  perhaps,  in  the  land  where  grief  was  absent. 
In  those  hours  when  the  service  was  being  conducted  over  the  bier  of 
the  martyred  President  in  Canton,  there' was  a  bowing  of  heads  throughout 
every  part  of  the  land.  The  beneficent  results  of  the  public  labors  of  this 
man  had  reached  to  the  farthest  home,  and  the  fame  of  his  loyal  manhood 
had  penetrated  all  hearts.  He  was  loved  and  honored  and  mourned.  And 
the  nation  paused  at  the  brink  of  his  grave,  in  body  or  in  spirit,  whether 
they  stood  in  the  city  he  had  called  his  home,  and  whether  they  held  to 
their  places  at  any  other  point  in  the  broad  land. 

The  sorrow  of  the  cities  bathed  all  the  land  in  tears. 

Of  all  the  tributes  paid  to  the  memory  of  the  dead  President,  none 
approached  in  majesty  and  impressiveness  that  utter  abandonment  of  all 


£30  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

occupation  for  the  moments  when  the  burial  was  actually  taking  place. 
For  five  minutes,  from  2 130  to  2 135,  there  was  absolute  rest  throughout  the 
nation.  That  was  the  time  when  the  body  of  the  murdered  President  was 
being  lifted  to  its  last  final  repose. 

And  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  not  a  wheel  turned  for  those  five 
minutes. 

For  the  space  of  five  minutes  every  train  in  the  country  was  stopped, 
and  held  motionless.  Engineers,  firemen,  conductors  and  crews  paused 
for  that  period  in  their  occupation,  turned  devoutly  to  the  little  town  where 
the  last  sad  rites  were  being  performed,  and  sent  their  thoughts  out  to  the 
hovering  spirit  of  the  man  who  had  fallen. 

Labor  in  shop,  in  store,  on  farm,  in  mill — everywhere — had  ceased. 

That  stopping  of  America,  that  pause  of  the  United  States,  that  wait  of 
every  citizen  while  the  body  of  one  dead  was  lowered  to  the  tomb,  is  a 
mightier  miracle  than  that  which  marked  the  last  victory  of  Judea's  leader. 

Five  minutes  taken  out  of  life!  Five  minutes  snatched  from  activity, 
lost  to  productive  effort,  subtracted  from  material  struggle!  It  is  an  amaz- 
ing thing  in  the  most  energetic,  the  most  thrifty  nation  on  the  face  of  the 
earth. 

And  yet  that  five  minutes,  stricken  from  the  total  money  value  of  the 
day,  brought  in  return  a  sense  of  tenderness,  of  fraternity  with  all  the  other 
millions  waiting,  bowed  and  reverent,  which  nothing  else  could  have  pro- 
duced. That  five  minutes  was  the  best  investment  that  busy  lives  could 
make.  It  brought  them  nearer  to  the  ideal  life  that  had  been  ended.  It 
helped  to  impress  upon  them  the  value  of  his  splendid  example.  It  gave 
them  a  better  confidence  in  the  citizenship  of  America.  It  enacted  anew 
the  law  of  love,  and  blessed  with  its  swift  ministrations  the  purer  patriotism 
for  which  this  man  of  the  people,  this  believer  in  God  had  stood  as  a  repre- 
sentative. 

Silence  and  tears  for  the  noble  victim  of  malignant  hate ;  new  resolves  for 
the  upholding  of  law  and  the  extension  of  real  liberty;  unbounded  faith  in 
the  stability  of  our  republican  institutions;  an  impressive  warning  to  the 
foes  of  order — such  was  the  day's  meaning  to  every  loyal  American  citizen. 

Eighty  millions  of  people  gathered  about  six  feet  by  two  of  hallowed  earth  1 
That  is  the  spectacle  bought  at  a  price  so  matchless. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

ASSASSINATIONS   OF   LINCOLN  AND   GARFIELD. 

There  had  been  a  long  and  fratricidal  war,  the  most  pitiful  that  has  ever 
occurred  in  the  history  of  the  world,  or  even  that  of  heaven,  described  by 
Milton.  For  in  the  latter  the  rebellious  ones  were  urged  on  by  envy  and 
utter  wickedness,  with  no  thought  of  right  on  their  side,  and  their  end  was 
"outer  darkness."  In  the  Civil  War  between  the  States,  both  sides  fought 
for  what  they  deemed  the  right,  and  the  patriotism  of  both  was  as  pure  as 
mother  love. 

Born  of  the  one  side  and  nurtured  by  the  other,  Abraham  Lincoln  loved 
both  alike,  but  the  logic  of  events  and  the  uncontrollable  influences  of 
environment  made  him  the  President  and  partisan  of  the  Union,  the  head 
and  director  of  a  stern,  relentless,  cruel  and  long-continued  war,  for  the 
preservation  of  that  Union's  integrity  on  one  side,  for  independence  and  the 
strong  claim  of  "States  rights"  on  the  other. 

There  had  been  marches  and  battles,  sufferings  unspeakable,  misery, 
sorrow,  death,  destruction,  all  the  woes  of  war,  on  both  sides,  four  long, 
dark  years,  and  through  it  all  steadfast  in  duty,  earnest  and  honest,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  with  a  heart  as  great  as  God  giveth, 
and  an  intelligence  as  high  as  heaven,  had,  with  kindly  face  and  even  temper, 
borne  through  it  his  burden  of  responsibility  and  his  soul  sorrow  in  it  all. 

The  end  of  the  war  had  come,  and  the  great,  good  man,  who  had  thou- 
sands of  times  earned  the  satisfaction  and  sweet  peace  that  should  have 
come  to  him  and  been  to  him  a  living  joy,  was,  at  the  moment  of  his  worthy 
triumph  of  that  which  was  to  prove  "best  for  all,  laid  low  in  death,  at  the 
hands  of  a  monomaniac,  an  irresponsible,  unfortunate  enemy  to  both  causes 
and  to  himself. 

The  nation  mourned;  even  Lincoln's  enemies  condemned  the  deed,  and 
from  that  day  to  this  there  has  been  a  deep  regret  in  the  heart  of  that  gener- 
ation, and  the  generation  that  has  succeeded,  that  Lincoln  did  not  live  to 
see  the  great  good  that  he  had  wrought.  Yet  in  the  finitude  of  human 
understanding  we  may  not  have  fully  felt  that  Jehovah's  wisdom  called  him 
to  the  higher  and  broader  sphere  of  heaven  that  he  might  in  a  more  exalted 
and  perfect  manner  enjoy  the  results  of  his  great  work. 

431 


432  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

But  Lincoln  lived  to  see  the  dawn  of  peace.  When  he  came  to  deliver 
his  second  inaugural  address  the  way  was  clear,  but  in  that  splendid  effort 
there  was  not  a  note  of  victory;  there  was  no  exultation  over  a  fallen  foe. 
It  breathed  but  the  spirit  of  brotherly  love  and  the  incense  of  prayerful 
hopes. 

"With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  the 
right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to 
bind  up  the  nation's  wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle, 
and  for  his  widow  and  his  orphans,  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish 
a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations."  This  was 
the  word  and  spirit  of  his  way  in  all  the  trying  time.  He  went  down  to 
death  with  that  flowing  from  his  soul  and  as  a  benediction  to  the  people, 
the  republic  and  its  institutions. 

It  was  not  long  after  this  beautiful  message  that  General  Lee  gave  up 
his  stronghold  at  Richmond,  departing  with  about  half  of  his  original  army, 
and  that  closely  pursued  by  the  victorious  hosts  led  by  General  Grant.  The 
army  in  blue  overtook  the  gray  remnant  at  Appomattox,and  there  one  April 
day,  amid  its  sunshine  and  showers,  its  smiles  and  its  tears,  War's  sable 
plume  bowed  before  the  white  banner  of  Peace,  and  Lincoln's  great  mission 
had  been  performed. 

The  flag  of  the  Union  had  once  more  become  the  flag  of  all  the  country, 
and  in  this  condition  of  affai'*"  President  Lincoln  visited  Richmond  and  the 
final  scenes  of  the  mighty  conflict  and  then  returned  to  Washington  to 
begin  his  new  work  of  "binding  up  the  nation's  wounds." 

He  had  now  reached  the  climax  of  his  career  and  had  touched  the  high- 
est point  of  his  greatness.  His  great  task  was  done  and  the  heavy  burden 
that  had  so  long  worn  upon  his  heart  had  been  lifted  off  and  carried  away. 
Then,  when  the  whole  nation  was  rejoicing  over  the  return  of  peace,  the 
Saviour  of  the  Union  was  stricken  dqwn  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin. 

From  early  youth,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  followed  by  presentiments  that 
he  would  die  a  violent  death,  or  that  his  final  days  would  be  marked  by  some 
great  tragic  event.  And  yet  from  the  time  of  his  first  election  to  the  Presi- 
dency it  had  been  an  unsuccessful  task  upon  the  part  of  his  closest  friends  to 
endeavor  to  make  him  understand  that  he  was  in  constant  danger  of  assassina- 
tion; for,  notwithstanding  his  presentiments,  he  always  laughed  at  their 
fears  in  that  direction,  in  his  splendid  courage. 

During  the  summer  months  he  lived  at  the  Soldiers'  Home,  some  miles 
from  Washington,  and  frequently  made  the  trip  between  the  White  House 


ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD.  433 

and  the  Home,  unguarded  and  without  escort.  Secretary  of  War  Stanton  and 
Ward  Lamon,  Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  were  in  a  constant  state 
of  alarm  over  this  unnecessary  exposure  of  the  President  to  the  danger  of 
assassination.  They  frequently  warned  him  and  provided  suitable  bodyguards 
to  attend  him.  But  Lincoln  as  constantly  gave  the  guards  the  slip,  and,  mount- 
ing his  favorite  saddle-horse,  would  set  out  alone,  and  often  after  dark,  for  the 
lone  ride  to  his  place  of  rest. 

One  night,  while  thus  riding,  a  would-be  assassin  fired  on  him  from 
ambush,  the  bullet  passing  through  his  famous  high  hat.  But  Lincoln  never 
would  admit  that  the  shot  had  been  fired  to  kill  him.  He  persisted  in  attrib- 
uting the  incident  to  an  accident,  and  begged  his  friends  to  forget  it  and  say 
nothing  concerning  it. 

Now  that  all  the  circumstances  are  known  as  to  the  assassination,  it  has 
been  made  plain  that  there  was  a  deep-laid  and  well-conceived  plot  to  kill 
President  Lincoln  long  before  the  crime  was  actually  committed. 

When  Lincoln  was  delivering  his  second  inaugural  address,  on  the  steps  of 
the  Capitol,  an  excited  individual  attempted  to  force  his  way  through  the 
guards  in  the  building  to  get  on  the  platform  with  the  President.  It  was 
afterward  learned  that  this  man  was  John  Wilkes  Booth,  who  was  afterward 
more  successful  in  his  assassin  intent.  On  the  night  of  April  14,  1865,  at 
Ford's  Theater,  Washington,  the  assassin  accomplished  his  terrible  purpose. 

The  manager  of  that  theater  had  invited  the  President  to  witness  a  per- 
formance of  a  new  play,  "Our  American  Cousin,"  in  which  the  then  famous 
actress,  Laura  Keane,  was  playing.  Lincoln  was  peculiarly  fond  of  the  theater. 
It  was  his  most  satisfactory  source  of  relaxation  from  the  burdens  and  anxieties 
of  his  life.  He  particularly  delighted  in  Shakespeare's  plays  and  never  lost 
a  reasonable  opportunity  to  witness  their  worthy  presentation.  Mrs.  Lincoln 
was  even  more  fond  of  the  drama,  and  was  less  discriminating  in  her  choice  as 
to  plays. 

As  "Our  American  Cousin"  was  a  new  play,  the  President  was  not  spe- 
cially anxious  to  see  it,  but  as  Mrs.  Lincoln  was  very  much  inclined  to  attend, 
her  husband  consented  and  accepted  the  invitation. 

General  Grant  was  in  Washington  at  the  time,  and  as  he  was  extremely 
anxious  about  the  personal  safety  of  the  President,  he  reported  every  day 
regularly  at  the  White  House.  Thus  the  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  had  been 
invited  by  the  President  to  accompany  him  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  on  this  occasion, 
and  Grant  had  accepted,  but  at  the  moment  while  the  General  and  the  Presi- 
were  talking  on  the  subject,  a  message  came  from  Mrs.  Grant  to  the 


434  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

effect  that  she  wished  to  leave  Washington  that  evening  to  visit  her  daughter 
in  Burlington.  General  Grant  thereupon  made  his  excuses  to  the  President 
and  went  his  way  to  accompany  his  wife  to  the  railway  station.  It  afterwards 
became  known  that  it  was  part  of  the  plot  to  assassinate  General  Grant  also, 
and  but  for  the  fortunate  departure  of  Mrs.  Grant  from  Washington,  the 
great  commander  would  have  fallen  with  his  illustrious  chief. 

General  Grant  afterward  remarked  that  as  he  and  Mrs.  Grant  were  riding 
along  Pennsylvania  avenue  to  the  railway  station,  a  horseman  rode  rapidly 
by  them,  but  wheeled  his  horse  and  came  back,  peering  into  the  carriage  as  he 
passed. 

Mrs.  Grant,  at  the  time,  said  to  the  General :  "That  is  the  very  man  who 
sat  near  us  at  luncheon  to-day,  and  tried  to  overhear  our  conversation.  He 
was  so  rude,  you  remember,  as  to  cause  us  to  leave  the  dining-room.  Here 
he  is  again,  riding  after  us." 

General  Grant  attributed  the  actions  of  the  man  to  idle  curiosity,  but 
learned  afterward  that  the  man  was  John  Wilkes  Booth. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  probable  reason  for  Lincoln's  disinclination 
to  attend  the  theater  on  that  fatal  night  was  something  of  a  promise  that  he 
had  made  to  his  friend  and  bodyguard,  who  had  once  been  his  law  partner, 
Ward  Lamon,  then  Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Two  days  previous  Lincoln  had  sent  Lamon  to  Richmond  on  business 
connected  with  the  call  of  a  convention  to  discuss  reconstruction.  Before  his 
departure,  Lamon  had  held  an  interview  with  Mr.  Usher,  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  in  which  he  had  requested  the  Secretary  to  endeavor  to  persuade  the 
President  to  be  more  cautious  as  to  his  personal  safety,  and  to  go  out  as  little 
as  possible  while  Lamon  was  absent.  Together  they  called  upon  the  President, 
and  Lamon  preferred  his  request  for  the  promise. 

"I  think  I  can  venture  to  say  I  will,"  was  the  reply.    "What  is  it?" 

"Promise  me  that  you  will  not  go  out,  after  night,  while  I  am  gone,"  said 
Lamon,  "particularly  to  the  theater." 

President  Lincoln  turned  to  Secretary  Usher  and  said :  "Usher,  this  boy 
is  a  monomaniac  on  the  subject  of  my  safety.  I  can  hear  him  or  hear  of  him 
being  around  at  all  times  in  the  night,  to  prevent  somebody  from  murdering  me. 
He  thinks  I  shall  be  killed,  and  we  think  he  is  going  crazy.  What  does  any 
one  want  to  assassinate  me  for?  If  any  one  wants  to  do  so,  he  can  do  it  any 
day  or  night,  if  he  is  ready  to  give  his  life  for  mine.  It  is  nonsense." 

The  Secretary,  however,  insisted  that  it  would  be  well  to  heed  Lamon's 


ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD.  435 

warning,  as  he  was  thrown,  all  the  time,  among  persons  from  whom  he  had 
better  opportunities  to  know  concerning  such  matters,  than  any  one  else. 

"Well,"  said  the  President  to  the  Marshal,  "I  promise  to  do  the  best  I  can 
toward  it." 

The  assassination  of  President  Lincoln  was  most  carefully  planned,  even 
to  the  smallest  detail.  The  box  set  apart  for  the  President's  party  was  a  double 
one,  in  the  second  tier,  and  at  the  left  of  the  stage.  It  had  two  doors  with 
spring  locks,  but  Booth  had  loosened  the  screws  with  which  the  locks  were 
fastened,  so  that  it  was  impossible  to  secure  them  from  the  inside.  In  one 
door  he  had  made  a  gimlet  hole,  in  order  to  be  able  to  see  what  was  going 
on  inside. 

An  employe  of  the  theater,  named  Spangler,  who  was  an  accomplice  of 
the  assassin,  had  even  gone  so  far  as  to  arrange  the  seats  in  the  box  to  suit  the 
purpose  of  the  assassin. 

On  that  eventful  night  the  body  of  the  theater  was  densely  crowded  with 
people.  The  presidential  party  arrived  a  few  minutes  after  nine  o'clock  and 
was  composed  of  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln,  Miss  Harris  and  Mayor 
Rathbone,  daughter  and  step-son  of  Senator  Harris  of  New  York,  and  the 
vast  audience  arose  and  cheered  as  the  President  was  ushered  to  his  box. 

Booth,  the  assassin,  came  into  the  theater  about  ten  o'clock,  and  being 
a  well-known  actor,  of  influence  in  his  circle,  could  easily  take  unusual 
liberties  about  the  theater. 

He  had  not  only  planned  to  kill  the  President,  but  had  also  made  excel- 
lent arrangements  to  escape  into  Maryland.  A  swift  horse,  saddled,  bridled 
and  ready  for  the  venturesome  race,  was  in  waiting  at  the  rear  of  the 
theater.  For  a  few  minutes  the  assassin  pretended  to  be  interested  in  the 
play,  and  then  he  gradually  made  his  way  around  the  back  of  the  seats 
in  the  second  tier  to  the  door  of  the  President's  box. 

Before  reaching  that  point,  however,  he  was  halted  by  a  messenger  of 
the  President,  who  had  been  stationed  at  the  end  of  the  passage  leading  to 
the  boxes  to  prevent  the  intrusion  of  unwelcome  persons.  To  this  man 
Booth  delivered  a  card  purporting  to  be  a  message  from  the  President  to  the 
effect  that  he  had  sent  for  the  bearer.  Thus  Booth  was  permitted  to  enter. 

Inside  the  passageway  leading  to  the  boxes  the  assassin  closed  the  outer 
door  and  secured  it  with  a  bar  that  had  been  provided  for  the  occasion. 
Thus  it  became  impossible  for  any  one  on  the  outside  to  follow  the  assassin 
by  means  immediately  at  hand.  Booth  quickly  entered  the  box  by  the  right 
hand  door  to  where  the  President  was  sitting  in  the  left  hand  corner, 


436  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

nearest  the  audience  and  in  an  easy  armchair.  He  was  leaning  on  one  hand 
and  held  with  the  other  a  fold  of  the  drapery.  He,  with  the  others,  was 
intently  watching  the  performance  on  the  stage,  and  a  pleasant  smile  was 
on  his  face. 

In  the  right  hand  the  assassin  carried  a  small,  silver-mounted  derringer 
pistol  and  in  his  left  a  long-bladed  double-edged  dagger.  The  pistol  he 
placed  behind  the  President's  left  ear  and  fired,  and  at  the  report  the  victim 
bent  slightly  forward,  his  eyes  closed,  but  in  every  other  respect  his  attitude 
remained  unchanged. 

The  report  of  the  pistol  startled  Major  Rathbone,  who  sprang  to  his 
feet  and  grappled  with  the  assassin,  who  was  then  about  six  feet  away  from 
the  President.  Booth  escaped  from  the  grasp  of  Major  Rathbone  and 
throwing  down  the  pistol  struck  at  Rathbone  with  the  dagger,  inflicting 
a  severe  wound.  The  assassin  then  placed  his  hand  lightly  on  the  railing 
of  the  box  and  vaulted  to  the  stage,  eight  or  ten  feet  below. 

The  President's  box  had  been  heavily  draped  with  a  large  flag  of  the 
Union,  and  in  jumping  Booth's  spurs  caught  in  the  folds  of  the  flag,  which 
was  carried  with  him,  and  as  he  fell  heavily  his  ankle  was  sprained,  an  inci- 
dent that  more  than  anything  else  led  to  his  capture  and  death. 

The  assassin,  as  he  arose,  walked,  without  sign  of  pain,  and  theatrically, 
across  the  stage,  and  as  he  did  so  turned  to  the  audience,  flourished  his 
dagger  and  exclaimed,  "Sic  semper  tyrannis!"  adding,  "The  South  is 
avenged !" 

The  audience  was  stunned  for  the  moment  with  horror,  and  seemed 
incapable  of  action,  excepting  one  man,  a  lawyer  named  Stuart.  He  instantly 
comprehended  the  situation  and  leaping  to  the  stage  attempted  the  capture 
of  the  assassin,  but  Booth,  being  familiar  with  the  arrangement  of  the  stage, 
eluded  his  pursuer  by  darting  out  through  one  of  the  stage  entrances  to  a 
rear  door,  where  the  horse  stood,  held  in  readiness  for  him,  and  vaulting  into 
the  saddle,  dashed  away,  taking  a  street  leading  into  Virginia. 

Miss  Keane  rushed  to  the  President's  box  with  water  and  stimulants, 
and  medical  aid  was  quickly  at  hand. 

The  full  import  of  the  act  dawned  upon  the  audience  and  it  realized 
the  tragedy,  then  followed  a  scene  such  as  has  never  been  witnessed  in  any 
other  public  gathering.  Women  wept,  shrieked  and  fainted,  men  raved 
and  swore,  and  horror  was  depicted  upon  every  face.  Before  the  audience 
could  emerge  from  the  theater  horsemen  were  dashing  through  the  streets, 


ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD.  437 

and  the  telegraph  was  carrying  the  details  of  the  awful  tragedy  to  all  the 
world. 

The  assassin's  bullet  did  not  produce  instant  death,  but  the  President 
never  again  became  conscious.  He  was  carried  to  a  house  opposite  the 
theater,  where  he  died  the  next  morning.  In  the  meantime  the  authorities 
had  become  aware  of  the  wide-reaching  conspiracy,  and  the  capital  was  in 
a  state  of  terror. 

On  the  night  of  the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  Secretary  of  State  Seward 
was  attacked,  though  in  bed  with  a  broken  arm,  by  Booth's  fellow-con- 
spirators and  badly  wounded. 

The  assassins  had  also  planned  to  take  the  lives  of  Vice-President  John- 
son and  Secretary  Stanton.  Booth  had  called  on  Vice-President  Johnson 
the  day  before,  and  not  finding  him,  had  left  a  card. 

Secretary  Stanton  acted  with  his  usual  promptness  and  courage,  and 
though  acting  as  President  during  the  period  of  excitement,  he  directed  the 
plans  for  the  capture  of  Booth. 

After  President  Lincoln  had  been  taken  to  the  house  where  he  died, 
he  was  at  once  divested  of  his  clothing  by  the  surgeons  in  attendance. 

Surgeon-General  Barnes  presiding,  examined  the  wound,  and  it  was  at 
once  seen  that  he  could  not  possibly  survive  many  hours.  The  ball  had 
entered  on  the  left  side  of  the  head,  behind  the  left  ear,  and  three  inches 
from  it.  Its  course  was  obliquely  forward,  traversing  the  brain,  and  lodging 
just  behind  the  right  eye.  The  President  was  at  once  surrounded  by  the 
prominent  officers  of  the  government.  Mrs.  Lincoln,  overcome  with  emo- 
tion, was  led  from  the  theater  to  the  house  where  her  husband  lay.  Secretary 
McCullough,  Attorney-General  Speed,  Secretary  Welles,  Senator  Sumner, 
and  other  distinguished  gentlemen,  remained  in  the  room  through  the 
night. 

When  first  brought  into  the  house  the  Presidents  breathing  was  regular, 
but  difficult.  This  continued  throughout  the  night,  he  giving,  with  occa- 
sional exceptions,  no  indications  of  suffering,  and  remaining,  with  closed 
eyes,  perfectly  unconscious.  At  about  seven  in  the  morning  his  breathing 
became  more  difficult,  and  was  interrupted  at  intervals  sometimes  for  so 
long  a  time  that  he  was  supposed  to  be  dead.  At  twenty-two  minutes  past 
seven  he  ceased  breathing,  and  thus  expired.  There  was  no  convulsive 
action,  no  rattling  in  the  throat,  no  appearance  of  suffering  of  any  kind — 
none  of  the  symptoms  which  ordinarily  attend  dissolution  and  add  to  its 
terrors.  From  the  instant  he  was  struck  by  the  ball  of  the  assassin,  he  had 


438  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

not  given  the  slightest  indication  that  he  was  conscious  of  anything  that 
occurred  around  him. 

The  news  that  the  President  had  been  shot  spread  at  once  through  the 
town,  and  was  instantly  followed  by  tidings  of  a  murderous  assault,  still 
more  terrible  in  its  details,  upon  the  Secretary  of  State.     Some  days  pre- 
viously Mr.  Seward  had  been  thrown  from  his  carriage,  and  seriously  in- 
jured.   His  right  arm  was  broken  above  the  elbow,  his  jaw  was  fractured, 
and  his  whole  system  seriously  shattered.     For  nearly  a  fortnight  he  had 
been  confined  to  his  bed,  unable  to  swallow  anything  but  liquids,  and  re- 
duced, by  pain  and  this  enforced  abstinence,  to  a  state  of  extreme  debility. 
His  room  was  on  the  third  floor  of  his  residence  in  Madison  Place,  fronting 
on  President  Square,  and  the  bed  on  which  he  lay  stood  opposite  the  door 
by  which  the  room  was  entered,  and  about  ten  feet  from  it.     At  a  few 
minutes  past  ten — within  five  minutes  of  the  time  when  the  President  was 
shot — a  man,  proved  afterwards  to  be  Lewis  Payne  Powell,  generally  known 
as  Payne,  rang  at  the  door  of  Mr.  Seward's  residence,  and  said  to  the  colored 
lad  who  opened  it  that  he  had  some  medicines  prescribed  for  Mr.  Seward 
by  Dr.  Verdi,  his  family  physician,  which  he  must  deliver  in  person.    The 
lad  said  that  no  one  could  go  up  to  Mr.  Seward's  room;  but  Payne  pushed 
him  aside  and  rushed  up  stairs.     He  had  reached  the  third  floor,  and  was 
about  to  enter  Mr.  Seward's  room,  when  he  was  confronted  by  Mr.  Fred- 
erick W.  Seward,  the  Secretary's  son,  to  whom  he  made  the  same  statement 
of  his  errand.    He  was  refused  admission,  when  he  drew  a  pistol  and  snapped 
it  at  Frederick  without  effect;   he  then  struck  him  with  it  upon  the  head 
twice,  with  such  force  as  to  break  the  pistol  and  prostrate  his  victim,  frac- 
turing his  skull.    Hearing  the  noice,  Miss  Fannie  Seward,  who  was  in  her 
father's  room,  opened  the  door,  into  which  Payne  instantly  rushed,  and, 
drawing  a  bowie-knife,  threw  himself  upon  the  bed,  and  made  three  power- 
ful stabs  at  the  throat  of  Mr.  Seward,  who  had  raised  himself  up  at  the  first 
alarm,  and  who  instantly  divined  the  real  nature  and  intention  of  the  assault. 
Each  blow  inflicted  a  terrible  wound,  but,  before  the  assassin  could  deal 
another,  he  was  seized  around  the  body  by  an  invalid  soldier  named  Robin- 
son, who  was  in  attendance  as  nurse,  and  who  strove  to  drag  the  murderer 
from  his  victim.    Payne  at  once  struck  at  Robinson  and  inflicted  upon  him 
several  serious  wounds,  but  did  not  succeed  in  freeing  himself  from  his  grasp. 
Mr.  Seward,  the  instant  his  murderer's  attention  was  withdrawn  from  him, 
threw  himself  off  the  bed  at  the  farther  side;  and  Payne,  finding  that  his 
victim  was  thus  beyond  his  reach,  broke  away  from  Robinson,  and  rushed 


ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD.  439 

to  the  door.  The  colored  lad  in  the  lower  hall  had  run  into  the  street  for 
help,  and  Miss  Fannie  Seward  shouted  "Murder!"  from  the  upper  window. 
The  assassin,  on  reaching  the  upper  hall,  met  Major  Augustus  Seward, 
another  son  of  the  Secretary,  whom  he  struck  with  his  dagger,  and  on  the 
stairs  encountered  Mr.  Hansell,  one  of  the  Secretary's  attendants,  whom  he 
stabbed  in  the  back.  Forcing  his  way  through  all  these  obstacles,  he  rushed 
down  the  stairs,  and  finding,  to  his  surprise,  no  one  there  to  oppose  his 
progress,  he  passed  out  at  the  front  door,  mounted  a  horse  he  had  left 
standing  in  front  of  the  house,  and  rode  leisurely  away. 

When  the  news  of  this  appalling  tragedy  spread  through  the  city,  it 
carried  consternation  to  every  heart.  Treading  close  on  the  heels  of  the 
President's  murder — perpetrated,  indeed,  at  the  same  instant — it  was  in- 
stinctively felt  to  be  the  work  of  a  conspiracy,  secret,  remorseless,  and 
terrible.  The  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Stanton,  had  left  Mr.  Seward's  bedside 
not  twenty  minutes  before  the  assault,  and  was  in  his  private  chamber,  pre- 
paring to  retire,  when  a  messenger  brought  tidings  of  the  tragedy,  and 
summoned  his  instant  attendance.  On  his  way  to  Mr.  Seward's  house,  Mr. 
Stanton  heard  of  the  simultaneous  murder  of  the  President,  and  instantly 
felt  that  the  Government  was  enveloped  in  the  meshes  of  a  conspiracy, 
whose  agents  were  unknown,  and  which  was  all  the  more  terrible  for  the 
darkness  and  mystery  in  which  it  moved.  Orders  were  instantly  given  to 
close  all  drinking-shops  and  all  places  of  public  resort  in  the  city,  guards 
were  stationed  at  every  point,  and  all  possible  precautions  were  taken  for 
the  safety  of  the  Vice-President  and  other  prominent  Government  officials. 
A  vague  terror  brooded  over  the  population  of  the  town.  Men  whispered 
to  each  other  as  they  met,  in  the  gloom  of  midnight,  and  the  deeper  gloom 
of  the  shadowy  crime  which  surrounded  them.  Presently,  passionate  indig- 
nation replaced  this  paralysis  of  the  public  heart,  and,  but  for  the  precautions 
adopted  on  the  instant  by  the  Government,  the  public  vengeance  would 
have  been  wreaked  upon  the  rebels  confined  in  the  Old  Capitol  Prison.  All 
these  feelings,  however,  gradually  subsided,  and  gave  way  to  a  feeling  of 
intense  anxiety  for  the  life  of  the  President.  Crowds  of  people  assembled 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  house  where  the  dying  martyr  lay,  eager  for 
tidings  of  his  condition,  throughout  the  night;  and  when,  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, it  was  announced  that  he  was  dead,  a  feeling  of  solemn  awe  filled  every 
heart,  and  sat,  a  brooding  grief,  upon  every  face. 

And  so  it  was  through  all  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land.  In  every 
Statez  in  every  town,  in  every  household,  there  was  a  dull  and  bitter  agony, 


440  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

as  the  telegraph  bore  tidings  of  the  awful  deed.  Everywhere  throughout 
the  Union,  the  public  heart,  bounding  with  exultation  at  the  triumphant 
close  of  the  great  war,  and  ready  to  celebrate  with  a  mighty  joy  the  return 
of  peace,  stood  Still  with  a  sacred  terror,  as  it  was  smitten  by  the  terrible 
tidings  from  the  capital  of  the  Nation.  In  the  great  cities  of  the  land  all 
business  instantly  stopped — no  man  had  the  heart  to  think  of  gain — flags 
drooped  half-mast  from  every  winged  messenger  of  the  sea,  from  every 
church  spire,  from  every  tree  of  liberty,  and  from  every  public  building. 
Masses  of  the  people  came  together  by  a  spontaneous  impulse,  to  look  in 
each  other's  faces,  as  if  they  could  read  there  some  hint  of  the  meaning  of 
these  dreadful  deeds — some  omen  of  the  country's  fate.  Thousands  upon 
thousands,  drawn  by  a  common  feeling,  crowded  around  every  place  of 
public  resort,  and  listened  eagerly  to  whatever  any  public  speaker  chose  to 
say.  Wall  street,  in  New  York,  was  thronged  by  a  vast  multitude  of  men, 
to  whom  eminent  public  officials  addressed  words  of  sympathy  and  of  hope. 
Gradually  as  the  day  wore  on,  emblems  of  mourning  were  hung  from  the 
windows  of  every  house  throughout  the  town,  and  before  the  sun  had  set 
every  city,  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  to  which  tidings 
of  the  great  calamity  had  been  borne  by  the  telegraph,  was  enshrouded  in 
the  shadow  of  the  national  grief.  On  the  next  day,  which  was  Sunday,  every 
pulpit  resounded  with  eloquent  eulogies  of  the  murdered  President,  and 
with  such  comments  on  his  death  as  faith  in  an  overruling  Providence  alone 
could  prompt.  The  whole  country  was  plunged  into  profound  grief — and 
none  deplored  the  crime  which  had  deprived  the  Nation  of  its  head  with 
more  sincerity  than  those  who  had  been  involved  in  the  guilt  of  the  rebellion, 
and  who  had  just  begun  to  appreciate  those  merciful  and  forgiving  elements 
in  Mr.  Lincoln's  character,  whose  exercise  they  themselves  would  need  so 
soon. 

Immediately  after  his  death,  the  body  of  the  President  was  removed  to 
the  Executive  Mansion,  embalmed,  and  placed  ,in  the  Green  Room,  which 
had  been  prepared  by  suitable  emblems  of  mourning  for  its  reception.  Near 
the  center  of  the  room  stood  the  grand  catafalque  four  feet  high,  upon  which 
rested  the  mahogany  coffin,  covered  with  flowers — the  last  sad  offerings  of 
affection — in  which  the  body  was  placed  for  its  final  rest. 

The  conspiracy  to  assassinate  President  Lincoln  involved  altogether 
twenty-five  people.  Among  the  number  captured  and  tried  were  David 
C.  Herold,  G.  W.  Atzerodt,  Louis  Payne,  Edward  Spangler,  Michael 
O'Longhlin,  Samuel  Arnold,  Mrs.  Surratt  and  Dr.  Samuel  Mudd.  Dr. 


ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD.  441 

Mudd  was  deported  to  the  Dry  Tortugas.  While  there  an  epidemic  of 
yellow  fever  broke  out  and  he  rendered  such  good  service  that  he  was 
granted  a  pardon  and  died  some  years  ago  in  Maryland. 

John  Surratt,  the  son  of  the  woman  who  was  hanged,  made  his  escape  to 
Italy,  where  he  became  one  of  the  Papal  guards  in  the  Vatican  at  Rome. 
His  presence  there  was  discovered  by  Archbishop  Hughes,  and  although 
there  were  no  extradition  laws  to  cover  the  case,  the  Italian  Government 
gave  him  up  to  the  United  States  authorities. 

He  had  two  trials.  At  the  first  the  jury  disagreed;  the  long  delay  before 
his  second  trial  allowed  him  to  escape  by  pleading  the  statute  of  limitation. 
Spangler  and  O'Loughlin  were  sent  to  the  Dry  Tortugas  and  served  their 
time. 

Ford,  the  owner  of  the  theater  in  which  the  President  was  assassinated, 
was  a  Southern  sympathizer,  and  when  he  attempted  to  reopen  his  theater, 
after  the  great  national  tragedy,  Secretary  Stanton  refused  to  allow  it.  The 
Government  afterward  bought  the  property  and  turned  it  into  a  national 
museum. 

Booth,  the  arch-conspirator,  accompanied  by  David  C.  Herold,  finally 
made  his  way  into  Maryland,  where,  eleven  days  after  the  assassination,  the 
two  were  discovered  in  a  barn.  Herold  surrendered,  but  Booth,  who  refused 
to  be  taken  alive,  was  shot  and  killed  by  Boston  Corbett,  a  sergeant  of 
cavalry. 

ASSASSINATION  OF  GARFIELD. 

In  this  fair  republic  of  ours,  a  fabric  of  government  strong  in  structure, 
superb  and  imposing,  chaste  and  grand;  a  temple  whose  real  devotees  are 
true-hearted  patriots,  there  has  not  been  one  who  has  more  perfectly  exem- 
plified the  possibilities  of  American  youth  than  James  Abram  Garfield,  child  of 
penury,  farmer  lx)y,  canal-boat  lad,  student,  teacher,  statesman,  soldier,  Presi- 
dent, martyr.  In  all,  true  and  brave,  endowed  with  the  royalty  of  right  man- 
hood, that  was  becoming  as  a  sovereign  citizen,  a  pattern  and  a  patriot. 

He  won  his  way,  almost  from  babyhood  to  the  most  exalted  place  in  the 
nation,  by  conscientious  and  industrious  work,  purity  of  purpose,  carefulness 
of  character,  guided,  at  every  moment,  by  simple  rules  of  truth  and  honor. 

His  heritage  was  that  of  every  healthy  boy  in  the  United  States,  stronger 
than  money,  fairer  than  influence,  better  than  brilliancy,  more  potent  than 
genius. 

Determination  to  rise,  steadfastness  of  purpose,  well-directed  common- 
sense,  commendable  ambition.  These  were  the  factors  that  made  the  man, 


442  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

whose  unsullied  name  is  graven  high  in  the  history  of  the  republic,  and  whose 
life  was  a  satisfaction  to  himself,  his  associates  and  his  people.  Exalted  with- 
out ostentation,  great  without  conceit,  helpful  to  his  family,  his  friends,  his 
race,  his  country  and  himself,  blessed  of  God,  the  beginning  and  end  of  a 
benediction. 

His  death  was  an  accident  of  fate. 

Saturday,  July  2,,  1881,  was  a  fair,  hot  midsummer  day.  The  inmates  of 
the  White  House  were  astir  early.  The  President  was  going  to  Massachusetts 
to  attend  the  commencement  exercises  at  his  old  college  at  Williamstown,  and 
afterward  to  take  a  holiday  jaunt  through  New  England,  accompanied  by  sev- 
eral members  of  the  Cabinet  and  other  friends.  His  wife,  who  was  at  Long 
Branch,  New  Jersey,  just  recovering  from  a  severe  attack  of  malarial  fever, 
was  to  join  him  at  New  York.  He  had  looked  forward  with  almost  boyish 
delight  to  his  trip,  and  was  in  high  spirits  as  he  and  Secretary  Elaine  drove 
off  to  the  railway  station. 

There  was  no  crowd  about.  Most  of  those  who  were  to  take  the  train  had 
already  gone  on  board.  Among  the  few  persons  in  the  waiting-room  was  a 
slender,  middle-aged  man,  who  walked  up  and  down  rather  nervously,  occa- 
sionally looking  out  of  the  door  as  if  expecting  some  one.  There  was  nothing 
about  him  to  attract  special  notice,  and  no  one  paid  much  attention  to  him. 
When  President  Garfield  and  Mr.  Elaine  entered,  he  drew  back,  took  a  heavy 
revolver  from  his  pocket,  and,  taking  deliberate  aim,  fired.  The  ball  struck  the 
President  on  the  shoulder.  He  turned,  surprised,  to  see  who  had  shot  him. 
The  assassin  recocked  his  revolver  and  fired  again,  and  then  turned  to  flee. 
The  President  fell  to  the  floor,  the  blood  gushing  from  a  wound  in  his  side. 

In  a  moment  all  was  confusion  and  horror.  Secretary  Elaine  sprang  after 
the  assassin,  but,  seeing  that  he  was  caught,  turned  again  to  the  President. 
The  shock  had  been  great,  and  he  was  very  pale.  A  mattress  was  brought,  his 
tall  form  was  lifted  tenderly  into  an  ambulance,  and  he  was  swiftly  borne  to 
the  Executive  Mansion.  His  first  thought  was  for  his  wife — the  beloved  wife 
of  his  youth,  just  recovering  from  sickness,  expecting  in  a  few  hours  to  meet 
him.  How  would  she  bear  the  tidings  of  this  blow? 

"Rockwell,"  he  said,  faintly,  to  a  friend,  "I  want  you  to  send  a  message  to 
'Crete'  "  (the  pet  name  for  his  wife,  Lucretia).  "Tell  her  I  am  seriously  hurt 
— how  seriously  I  cannot  yet  say.  I  am  myself,  and  hope  she  will  come  to 
me  soon.  I  send  my  love  to  her."  During  the  dictation  of  the  dispatch,  Dr. 
Bliss  and  several  other  physicians  arrived.  A  hasty  inspection  demonstrated 
that  the  President  was  terribly  wounded. 


ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD.  443 

A  swift  train  brought  Mrs.  Garfield  to  her  husband's  side  that  evening. 
The  persons  present  in  the  sick-room  retired  to  allow  Mrs.  Garfield  to  meet 
her  husband  alone,  as  he  had  requested.  They  remained  together  only  five 
minutes;  but  the  effect  of  this  brief  interview  was  soon  seen  in  the  rallying 
of  the  almost  dying  man.  At  the  end  of  that  time  the  doctors  were  again 
admitted,  and  then  began  the  long  struggle  for  life,  with  its  fluctuations 
between  hope  and  dread,  which  lasted  for  almost  three  months.  Just  after 
Mrs.  Garfield's  arrival  there  was  a  sudden  collapse  which  seemed  to  be  the 
end,  and  the  family  of  the  President  were  hastily  summoned  to  his  bedside; 
but,  to  the  surprise  of  every  one,  the  crisis  passed,  and  for  three  weeks  he 
seemed  to  improve.  Then  came  a  turn  for  the  worse,  and  from  that  time 
the  President  lost  ground.  The  hot  summer  days,  hard  to  bear  even  for 
those  in  full  health,  wasted  and  weakened  him  terribly.  He  sank  steadily ;  and 
it  was  seen  that  unless  relief  from  the  intense  heat  could  be  had,  he  would 
inevitably  die  within  a  few  days.  It  was  decided  to  remove  him  to  Elberon, 
on  the  ocean  shore,  near  Long  Branch,  New  Jersey;  and  on  September  7th, 
accompanied  by  his  family  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  he  was  borne  by 
a  swift  special  train  northward  to  the  seaside.  A  summer  cottage  had  been 
offered  for  his  use,  and  there  for  two  anxious  weeks  lay  the  man  who,  it  may 
be  truly  said,  had  become 

'The  pillar  of  a  people's  hope, 
The  center  of  a  world's  desire." 

The  cooling  breezes  of  the  seaside  brought  some  relief,  and  the  change  no 
doubt  prolonged  his  life;  but  it  could  not  be  saved.  In  the  night  of  Septem- 
ber i gth,  almost  without  warning,  the  end  came;  the  feeble  flame  of  life,  so 
anxiously  watched  and  cherished,  flickered  a  moment,  and  then  went  out  in 
the  darkness. 

During  the  long,  sultry  days  of  that  anxious  summer,  for  many  hours  of 
the  day  and  night, throughout  all  the  land,wherevertherewasa  newspaper  or 
a  telegraph  office,  about  such  places  stood  groups  of  people,  measured  in  num- 
bers by  the  degree  of  population,  waiting  and  watching  eagerly  for  the  slips 
of  paper  which  from  time  to  time  were  posted  in  a  conspicuous  place  on  the 
front  of  the  building.  In  the  intervals  they  would  gather  in  little  knots  and 
talk  together  in  low  tones.  To  one  who  did  not  know  what  had  happened 
on  July  2d,  it  would  have  been  hard  to  guess  what  gathered  these  waiting 
crowds,  day  after  day,  throughout  the  land.  With  intense,  foreboding  suspense 
fifty  millions  of  people  were  watching  for  the  news  from  the  bedside  of  the 


444  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  LINCOLN  AND  GARFIELD. 

President  of  the  United  States,  who  had  been  stricken  down  by  the  bullet  of 
the  assassin.  Who  that  lived  through  that  long  summer  can  forget  those 
anxious  days  and  nights  ?  And  when  at  last  the  brave  struggle  for  life  was 
ended,  and  the  silent  form  was  borne  from  .he  seaside  to  rest  on  the  shores  of 
Lake  Erie,  who  can  forget  the  solemn  hush  which  seemed  to  prevail  every- 
where as  the  tomb  opened  to  receive  all  that  was  mortal  of  the  beloved  Presi- 
dent, James  A.  Garfield  ? 

The  President's  body  was  borne  back  to  Washington,  where  it  lay  in 
state,  viewed  by  great  throngs  of  mourning  people;  then  it  was  taken  west- 
ward to  Cleveland,  and  laid  in  the  tomb  by  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie,  almost  in 
sight  of  his  old  home.  The  journey  was  one  long  funeral  pageant.  For  almost 
the  entire  distance  the  railway  tracks  were  lined  with  crowds  of  people,  who, 
with  uncovered  heads,  stood  in  reverent  silence  as  the  train  passed.  Not 
since  the  day  when  that  other  dead  President,  the  great  Lincoln,  was  borne 
to  his  last  resting  place,  had  such  an  assembly  been  gathered;  and  the  love 
and  grief  which  followed  Garfield  to  his  grave  are  the  best  tribute  to  the  worth 
of  his  character. 

Five  months  later,  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  at  Wash- 
ington, amid  such  a  throng  as  that  chamber  has  seldom  seen,  Secretary  Elaine 
delivered  his  eulogy  of  the  dead  President ;  and  from  that  splendid  and  pathetic 
address  we  take  the  concluding  words,  which  will  fitly  close  this  brief  sketch : 

"As  the  end  drew  near,  his  early  craving  for  the  sea  returned.  The  stately 
mansion  of  power  had  been  to  him  the  wearisome  hospital  of  pain,  and  he 
begged  to  be  taken  from  its  prison  walls,  from  its  oppressive,  stifling  air,  from 
its  homelessness  and  hopelessness.  Gently,  silently,  the  love  of  a  great  people 
bore  the  pale  sufferer  to  the  longed-for  healing  of  the  sea,  to  live  or  to  die, 
as  God  should  will,  within  sight  of  its  heaving  billows,  within  sound  of  its 
manifold  voices.  With  wan,  fevered  face  tenderly  lifted  to  the  cooling  breeze, 
he  looked  out  wistfully  upon  the  ocean's  changing  wonders ;  on  its  fair  sails, 
whitening  in  the  morning  light;  on  its  restless  waves,  rolling  shoreward  to 
break  and  die  beneath  the  noonday  sun ;  on  the  red  clouds  of  evening,  arching 
low  to  the  horizon ;  on  the  serene  and  shining  pathway  of  the  stars.  Let  us 
think  that  his  dying  eyes  read  a  mystic  meaning  which  only  the  rapt  and  part- 
ing soul  may  know.  Let  us  believe  that  in  the  silence  of  the  receding  world 
he  heard  the  great  waves  breaking  on  a  further  shore,  and  felt  already  upon 
his  wasted  brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal  morning." 


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